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Full text of "Encyclopaedia Dictionary Islam Muslim World, etc, Gibb, Kramer, scholars. 13 vols & 12 vols. 1960-2004.1875.2009."

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Members: PJ. Bearman, Th. Biai 
J. van Ess, VV.P. HEIt 

l Inalcik, S.H. Nasr, M. Tal 

The preparation of this volume of the Encyclopaedia of Islam was made pos- 
sible in part through grants from the Research Tools Program of the National 
Endowment for the Humanities, an independent Federal Agency of the United 
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des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres; and the Royal Netherlands Academy of Sciences. 

The articles in this volume were published in double fascicules, the dates of publicE 

2003: Fascs. 7-8, pp. 425-572 
2004: Fascs. 9-10, pp. 573-716 
2004: Fascs. 11-12, pp. 717-844 

ISBN 90 04 13974 5 

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i her signature appeal-, \tademit affiliations 

edition ot this Emiilopaedia 01 horn the Shoitn Emuhpatdia of Ham \n astensk altei the name of the author 
in the text denotes an ai title repnnted horn the fust edition whith has been bi ought up to date b\ the 
Editoiial Committee, wheie an artitle has been ie\ised b\ a setond author his 01 hei name appeals within 
squaie biarkets altei the name ol the original author The laige numbei ot deaths among the contributors 
ot this Supplement \olume ieflects the fait that the fust thiee double tasticules weie published in the eaiK 
1980s 20-odd \eais befoie the last thiet fascicules E\er\ effort was made to asteitain whethei a tonliibu- 
tor to the Supplement \olume had died, 01 mo\ed m the time it took to tomplete and publish this Supplement 


\bdel Nour Pans 


to, J \BDEl-N 


ut 162 


\bu Deeb Urn 




\, hena Pans 






tei Univ 

Hamilton Ontai 



\lgar Unneis 
52 % H5 


)( C 


Berkeley. 24 

late M. Athar 


arh Mus 

im Universi 


3, 55, 57, 63, 1 



331, 36 

, 379, 411, 


R.M.A. Allen, Un 

f Pennsy 

Philadelphia. 58 

548, 637 


kle Joan Allgr 


, Un 

versity o 

' Mancheste 

Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, Ecole Pratique des 

Hautes Etudes, Paris. 754 
R. Amitai, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 722 
P.A. Andrews, University of Cologne. 839 
W.G. Andrews, University of Washington, Seattle. 

Ghaus Ansari, University of Vienna. 636 
A. Arazi, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 352 
S.A. Arjomand, State University of New York, 

Stony Brook. 531 
J.-L. Arnaud, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique (IRMC), Tunis. 623 
Ali S. Asani, Harvard University. 483 
T. Atabaki, University of Utrecht. 621 
Franchise Aubin, Centre National de la Recherche 

-lentifique, ~ ' — 

. 774 

, Yildiz Tec 


.1 Unr 

■ Nationa 


J.-L. Bacque-Grammoni 

Recherche Scientifique, Pans. 59 
Eva Baer, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 204, 407 
the late G. Baer, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 

179, 322, 370, 379, 410, 421 
M.A. al-Bakhit, Al al-Bayt University, Mafraq, 

Jordan. 556 
T. Bauer, University of Munster. 722 
the late A.F.L. Beeston, University of Oxford. 337 
M.AJ. Beg, Cambridge. 59, 172, 241, 268, 304, 

323, 342, 350, 463, 660, 759 
Doris Behrens-Abouseif, University of London. 588 
J.A. Bellamy, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 

J.E. Bi 

M. Berge, Bordeaux. 27 
Lidia Bettini, University of Flo 
Th. Bianq_u 

of Paris. 

Lyons. 503, 599, 687, 

[W. Bjorkman, Uppsala]. 508 

J.R. Blackburn, University of Toronto. 31 

Sheila S. Blair, Boston College. 458 

J. Blaskovic, Prague. 171 

F.C. de Blois, Royal Asiatic Society, Londor 

. 600, 

C.E. Boswor- 
103, 115, 

, Unh 


29, 149, 154, 

235, 238, 246, 270, 279, 

280, 285, 302, 305, 309, 326, 327, 329, 332, 

367, 368, 376, 378, 382, 384, 387, 395, 398, 

411, 458, 459, 460, 462, 502, 507, 509, 527, 

529, 542, 543, 547, 550, 556, 602, 618, 632, 

636, 637, 662, 682, 683, 684, 686, 695, 696, 

699, 703, 710, 713, 736, 817 
Ch. Botiv/ 

, Yal 


. 313 

the late J.A. Boyle, University of Manchester. 203 

V.I. Braginsky, University of London. 729 

Yu. Bregel, Indiana University, Bloomington. 46, 

98, 169, 228, 281, 340, 420 
J.T.P. de Bruijn, University of Leiden. 22, 63, 83, 

236, 334, ' 

, Univt 

i, 831 

f Pari; 

J. Calmar 

Scientifique, P; 

the late M. 


A. Carmo 

ma, Un 

Lucy Car 


J. Carswf 

ix, Un 

M.G. Car 


822, 844 
of Paris. 4 
de la Recherche 

E. Chaun 
P. Ci 


\ Centre Nati 

:>f Chicago. 277 
of Oslo. 546 
of Madrid. 82 

de la Recherche 

. 769 

rk Univt 
3UEIRI, University of Exeter. 606, 715 
Idaho State University. 559, 569 
rown University. 790 
Nathalie Clayer, Centre National de la 

Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 462 
the late J.VV. Clinton, Princeton University. 84 
Anna Contadini, University of London. 591 
M. Cook, Prin 

M. Co- 
V. Crap 

, Uni- 

y of Aix- 
ty Unive 


■. 699 

y of New York. 53, 

Stephanie Cronin, University of London. 675 
Yolande Crowe, Geneva. 810 

F. Daftary, Institute of Ismaili Studies, London. 
528, 633, 635, 713 

R.E. Darley-Doran, Winchester. 594 

G. David, Eotvos Lorand University, Budapest. 542 
Anne-Marie Delcambre, Paris. 207 

Bettina Dennerlein, Centre for Modern Oriental 

Studies, Berlin. 560 
F.M. Denny, University of Colorado, Boulder. 642 
the late G. Deverdun, Paris. 29, 48, 103, 114, 132, 

336, 378, 422 
A. Dietrich, University of Gottingen. 43, 52, 78, 

87, 115, 129, 131, 156, 157, 198, 250, 264, 277, 

310, 314, 350, 371, 376, 380, 383, 397, 410 
■e late M.VV. Dols, California State University, 


. 274 

i Donzel, University of Leiden. 541, 697,701 
Nelly van Doorn-Harder, Valparaiso University, 

Valparaiso, Indiana. 682 
S.A. Dudoignon, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Strasbourg. 766 
the late Ch.-E. Dufourcq, University of Paris. 308 
R.Y. Ebied, University of Sydney. 36, 38, 40. 55, 

136, 162, 267, 354, 371, 383, 410, 466 
Anne-Marie Edde, Centre National de la 

Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 511, 518, 545 
A.S. Ehrenkreutz, University of Michigan, Ann 

Arbor. 121 
R. Eisener, Humboldt University, Berlin. 468 
Taieb El Acheche, University of Tunis. 643 
Mohamed El Mansour, University Mohammed V, 


. 634 

e N. Elisseeff, University of Lyons. 1 1 7 
the late L.P. Elwell-Sutton, University of 

Edinburgh. 41, 73, 84, 92, 170 
W. Ende, University of Freiburg. 640, 642 
G. Endress, University of Bochum. 606 
Sibel Erol, New York University. 538 
J. van Ess, University of Tubingen. 14, 15, 90, 

227, 358, 365, 392, 510, 546, 633 
T. Fahd, University of Strasbourg. 771 
Suraiya Faroqhi, University of Munich. 477, 480, 

uk, Ecole 

atique des Haul, 

G. Fehervari, University of London. 327 

M.Ch. Ferjani, University of Lyons. 482 

I. Ferrando, University of Cadiz. 501, 545 

R. Firestone, Hebrew Union College, Los Angeles. 

the late H. Fleisch, Saint-Joseph University, Beirut. 

W. Floor, Bethesda, Maryland. 731 
Ch.H. de Fouchecour, University of Paris. 620 
Ersilia Francesca, University L'Orientale, Naples. 

R.M. Frank, Catholic University of America, 

Washington, D.C. 32, 348 
Y. Friedmann, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 163 
M. Gaborieau, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 768 
the late F. Gabrieli, University of Rome. 31 
M. Gammer, Tel Aviv University. 486 
H. Gaube, University of Tubingen. 157, 229, 514, 

G.J.H. van G 

640, 668 
E. Geoffroy, 

, Unh 

y of Oxford. 635, 
trasbourg. 724 


i, Unh 

of Freiburg- 


-sity of Bristol. 517, 535, 570 
the late L. Golvin, University of Aix-Marseilles. 145 
L.P. Goodson, U.S. Army War College. 787 
P. Gorokhoff, Paris. 249 
WJ. Griswold, Colorado State University, Fort 


A.H. de Groot, University of Leiden. 282, 511 

P. Guichard, University of Lyons. 763, 766 

A. Guimbretiere, Paris. 107 

AJ. Gully, University of Exeter. 725 

the late U. Haarmann, Free University, Berlin. 408 

the late M. Hadj-Sadok, Paris. 405 

the late Abdul-Hadi Hairi, Mashhad. 54, 55, 71, 

72, 77, 111, 158, 292, 343, 366 
W. Hale, University of London. 681 
H. Halm, University of Tubingen. 207, 237 

Washington, D.C. 391 
A.C.M. Hamer, Tehran. 50 
A. Hamori, Princeton University. 555 
Shah Mahmoud Hanifi, James Madison University, 

Harrisonburg, Virginia. 508, 763 
M. SiiKRU Hanioglu, Princeton University. 678 
Mohibbul Hasan, Aligarh. 114, 132, 156, 167, 

325, 328, 329, 333, 354, 366, 423 
Mushirul Hasan, Jawaharlal Nehru University. 481 
Sohail H. Hashmi, Mount Holyoke College, South 

Hadley, Massachusetts. 794 
the late } A. Haywood, Lewes, Sussex. 47, 75, 102, 

107, 359 
G. Hazai, University of Budapest. 814 
W.P. Heinrichs, Harvard University. 518, 658, 669, 

710, 830, 831 
Metin Heper, Bilkent University. 470 
CJ. Heywood, University of London. 316 
the late D.R. Hill, Great Bookham, Surrey. 267, 

A. Hofheinz, Centre for Modern Oriental Studies, 

Berlin. 556 
C. Holes, University of Oxford. 843 
P.M. Holt, Oxford. 20, 524, 594, 608, 613, 810 
\\ Holzwarth Uimersitv ol Halle 820 
MB Hooker, Austiahan National Uni\eisit\ 

\ Mat 


s, Hook 

\ iRGir* 


D Hopwood Unrveisitv of Oxfoid ' 
B Hourcade Centre National de la : 

Scientifique Pans 604 
tk latt I Hrbek Pi ague 171 
RS Humphreys Unnersitv of C alifoi 

;tiahan National 



XO Icimsov, Marmaia Urmusity 616 

A. Gul Irepoglu, University of Istanbul. 548 

the late Fahir iz, Bocazici University. 42, 47, 50, 

55, 61, 63, 64, 82, 91, 96, 99, 129, 150, 168, 

170, 280, 282, 283, 284, 308, 324, 329, 349, 

Mawil Y. Izzi Dien, University of Wales, 

Lampeter. 767 
P. Jackson, University of Keele. 117, 240, 242, 

336, 421 
J. Jankowski, University of Colorado, Boulder. 625, 

Marilyn Jenkins, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 

New York. 262 
Eva M. Jeremias, Eotvos Lorand University, 

Budapest. 448 
Penelope C. Johnstone, University of Oxford. 60 

:, Oxford. 340 
.e Jong, University of Utrecht. 18, 41, 44, 94 
21, 123, 133, 209, 244, 263, 279, 371, 408, 

G.H.A. Juynboll, Leiden. 393 

M. Kably, Rabat University. 805 

Mehmet Kalpakli, Bilkent University, Ankar; 

N.J.G. Kaptein, University of Leiden. 614 

A. Karahan, Istanbul. 83 

M. Keene, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Ne 

York. 262 
Barbara Kellner-Heinkele, Free University, 

Berlin. 707, 838 
J.B. Kelly, London. 42, 332, 419 
C.S. Kessler, University of New South Wah 

Sydney. 520 
R.G. Khoury, University of Heidelberg. 88 
M. Kiel, University of Utrecht. 331 
MJ. Kister, Hebrew University, Jei 
the late J. Knappert, University of London. 351 



. Knysh, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 501 
E. Kohlberg, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 723 
G.L. Koster, University of Indonesia. 729 
A.K.S. Lambton, Kirknewton, Northumberland. 336 
W. and Fidelity Lancaster, Orkney. 466 
J.M. Landau, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 40, 

297, 382 
D. Lange, University of Bayreuth. 569 
J.D. Latham, University of Manchester. 46, 113, 

125, 126, 153, 377, 389, 398, 399 
G. Lazard, University of Paris. 35 
M. Lecker, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 662, 695 
G. Leiser, Vacaville, California. 578 
T. Leisten, Princeton University. 571 
D.D. Leslie, Australian National University, 


. 748 


'. Lettinck, International Institute of Islamic 

Thought and Civilization, Kuala Lumpur. 770 
[G. Levi Della Vida, Rome]. 702 
the late N. Levtzion, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 

L. Lewisohn, University of London. 785 
P. Lory, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris. 

556, 613, 823 
J. McCarthy, University of Louisville. 221 
[D.B. MacDonald, Hartford, Connecticut], 

the late D.N. MacKenzie, University of Gottingen. 

158, 425 
W. Madelung, University of Oxford. 19, 22, 26, 

49, 57, 130, 233, 236, 335, 343, 357, 363, 380, 

393, 401, 402, 557, 756, 841 
the late G. Makdisi, University of Pennsylvania, 

Philadelphia. 30, 194, 195 
Iftikhar H. Malik, Bath Spa University College. 

\e late P. Marthelot, Ecole Pratique des Hautes 

I.R. Netton, University of Leeds. 795 

E. Neubauer, University of Frankfurt. 64, 116, 128, 

183, 284, 409, 547 
D. Nicolle, University of Nottingham. 746 
'he late K.A. Nizami, Aligarh Muslim University. 

475, 573, 578 
VIahmoud Omidsalar, California State University, 

Los Angeles. 781 
Nicole A.N.M van Os, University of Leiden. 640 
jdia Ott, University of Erlangen. 668 
n Ozman, Hacettepe University, Ankara. 468, 

J. Paul, University of Halle. 524, 538 
'ie late Ch. Pellat, University of Paris. 17, 18, 20, 

23, 24, 26, 27, 31, 32, 33, 35, 39, 56, 80, 92, 

113, 118, 122, 124, 128, 157, 191, 223, 224, 

225, 234, 247, 264, 266, 284, 303, 312, 355, 

381, 386, 388, 390, 394, 476 
C.R. Pennell, University of Melbourne. 634 
B. Peri, Eotvos Lorand University, Budapest. 815 
R. Peters, University of Amsterdam. 368, 644 
J.E. Peterson, Tucson, Arizona. 819 
Ch. Picard, University of Paris. 514 
Elizabeth Picard, Centre National de la 

Recherche Scientifique, Aix-en-Provence. 673 
the late G.F. Pijper, Amsterdam. 368 
X. de Planhol, University of Paris. 328 
I. Poonawala, University of California, Los 

Angeles. 61, 62, 70, 358, 407 

A. Popovic, Centre National de la Recherche 
Scientifique, Paris. 188, 752 

the late L. Pouzet, Saint-Joseph University, Beirut. 

B. Radtke, University of Utrecht. 748 

FJ. Ragep, University of Oklahoma, Norman. 502 
Munibur Rahman, Oakland University, Rochester, 

Michigan. 505, 512 
J. Ramirez, University of Cordova. 724 
S.A. al-Rashid, King Saud Universitv, Riyadh. 

W. Raven, University of Frankfurt. 756 
A. Raymond, University of Aix-en-Provence. 554 
M. Rekaya, University of Paris. 299 
the late G. Rentz, Washington. 50, 235 
M.E.J. Richardson, University of Manchester. 102 
A. Rippin, University of Victoria, British Columbia. 

D. Rivet, University of Paris. 730 
'he late S.A.A. Rizvi, Australian National University, 

Canberra. 126 
the late U. Rizzitano, University of Palermo. 64 


:. 423 

U. Marzolph, Enzyklopadie des Marchens, 

Gottingen. 817 
R. Matthee, University of Delaware. 612, 717 
Astrid Meier, University of Zurich. 828 
[Th. Menzel]. 763 
Ebrahim Moosa, Duke University, Durham, North 

Caroliina. 754 
H. Motzki, University of Nijmegen. 698 
R. Murphey, University of Birmingham. 767, 837 
F.C. Muth, University of Mainz. 525 
Seyyed Hossein Nasr, George Washington 

University, Washington, DC. 309 


, 832, 

F.C.R. Robinson, University of London. 5, 74, 248, 

294, 361, 526 
J.M. Rogers, London. 681 
L. Rogler, Centre for Modern Oriental Studies, 

Berlin. 560 
W. Rollman, Wellesley College, Wellesley, 

Massachusetts. 840 
he late F. Rosenthal, Yale University. 91, 463 
S. Rosenthal, University of Hartford, Connecticut. 

E.K. Rowson, New York University. 73 
U. Rubin, Tel Aviv University. 574, 661 
U. Rudolph, University of Zurich. 528, 815 
J. Sadan, Tel Aviv University. 100, 601 
Abdullah Saeed, University of Melbourne. 692, 

l Hami 


i, Geneva. 389, 390 

Kamal S S\libi Roval Institute for Inter-Faith 

Studies Amman 39 269 603 
A.I. Salim Nairobi 248 
A. Samb, Dakar 183 
Jasna Samic Belgrade 507 

F. Swmjustin, University of Lvons 550, b28, 641 
R. Santucci Institut National des Langues et 

Civilisations Onentales Pans 241 
A. Swvides Aegean University Rhodes 544, 617, 

R. Schi. 


, Man 

. Umvc 

ite Hyderabad, 
erdam b70 

G. Schoeler, University oi Basel 540 

O. Schumann, Um\ersity oi Hamburg 151 152, 

203, 510, 608, 762, 838 
R. Seixheim, University of Frankfurt. 632 
C. Shackle, University of London. 684 
Irfan Shahid, Georgetown University, Washington, 

D.C. 230 
Miri Shefer, Tel Aviv University. 811 
P. Shinar, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 387, 402, 

A. Shivtiel, University of Leeds. 779 
S. von Sicard, Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham. 

577, 630 
A. Sidarus, University of Evora. 396 
Iqtidar H. Siddiqui, Aligarh Muslim University. 2, 

11, 67, 74, 106, 122, 203, 312, 353, 360, 409, 

N. Sims-Williams, University of London. 426 
G.R. Smith, University of Manchester. 339, 388, 

420, 516, 543 
F. Sobieroj, University of Jena. 772 
Priscilla Soucek, New York University. 453 
M. Souissi, University of Tunis. 414 

F. Spuhler, Museum of Islamic Art, Berlin. 144 
F.H. Stewart, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 536 
W. Stoetzer, University of Leiden. 483 

J. Strauss, University of Strasbourg. 734 
[M. Streck. Jena]. 605 

G. Strohmaier, German Academy of Sciences, 
Berlin. 270 

Abdus Subhan, Asiatic Society, Calcutta. 124, 206, 

246, 325 
Jacqueline Sublet, Centre National de la 

Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 289, 296, 322, 

Yasser Tabbaa, Oberlin College. 696 

M. Talbi, University of Tunis. 173 

J.K. Teubner, Brussels. 3, 105 

H.G.B. Teule, University of Nijmegen. 809 

W.M. Thackston, Harvard University. 816 

Ahmed Toufiq, Ministry of Habous and Islamic 

AfTairs, Rabat. 810 
G. Troupeau, Institut National de Langues et 

Civilisations Orientales, Paris. 16, 38 
Tomohiko Uyama, Hokkaido University, Sapporo. 

M. Valor, University of Seville. 724 
J.-P. Van Staevel, University of Paris. 513 

late P.J. Vatikiotis, University of London. 302 
G. Veinstein, College de France, Paris. 505 
J. Vernet, University of Barcelona. 544 
Chantal de La Veronne, Centre National de la 

Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 807 
Maria J. Viguera, University Complutense of 

Madrid. 92 
'he late F. Vire, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 20, 87, 176, 244, 289, 296, 

322, 393 
G.J.J, de Vries, University of Utrecht. 61, 135 
-e /afejEANETTE Wakin, Columbia University. 198, 

W. Montgomery Watt, University of Edinburgh. 

L. Wiederhold, University of Halle. 727 
S. Wild, University of Bonn. 250 
J.C. Wilkinson, University of Oxford. 356 
the late R. Bayly Winder, New York University. 4, 

M. Winter, Tel Aviv University. 799 
J.J. Witkam, University of Leiden. 45, 381, 469 
" ustine Woodhead, University of Durham. 616 
O. Wright, University of London. 511 
M. Yalaoui, University of Tunis. 63, 306 
M.E. Yapp, University of London. 66 
S. Yerasimos, University of Paris. 475 
le kte MJ.L. Young, University of Leeds. 55, 136, 

162, 199, 267, 354, 371, 383, 410, 466 
Th. Zarcone, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 522 
A.H. Zarrinkoob, Tehran. 44, 208, 240, 406 
M. Zekri, University of Evora. 556 
FJ. Ziadeh, University of Washington, Seattle. 526 
A. Zysow, Harvard University. 533, 690, 706 



P. 702% ASHRAF 'ALI add to Bibl Barbara Dalv Metcalf Perfecting uornen Maulana ishraf 'Hi Thanawi's 

Bihishti Zeuar a partial tmnslation uith commentary Berkeley 1990 


P. 560, MUN ADTPT IM ] 

read Ta'riUi Baghd 


P. 353", SHARKAWA add to BM D F Eickelman \tomcan Islam tradition and society in a pilgrimage center, 

Austin 197b 


P. 89 b , al-TAFTAZAN! 11 14-15 from bnttnm of article for and a polemical lefutation of Ibn al- 

'Arabi's Fusus al Hikam lead The refutation of the doctune of Ibn al-'\rabr often ascribed to 
al-Taftazam was written by his pupil 'Ma' al-Din Muhammad al-Bukhan (d 841/1430) See 
BakrI 'Ala' al-Din MM al Cham al Nabulusi al Uugjud al haKK Damascus 1995 15-30 

P. 664 b , al-TUR, add to BM on the Arabic mss of V Catherine s \ E Meiimns hatalogos ton neon arabikon 

tkheirographon tes huras mones Hagias Matermcs tou Onus Sma \thens 1985 

P. 868% UNAYZA add to BM Sonyi Ahorki and DP Cole Arabian oasis city the transformation of 

'Unayzah, Austin 1989 


P. 1", VIDJAYANAGARA 1 5 from bottom of first paragraph for Konkar [qi in Suppl] read Konkan 

[?•»_• in Suppl] 
P. 126'', WALIBA b ai-HUBAB, 1 3 Jo, 2nd/9th centur\ read 2nd/8th centur\ 

P. 169'', WASIT, add after I 37 During the stiuggle foi Milk under al-Ma'mun there were however, 

small issues of siher from Wasit in the years 200 and 203 and occasional issues in copper in 

147, 167, 177 and 187 or 9 
P. 174% WASM, add to Bibl \ second geneial study is E Littmann ~«r EnUjJtrung dtr thamudemschen 

Inschriften, Berlin 1904 78-104 which argues that most of the brands onginate from the South 

Semitic alphabet in its North \rabian form 
P. 177 1 ', WATHANIYYA add to BM GR Hawting The idea oj idolatry and the emergence oj Islam From 

polemic tojistory Cambndge 1999 
P. 227 1 ', AL-YADALI 1 14 from bottom Jo, (19 lines) read (19 folios) 

opp P. 264, YAKUT al-RUMI map Jo, Onus iSayhun) read Onus (Djayhun) and resituate Cairo on the right- 
side of the .Me 
P. 292% YARMUI^ add to BM WE Kaegi Herat bus Emperor of By antiurn Cambridge 2003 237-44. 

P. 345-6, al-YUNINI add the follouing table 

Genealogical tree of the family of Must alA umm authoi of Dhayl Mifat al zaman 

2 sons and 8 daughters, among whom 'Abd Muhammad Taki a daughter (wife of Aybak 

al-Kadir Muhyi Abu Muhammad (d. 747), (d. 765) al-Iskandarani na'ib al- 

Fatima (d. 730), Zaynab, , Rahba who died in his 

Amat al-'AzIz (d. 754) and Muhammad sixties in 674) 


P. 36 1 1 ', YUSUF and ZULAYKHA, add to Bibl.l.(c): ed. Vla-khan Afsahzad and Husaui Ahmad 

Tarbiyat, in Mathnawl-yi Haft among, ii, Tehran 1378 jA/1999 19-209 

P. 364", ZA', 11. 23-25, read a voiceless /{/ for IAI is attested in some Noithern \emem dialects 

and a voiceless III for IAI occurs in North African sedentary dialects 
1. 42 t read Uzbekistan-Arabic) with IAI > Ivl, 

P. 371'', ZABID, add to Bibl;. Barbara E. Croken, faHd undir tht Rasulids of hrrun 626 858 iH/1229 

1454 AD, unpubl. Ph.D. diss. Harvard University 1990 ~abid Patnmomi mondwk in Saba ram 
tnmestrielle, v-vi (1999); 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd Allah al-Hadiarm ~a*;rf Wasactiiduha aa 
maddrisuha al-'ilmiyya ft 'l-ta'rikh, Damascus 2000. 

P. 404 1 ', ZA'IRDJA, add before final paragraph: As for the history of numbeis in his description ot the 

Zd'irdfa Ibn Khaldun called attention to the use of Aiabic characters (abdfad [qi]) and zimam, 
or administrative, numerals, as well as ghubdr, denoting the nine figures ol Indian origin With 
regard to the zimam numerals, this statement allows GS Colin to date the entrv of the system 
of Greek numerals into Morocco and to declare that the jmam had spread in hermetic uules 
at the same time. But given their administrative, commercial or diplomatic use recourse to 
them did not signify that they required the use of a code-bleaker \Dt I ongint griiqui di\ chiffrts 
de Fes' el de nos 'chiffres arabes', in JfA, ccxxii [1933] 193-215) R Lemav points out lrom two 
astrological manuscripts, B.N. ar. 2582 (attributed to Abu Ma'shai) a MS lrom the 18th century 
(?), fol. 2r, and B.N. ar. 2584, fol. 2r, the list of coirespondences between abdfad numeials and 
zimam (Arabic numerals, in Dictionary of tht Middh Age*, ed J R Straver i New ^ork 1982 38bn i 

P. 548', al-ZUBAYDI, 1. 4, fir great-great-gi eat-grandf ather read great-great-great-gieat-grandfathei 

P. 548 b , 1. 30, fir He died there on 1 Djumada II read He died there on 1 Djumada II 379 


Nuwas, and the latter has devoted a marthna to him 

[Dm an, ed Ghazalr Cano 1953 572-4 

cf. E. Wagner, Abu Nuwas, Wiesbaden 1965, 35b) 

ABU MADl add to Bibl G D Sahm /. Abu Mddi 

(1889 1957) dnasat 'anhu ua aji'aruh al 

madjhula Cairo 1980 

al-'AKKAD 1 b for Hahz Ibiahim uad ShukrT 

A'YAS add to Bibl MJ Raster Call \ountUu h t 

rraaful nanus in Ledum in mtmon of 

Profssor \Imhn B Pltssntr Jerusalem 1976, lb 25 

CAC-NAMA add to Bibl I Habib 4 study of Hajja) 

b hisuf\ outlook and polu its in tht light of 

tht Chaihnama in Bull of tht Inst of hlamu Studits, \ln 

2;aih, \i-vii (19b2-3) 34-48 

CAD, add at tht tnd of tht artult These negotiation 

s hnalK resulted in the formation of a 

Transitional Go\ernment of National Union (GUNT) 

nal dissensions to an end The civil war started up at 

;ain m 1980 and M Goukoum Oueddai 

set in ed \Ktor\ over his opponents thanks to the help 

of Libvan forces he has even announced 

a plan lor a union between Chad and Lib\a, but the 

■ FAN (Armed Foices of the Noith) con- 

tinue the stiuggle in the eastern pait ot the country 

, simultaneously against the Libvans and 

the go\ernment tioops (March 1981) 

^l-DJAMI'A y.-'ARABIYYA add at tht tnd of tht arti 

tit In consequence of the treaty between 

Egypt and Israel and the C amp David negotiations. 

the seat of the Arab League has been 

and Shadhlr Klebi was elected Secretary General (27 June 
al-IDRISI, add at the end of the article: The oldest manuscripts (Princeton of 754/1353, Taymuriyya 
of 877/1473 and Manchester of 887/1482) and Ibn AbT Hadjala (Sukkardan [together with al- 
'Amilfs al-Mikhlat], 'Beirut 1399/1979, 4b0) give the title inwar 'ulwiyy al-adfram. In the Anwar 
al-Idnsr mentions other books he wrote: K. al-Adwar wa 'l-fatarat, K. al-Djawhara al-yadma ft akhbdr 
Misr al-kadima and A". Math' al-tali' al-sa'id ft akhbdr al-Sa'id; the latter title possibly served al- 
UdfuwT as a model for his prosopography of Upper Egyptian men of renown. 
Add to Bibl.: al-UdfuwT, al-Tdli' al-sa'id al-ajdmi' asmd' nudjaba' al-Sa'id, ed. S.M. Hasan, Cairo 
1966, 179-81, 534-6; Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalam, Lisdn al-mizan, Haydarabad 1331, v, 262, no. 
902; al-Suyutr, Husn al-muhddara, ed. M. Abu '1-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1387/1968, i, 554; Ziriklr, 
al-A'ldm, "Beirut 1399/1979, vi, 208b-c; Kahhala, Mu'dfam al-mu' alliftn, Damascus 1379/1960, ix, 
1 74a-b; A. Mingana, Catalogue of the Arabic manuscripts in the John Rylands library in Manchester, 
Manchester 1934, 422-5, no. 262; U. Haarmann, Regional sentiment in medieval Islamic Egypt, in 
BSOAS, xliii (1980), 55-66; M. Cook, Pharaomc history in medieval Egypt, in SI, lvii (1983); a crit- 
ical edition of Anwar has been prepared by U. Haarmann (Beirut 1991). 

MAHKAMA, add to Bibl.: See the writings by D. Pearl, in particular Interpersonal conflict of laws 
in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, London-Bombay 1981; idem and W. Menski, Muslim family law, 
London 1998 (rev. ed. of D. Pearl, A textbook on Muslim personal law, London -1987). 
MAKASID al-SHARTA, 1. 3, for of a ruling read of a possible ruling 

1st line of third paragraph, read Istisldh and istihsdn [q.w.] were discussed extensively by Malikfs. 
1. 2 from bottom, fir Muhammad Tahir b. 'Ashur, read Muhammad al-Tahir b. 'Ashur; and 
change same in Bibliography. 
Add to Bibl.: Tuff, Shark Mukhtasar al-Rawda, Beirut 1987-89. 


4L 'ABBAS b AHMAD b TULUN eldest son 
of \hmid b Tulun [71] When the lattei set 
off tor the conquest ot S\m he entiusted the gov 
eminent ot E^ypt to il \bbts his designated hen 
but it \bbis v\ is \er\ soon peisuided to tike id\ in 
tia;e ot his fathers ibsence to suppl int him \\ lined 
b\ the vizier il \\ tsiti Ibn Tulun tot leich to letum 
to Ee^ypt ind his son itter hi\in£> emptied the tieas 
ur\ ind got toeethei considenble sums ot monev 
went oil with his putisans to .\lexmdni ind then 
to Birka \s soon as he got biek on 4 R mud in 
2b5/3U \pril 870 Ibn Tulun tiled to bung him bick 
to reason md piomising him pudon sent to him 
1 lettei whose text his been pieseived b\ il 
kilkishindi {Subh \n 5 1U iepioduced ilso b\ 
Sifwvt Qumhurut win d al irab i\ 3bb 73) but the 
iebel iemuned deif to ill these ipproic lies ind de 
cided to in\ ide Itnki\ i it the head ot a tone of 800 
ci\alr\ ind 10 000 black ml inlrv swollen ilone; the 

I \bbis 

limed tl 


,i ofltnkiv 
of the \ghhbid Ibnhim II thit he should \ield phce 

i toicc ot cavaln which met up with him it Libdi 
but did not \entuie m em? lament M \bbas now 
sicked Labdi even though the goveinoi there hid 
decided to \ield to him ind then went on to h\ 
siege to Tupoli The Ibadi leidei IK is b Minsui il 
Nifusi oigmised iesistince md with the help ol 
i eintoi cements sent bv Ibnhim II succeeded in put 
tine; the iebel irm\ to flight (middle of 2b7/wintei 
880 1) M '\bbis was compelled to letum to Egvpt 
but was ciptuied in the couise oi i 1) ittle outside 
the cit\ of Alexandrn with m nm\ senl b\ Ibn 
Tulun He wis brought to Fustit led lound on i 
mule "Vikut Idaba vn 183) condemned to exec ute 
peisomllv the poet TJji f n b Muhimmid b \hmid 
b Hudhti and otheis ot his retinue considered to lit 
responsible tor his levolt md linvilv flowed md 
thiown into pnson He piobiblv did not iemnn theie 

it his v 


'ABBAS SARWANI histonin ot the Mughil 
penod m Indn 

Little is known ibout him person lllv but he wis 
l membei ot i Siiwvm \fghin fmnlv which hid 
settled in Binui town (in the smkai of Snh.nd) His 

glint durms, the leianTit Bihlul Lodi It wis lesumed 
In Bibm in 932/1520 md Shivkh Bi\izid Smvam 
the gimdhthei of \bbts hid to leive toi Roh toi 
this icison Sher Shih Sui lestoied it to Shivkh 
Bavazid when the httei ieturned itter the expulsion 
of the Mughils in 047/1540 1st im Sh ih Sui ilso 
icnewed it to Shivkh \h the t ithei ot \bbas In 
087/1570 it wis igiin lesumed bv the stite \bbts 
of Siy\id Himid i sdiolnlv 


could s 

: \kb u 

In < 


1 -\fghtii 


, Tuhfa i 


Akbar Shahi 

y the Vghtn 

voik inevitiblv nostil 
gic ibout the pist ot the -\fghins In tact he compiled 

omv of tiuth when the tuts weie disp u iging Moieovu 
he is not i iirst hind souice -Ml or ilmost ill his nn 
ritives iehtmg to the life ind evieer ot Shei Shih ire 
based on the lnfomntion supplied bv the Sirw mi nobles 
who hid served undti the Lodis ind the Surs ind with 


t Khim 

nselt • 

-i Shih 

l betoie him 1 

khm Sirvvn 
s thev weie i: 
ic kground v 

i the throne ot Egv-pt 

On 'ibn Tulun s deith (Dhu lKidi 270/Miv 884) 

it was his son khumuiwivh \q ] who followed him 

ind il \bbiss piotests weie extinguished in blood 

Bibliography The events lie lecounted in gieit 

detnl b\ Bihwi Stmt ihmad b Tulun ed M Kuid 

All Dimiscus 1358 252 5 and kmdi lt«/af \Im 

Benut 1950 24b 50 these basic souices md the 

dita ot other histomns ha\e been utilised b\ 

M Tilbi Emuat avhlabdt M7 52 (Ed 

s betoie his rise to sovereigntv Foi this leison 
mition githeied b\ \bbis about Shei Shih s eulv 

some of which lie tilled b\ Mushtaki s umbling 
iunt a\uhble in the Hakiat I Mushtaki Despite its 
Us the Tuhfa )i ilbat Shahi is legarded is the majoi 
ce toi Shei Shih s reign It furnishes fuih detailed 

ibout the eulv lite ot Sher Shih ind piovides 

woiks such as the Tankhi hhan I D/aham of Ni mit 
\llth Hiriwi Tankh, Shahl ot \hmid \ ids;ii ind 
Ta nkh i Dauuiti ot \bd -\llih ill compiled dunne; the 
reisrn of the Empeioi Djih ms?ii contun \er\ little iddi 
tioml mfoimition with iei>ird to Sher Shih 

clues I 


Bibliography. 'Abbas Sarwanl, Tuhfa-vi Akbar 
Shahi, ed. Imam al-Din, Dacca 1964; Sir H.M. 
Elliot and J. Dowson, The hiitoiy of India as told by 
its own historians, iv, 301-433; Storev, i, 513-5; 
I.H. Siddiqui, History of Shei Shah Sin, Aligarh 
1971; S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and intellectual history 
of the Muslims m Akbar 's reign. New Delhi 1975, 
234-8. (I.H. SiDDiftui) 

ABBREVIATIONS, sigla and conventional signs 
are nowadays called in Arabic mukhtasaiat "abridge- 
to have been any specific term for them in the clas- 
sical period, even though from the very beginnings 
of Islam copyists, scribes and specialists in all sorts of 
disciplines were led to use them. This is why it has 
been thought suitable to bring together here a list of 

s of those 


One should first of all recall that a certain num- 
ber of the suras of the Kur'an begin by groups of 
letters (the jawatih or huruf mukatta'a/ at), which remain 
curiously inexplicable despite the many interpretations 
thought up by inventive minds; the reader will find 
a table of them in the article al-Kur'an, where the 
signs indicating pronunciation to be found in various 
editions of the Holy Book are also considered. 

It should also be noted that if the verb samma, 
means notably "to pronounce the formula bi-smi llah 
al-rahman al-rahim," the formula itself is called the bas- 
mala [a.v.]. whose form is obvious; cf also the har, 

e be t( 

■ fori 

It is precisely these pious i 
which, because of their frequency, led copyists and 
scribes to adopt various abbreviations, of which the 
most frequent are: /' = ta'ala "may He be exalted"; 
s = salla Hah 'alayh, and sfm = salla Hah 'alayhi wasal- 
lam "may God confer His blessings [on the Prophet] 
and grant him peace"; 'm = 'alayhi al-salam "peace be 
upon him [sc. upon a prophet]"; rh = rahimahu llah 
"may God have mercy on him"; and rdh = radiya llah 
'anhu "may God be pleased with him" after the name 
of a deceased person. 

For their part, copyists used conventional signs, 
amongst which one may mention: s = sawabuhu "the 
correct reading, to be read . . ."; b = ba'da "after" 
or kh = mu'akhkhar "placed after" and k = kabla 
"before" to show that two words should be trans- 
posed (or also m = mu'akhkhai and m = mukaddam for 
the same inversion); sh = musahhah "corrected, veri- 

; kh = 

fied, the corr 

nuskha ukhia " 

mudradf "a word straddling t 

verse"; alkh = Ha akhinhi "etc.": 

of quotation". 


intaha " 



s on grammar, 
etc., the following may occur: dj = 
djdj = djam' al-dfam' "double plural" 
"feminine", but also main "text of the hadith, etc."; 

thna or na = haddathana "there related to us"; and 
= anba'ana or akhbarana "[he] related to us (espe- 
cially of a historical or other tradition"; m or aim 
= {alVma'ruf or (al)-mashhur "(the) well-known, (the) 
famed"; alz = al-zahir "the obvious, literal sense"; 
icz = wa-zahiruhu "and its literal sense"; h = tahivil 

or musannif "author (of the work)"; aim = al-mumn- 
nif "the author"; yk = yukal "it is said"; as = asl" 
"by no means, absolutely"; ayd = ayd"" "also, equal- 
ly"; s = su'al "question"; df = djaivab "reply"; « = 

= batil "false"; 

= hakika 

= [al)-r, 

absurd, improbable"; 
absurd"; (f)la nm = (faYla nusallim "we do not admit, 
recognise"; h, fh = (fa)-hma'idh m "and then, conse- 
quently"; la mhh = la mahalata "without any doubt"; 
kk = kadhahka "thus"; almt = al-matlub "the desired 
aim" or al-mutlak "the absolute". 

Also found are: s = sa'a "hour", d = dakika "minute", 
and the names of the months: m = Muharram, s = 
Sofa,, ra = Rabi' I, r = RabT' II, dja = fyumada I, df 
= D)umSda II, b = Radfab, sh = Sha'ban, I = Shawwal, 
n = Ramadan, dha = Dhu 'I-Ka'da and dh = Dhu 

It will be noted that these abbre\iations are often 
formed by the first letter of the word; another letter 
may sometimes be chosen, without always there being 
a care to avoid confusion, so that it may well hap- 
pen that the groups of letters have an ambivalence, 
er, very confusing. 


it the 


ercial and financial da 
vorks with an apparat 
.g. dj = djuz' "volum 


", h = hidiri/iy 
kht = makhtut 

a "A. 


multiplied the 

deviation has yielded, as else- 
where, a genuine noun: al-luna/isku "UNESCO". 
Expressions denoting Unions or Federations are 
replaced by initials: dj.'.m = al-dfumhuriyya al-'arabiyya 
al-muttahida "the United Arab Republic", a.'.m ="al- 
imarat al-'arabiyya al-muttahida "the United Arabic 
Emirates", etc. Money and currencies, weights and 
measures are not outside this general tendency: /./■ = 
lira lubnaniyya "Lebanese pound"; d = dinar (and also 
daklut "doctor"); dj. m. = dfunayh misti "Egyptian 
pound"; m = mitlieme or mitt "metre"; km = kilumiti 
"km"; s.m./s.m. = s/ ' santlmiti "cm"; / = faddan "fed- 
dan", etc. Addresses often have s.b. = sunduk al-band 
"postal box", and commercial letter headings sh.m.m 
or sh.a.l = sharika mahdudat al-mas' uliyya "Ltd. Co.". 

The list of abbreviations could be considerably pro- 
longed, but our list will be limited to those given 
above; one should however add that magazines and 
periodicals often use these to such an extent that only 
the initiates can unravel them. G. Oman (see Bibl.) 
has mentioned, as characteristic: m.m. = "Marilyn 
Monroe", and b.b. = "Brigitte Bardot"! 

Bibliography: \V. Wright, Arabic grammar, i, 
25-6; M. Ben Cheneb, Liste des abreviations employees 
par les auteurs arabes, in R.4fr. 302-3 (1920-1), 134-8; 
G. Oman, Abbreviature e sigle nell' arabo moderno, in 
OM (1961), 800-2. _ (Ed.) 

called <Ayn al-Kudat al-HamadhanI, Shafi'I 
jurist and Sufi martyr, born at Hamadhan 
in 492/1098. Born of a line of scholars, he studied 
Arabic grammar, theology, philosophy and law, and 
he is said to have, as an already precocious scholar, 
started his first book at the age of 14. Also, at the 
approach of puberty, he became a convert to Sufism. 
In 517/1123, at the age of 25, he seems to have met 
Ahmad al-Ghazali, brother of the great theologian 
Muhammad al-Ghazali, who is said to have initiated 
him into Sufi meditation and dancing, thus com- 
pleting his spiritual conversion. Other masters of his 


were Muhammid b Hainmuu and a cert im Banka 
His spnitual ieputation soon g lined him mam dis- 
ciples and he spent all his time in oial and written 
teaching; sometimes going bevond the limits of his 
ph\ Meal stiength ioi this and having then to letne 

lties soon pro\oked the hostilit\ of the orthodox the- 
ologians Piovoked b\ his teachings on the natuie of 
sainthood and piophethood and on submission to the 
Sufi shaykh ind ob|ecting to his usage of Sufi tei- 
minologv which gave the impiession thit he himself 
laid claim to piophetic poweis the\ biought m accu- 
sation of heies\ against him befoie the Saldjuk \171e1 
in 'Irak who imprisoned him in Baghdad It was 
there that he wiote his apologia the Shakaa I ghanb 
Some months latei he wis stt free and leturned 
to Hamadhin but shoitK afteiwaids it the time of 
Saldjuk sultan Mahmud s amval turned 



- during; the night of 6-7 Djumada II 52b/h-7 
Ma\ 1131 at the age ol ■> 3 His prematur< de ath 
seems to ha\e pie\ented al-Hamadham from found- 


i fine 

His published works include his Shakaa I ghanb 'an 
al autan ila buldan al'ulama' an apologia in \ribic (ed 
and Fr ti Mohammed ben \bd-d-Jalil in J-l (1930) 
1-76 1^3-297 ed 'AfTf 'Usavran Mmannajat i 'hn al 
hudati Hamadham Tehian 1341/1962 Fng ti \J 
Arberrv -1 Suji mathr tht apologia of 'iin al Qudat al 
Hamadham London 1969) Ruala w iMia ih on m\s- 
tic love in Persian ed Rihim Farmamsh lehian 
1337/1958 ~ubdat al haka'ik in \iabic ed 'Usavrm 
in op id Tamhidal or ~ubdat al haka'ik fi kashf al daka'ik 
in Peisian ed 'Usavran in op at twite tr into 
Turkish Yamaha oi Maltubat \lakahb letteis in Persian 
ed 'Ahnaki Munzawi and 'Usa\ran 2 vols Beirut 
and Tehran 1390/1971 Ruala \i wzdanshmakht cd 
Bahman kanmi Tehran 1327/1948 and lhaal u 
athai ed Farmamsh, Tehian 1338/1959 

Bibliography Sandilahi Makh^an al ghara'ib 
Bodl Pers ms 395 1523 Brockelmann I 490 S 
I 674-5 F Meiei Stambula Handschnfhn diem pa 

' \hstih 

l hi 


(JK Teubneri 
al-Mulk son of Shavkh Shams al-Din of Sultanpui 
(Pandjab) a leading Indian theologian of the 
10th/ 16th centurv He studied undei Mawlana '\bd 
al-Kadir of Sirhind and acquired lenown as a scholar 
and for his command over Muslim junspiudence the 
ologv and historv He was held in high esteem bv 
Humavun [qi] and Sher Shah (947-52/1540-5) gave 
him the title of Sadr al Islam undei Islam Shah (952- 
61/1545-54) he was the principal adviser of the king 
in religious affairs Upon his return in 962/1555 
Humavun again conferred on him the title of Shaikh 
alhlam and under the next king Akbir [q c ] he 
received the title of Makhdum al \lulk In 987/1579 
he went to the Hidjaz and was leteived with much 
respect bv the \lujti of Mecca Makhdum al-Mulk 
however returned to India without peifoiming the 
Pilgrimage ind is said to have issued a Jatua to the 
effect that the Hadtdj was not obligatorv on the peo- 
ple of India because the jouinev bv sea could not be 
undeitaken without the European passports bcaimg 
the pictures of Marv and Jesus and because the land 
route lav thiough Shi'i Persia 

Makhdum al-Mulk was one of the signatones of the 

i Al; 

1579 giving a high religious position 
subsequent^ disowned it he was 
ithodox Sunni and drew much cnt- 
j 1-Fadl He died in 990/1582 in 

Bibliography \bu 1-Fadl ikbar nama Bibl Ind 

Calcutta 1873-87 <\bd al Radii Bada'um 

Muntakhab al tauankh Bibl Ind Calcutta 1864-9 

Shah Nawaz Rhan Ma'athir al umaia' m Bibl Ind 

Calcutta 1888-91 Aziz \hmad Studiu in hlamu ad 

tun in tht Indian tmuonmmt Oxford 1964 29-30 

168-9 S \\ Rizvi Rtligious and inklltitual huton 

oj tht Muslims in ikbar s men New Delhi 1975 

71-2 and index (M Athar \li) 

'ABD al-'AZIZ b '\bd al-Rahman b F«sal Al 

Suud [ia 1291-1373/<« 1880-1953) founder king 

(regn 1319-73/1902-5 3) of the Kingdom of Su'udi 

Aribia His mothei was Saia b \hmad al-Suda\ri 

\t four '\bd al- \ziz was entrusted to a tutor and 

becime i hafr at eleven Simultaneouslv (1309/1891) 

xt al-Mula\da the M Rashid of Ha'il [qi] defeated 

and expelled the Su'uds from Nadjd so that '\bd 

ll '\ziz grew up subsequentlv m al-Kuwa\t his fathers 

exiled home 

In 1319/1902 the \oung hot blood retook al-Rivad 
expelled the Rashidi governor and proclaimed the 
restored Su'udi rule Central Nadjd soon re-pledged 
lov lltv to the Su'uds and al-Rasim [q ] was grad- 
uallv brought in Bv 1330/1912 '\bd al-'Aziz had 
lestoied Su'udi rule thioughout Nadjd 

In 1912 '\bd al-'\ziz mauguiated his most imag- 
inative policv that of settling Bedouin in Wahhabism- 
tentred agnculturil colonies whose members were 
known as al-Ikhwan ( the brotheis )[q,] This move- 
ment simultaneouslv furthered Wahhabism provided 
a new mihtarv force reduced tnbalism and inci eased 
agncultural production it brought with it profound 
social change and the movement at its height counted 
some 150 colonies one with 10 000 people Ikhwams 
plaved a leading role in subsequent conquests but 
ultimatelv revolted charging the king with ieligious 
hxitv so that the founder of the Ikhwan himself sup- 
pressed them (1348/19301 

On the eve of World Wai I 'Abd al-'Aziz expelled 
the Ottomans from eastern \iabia thus acquning 
access to the sea For '\bd al-'*\ziz this wai con- 
stituted a period of watchful waiting but with the 
war s end he resumed expansion Djabal Shammar 
\qi] was occupied in 1340/1921 and its depend- 
encies the next \ear In 1337/1919 'Abd al-'*\ziz 
won an important bordei fight with the Hashimis 
and in 13 38/1920 annexed upland <A.sir [qi] The 
end of his festering quanel with the Hashimis began 
when the Hashimi king al-Husavn somewhat 
vainglonouslv assumed the caliphate (1342/1924) The 
Ikhwan affronted entered al-Ta'if and Mecca opened 
its gates despite the Hashimis descent from the 
Piophet and long tenure in al-Hidjaz Bv 1344/1926 
' al-'Aziz was pioelaimed king of al-Hidjaz His 
lealm now quite independent sti etched solidlv across 
the peninsula m the first such broad unification in 
Aribia foi mam centunes In addition responsibili- 
ty for the holv places well discharged converted 
<; Vbd al-'Aziz from the leader c 

ves Hi 


i Mus 

ng external dispute with 
,as settled bv a mihtarv vittoiv followed 
(1352/1934) In the same veai he um- 
rnment as the Ringdom of Su'udi Arabia 

.-'AZIZ — <ABD ai.-BARI 

himself. Much of this period was also spent negoti- 
ating with Britain; demarcated borders gradually 
emerged. During World War II, he maintained for- 
mal neutrality, but tilted toward the Allies, subse- 
quently joining the United Nations and the Arab 

Internally, this commanding monarch ruled tra- 
ditionally but with his own extra wisdom and 
strength. He oversaw the successful implantation of 
the high-technology, American-run petroleum indus- 
try into an ultra-traditional society, from a first com- 
mercial find in 1356/1937 to the point when, at 
his death, production approached 1 million bar- 
rels/day and gave an annual revenue of «200 mil- 
lion. Oil revenues financed dramatic developments: 
water supplies, airports, telephones and radios, roads, 
electricity, deep water ports, a railroad, hospitals, 
and schools. 'Abd al-'Aziz had a "marked tendency 
to uxoriousness". A study of 1952 indicates that he 
had 35 living sons. The number of his wives, many 
married ephemerally, was a legendary 300; in addi- 
tion, he had concubines and slave women. Yet to 
some wives, he was faithful and always within the 
letter of Kur'anic law. 

All in all, "Abd al-'Aziz laid the bases for the mod- 
ernisation of his country and was one of the great- 

in the 


nln al-Ravhani, Ta'rikh Aad/d wa-mulhakatih, 
Beirut 1928; A.' Rihani, Ibn Sa'oud of Arabia: hh 
people and hh land, London 1928; Fu'ad Hamza, 
al-Bilad al-'Arabina al-Su'udina, Mecca 1936; 
Hafiz Wahba, Dfazimt al-'Aiab fi 'l-kam al-'nhnn 1 , 
Cairo 1946; Dj. 'Abduh, Inlan al-Djazira: 'ard 
<§adld li-sirat al-Mahk 'Abd al-'Aziz Al Su'ud, Cairo 
1954; H. St. J.B. Philbv. Sa'udi Arabia, London 
1955; Salah al-Din al-Mukhtar, Ta'rikh al- 
Mamlaka al-'Aiabma al-Su'udivva, Beirut 1957; 
Hafiz Wahba, Khamsun 'am }l Djaznat al-'Aiab, 
Cairo 1960; Su'ud b. Hadhlul, Ta'rikh. Muluk Al 
Su'ud, al-Riyad 1961; D. Howarth, The Dewit 
King: a life of Ibn Saud, London 1964; Amin Sa'id, 
Ta'rikh al-Dawla al-Su'udivva, Beirut 1964; G. 
Troeller, The birth of Saudi Arabia: Britain and the 
rise oj the home of Sa'ud, London 1976. 

(R. Bayly Winder) 
'ABD al-'AZIZ b. YUSUF (Abu '1-Kasim al- 
Hakkar?), the private secretary and trusted adviser 

three times alternatively the vizier and in disgrace 
in regard to his sons Samsam al-Dawla and Baha' 
al-Dawla [q.v. below]. He is the author of a col- 
lection of official correspondence (insha'), largely pre- 
served in ms. Petermann 406 (Ahlwardt 8625), which 
is however limited to the period of 'Adud al-Dawla's 
reign (some fragments lacking here are cited in al- 
Tha'alibi, Yatima, ii, 89-90) and which, without secur- 
ing him a place equal to his contemporaries Abu 
Ishak al-Sabi' and Ibn 'Abbad, merits the histori- 
an's consideration, above all for the narrative of 
events of the reign. 

Biblwgiaphv. Abu Shudja' al-Rudhrawan, con- 
tinuation of the Miskawayh's Tafyanb al-umam, ed. 
and tr. Amedroz and Margoliouth in The ahpv of 
the 'Abbasid caliphate, iii and vi (see index, vii, 21; 
Tha'alibi, Yatima, loc. at.; CI. Cahen, i'ne correipon- 
danct bu-nde inedite, in Studi onentahstict ... Levi delta 
Yida, i." 85-96; J. Chr. Burgel, Die Hojkorrespondenz 
'Adud al-Daulai . . ., Wiesbaden 1965; H. Busse. Chalif 
und Grosikonm. die Buyiden un Iraq [945-1055), Beirut 
19(59, esp. 240 ff. ' (Cl. Cahen) 

'ABD al-BARI, Kiyam al-Din Muhammad, early 
14th/20th century 'Slim and pi, of the Farangi 
MahalF family [q.v. below]. Born in Lucknow in 
1295/1878, he was descended on his father's side 
from a distinguished line of pin and on his mother's 
side from Malik al-'Ulama' Mulla Havdar id. 
1256/1840-1), who had established the Hyderabad 
(Deccan) branch of the Farangi Mahall family. 'Abd 
al-Bari was brought up in Lucknow. where he studied 
under many teachers, notably his uncle 'Abd al-Baki 
and 'Avn al-Kudat, the prominent pupil of 'Abd al- 
Hayy [q.v.]. He travelled to the Hidjaz three times, 
in 1309/1891-2, 1321/1903-4 and 1330/1911-2, and 
also visited other parts of the Ottoman Empire. In 
Medina, where he came to know Sharif Husayn of 
Mecca, he both studied hadith under Sayyid 'All Witri 

With Abu '1-Kalam Azad, 'Abd al-Bari was the 
first Indo-Muslim scholar to play a major role in mod- 
ern Indian politics. He came to the fore as Muslims 
of the subcontinent became agitated over events in 
the Ottoman Empire just before World War One. In 
1913, after returning from Mecca, with Mushir Husayn 
Kidwar, he founded the Andjuman-i Khuddam-i Ka'ba 
[q.v. below]. After the War he played a leading part 
in launching the Indian Khilafat movement: leading 
in 1918 the first 'ulama' to attend the All-India Muslim 
League sessions, developing an alliance with Mahatma 
Gandhi, helping to organise the Central Khilafat 
Committee in 1919, and throughout driving the agita- 
tion more extreme till in 1920 the Khilafat movement 
adopted a policy of non-cooperation with the British 
government and, under its influence, so did the Indian 
National Congress. In these years 'Abd al-Ban's influ- 
ence was at its zenith, a fact marked, at least among 
Indian 'ulama', bv his election as the first president 
in 1919 of the j^am'-maH 'ulama'-i Hind, which he 
had played a major part in establishing. But gradually 
in 1921 and 1922 he began to draw apart from the 

should be used 'to defend the Khilafat. By 1923 the 


i India 

t the cost of Hindu-Muslim unity, 
mtinued to fight for the Khilafat, 


although the iss 

From 1925 he led the tremendous protest in India 

against Ibn Sa'ud, and died on 4 Radjab 1344/19 

January 1926 while in the midst of his campaign. 

'Abd al-Bari knew that Muslims had to face the 
problems posed by the modernisation of their society. 
He was willing to support Muslims who sought west- 
ern learning, sending boys to Aligarh College and mak- 
ing a donation to the Muslim University movement. In 
an endeavour designed to equip the children of 'ulama' 
and pin for modern life along traditional lines, he estab- 
lished the Madrasa-yi 'Aliya Nizamiyya at Farangi 
Mahall in 1905. This offered an improved form of the 
Dars-i Nizamiyya, making "modern" subjects such as 
algebra and geography compulsory and offering prac- 
tical subjects such as English to higher classes. 'Abd al- 
Bari was no less concerned about the future of mysticism. 
He felt that the. ignorance of those who were mystics, 
as well as that of those who were not, was damaging 
the reputation of tasauwuf. He was particularly con- 
cerned that mystics should adhere strictly to the 'shan'a. 
It was on this account that around 1914 he revived a 
plan, first mooted by his father and others in 1896, to 
establish a madiasa to teach Islamic mysticism system- 
atically. The plan was adopted as the aim of the 
Bazm-'i Sufirra-ri Hind, an organisation which, with the 
support of many leading Indian mystics, was founded 


he 'U, 

of MuTn al-Dl 

i Ci 

htl . 

Adjmrr in 




was one of the 

time, h 

ving a 

least 300 pupils 



111 books 

and pa 


ng i 

i Persian as 

well a. 

in th 

e Far 

angl Mahall 



jurisprudence w 

is hi 


t important 



and CishtF- 


he was an intl 

1 pi, 

several leading 

politicians, including 


ammad and 



[a,:], amongst 



An inde- 


i but emotional 


al-Barl was 


iV the 

need to defend 


strengthen Islam. 

le did but also in part because 
and talented Farangi Mahall f; 

nvstirism, see Nur al-Hasan Adjmrri 
pzarisJi, Lucknow 1923 and 'Abd al-Bari 

cisive years, 1933-8. He went to al-Nahda school and 
began to mix study with militant activity, protesting 
both against the British presence and the policies of 
the Egyptian politicians. He was exposed to the polit- 
ical currents of the time, of the Wafd. the National 
Party wl-Hizb al-Watant) and especially Mis, al-Fatat, 
the Fascist-type movement found by Ahmad Husayn. 
He felt deeply and personally the problems of Egypt 

sciously" following the example of those future leaders 
who take upon themselves the burdens of their peo- 
ple, and also searching for a future pattern for his 
own lite. He admired' the Wafd centred around its 
leader, Mustafa Nahhas; he occasional marched with 
Mis, al-Fatat. He wrote at the time: "(The Egyptian] 


II lead h 



- Altai 


\ KrtSm- 

1924; His p< 

bv Francis Robinson, Separatism among Indian Minimis. 

the publics of the United Provinces' Muslims I860- 1923. 

Cambridge 1974, rhs. vii-ix, and Afzal Iqbal, 77« 

life and times of Mohamed Ah. Lahore 1974, 336-40. 
(F.C.R. Robinson i 

<ABD al-LATIF CELEBI [see LatIfT]. 

'ABD al-NASIR, Djamal, Egyptian commande! 
and statesman. His fathei, 'Abd al-Nasir Husayn. 
came from the village of Bam Murr near Asyiit in 
Upper Egypt. He was a clerk in the post office and 
in 1915 moved to Alexandria. In 1917 he married 
the daughtt 


In November I93. r ), when the British opposed the 
■-establishment of the Egyptian constitution. 'Abd al- 
Jdsir marched with students on to the streets of Claim 
nd was wounded by a bullet fired b\ British troops. 
le was identified as an agitator and asked to leave 
is school. After a few months in 1936 as a law stu- 
ent in Cairo University, his sense of disillusion with 
le politicians who had "surrendered" to the British 

s the indifference of his fellow-students, led him to 
rek to join the army, in his opinion the best means 
vailable for effecting change. He had passed through 

tions on the middle and lower classes entering the 
officer corps. 'Abd al-Nasir was a member of the see- 
the age 'of nineteen in the 'Abbasivya Military 
Academy. He was attracted to military life with its 
discipline and study, and was quickly promoted. Of" 
his future companions in the revolution, he met 'Abd 
al-Hakfm 'Amir in the academy and Zakariyya Muhyi 

ll-Dln i 

15th 1' 

,, Djan 


ir plot- 

imes dur 

i theii 


of seven he was confirmed when he again met 'Amir during their 

and to study assignment to the Sudan. 

s father. He The German successes in Libya and Egypt in 
age of Bain 1940-1 led some Egyptian officers to see in the Axis 
r life of the their deliverers from British occupation. 'Abd al-Nasir 
laily toil, its stayed aloof from making approaches to the Germans, 
a microcosm but his anger was aroused in February 1942 when 
Jsir's family Sir Miles Lampson, the British High Commissionei, 
iprietors and with the support of British tanks imposed on King 
.ers yet from Faruk a Wafd cabinet under Nahhas. 'Abd al-Nasir 
cut into the was ashamed that the army had taken no counter- 
government action, but he at least felt that some officers had 
isir his roots been shaken out of their apathy. In 1943 he was 

in the Egyptian countryside and 

also his 

escape into 

appointed an instructor at the ' Military Academy, 

another world. 

In Cairo he went to al-Nahha 

sin srhc 

ol in Khan 

with a number of younger Egyptians who were also 

al-Khalrli where he was able t( 


nee at first 

like him fired by the aim of liberating their c ountry. 

hand the life of the bustling c 


The period 1945-52 bears, with hindsight, the signs 

Cairo, that other aspect of ' the 


of Egypt. 

of the end of an era. Several factors combined to 

During this period he was grea 

tly affe 

ensure that change eventually became inevitable. King 

death of his mother and bv his f 

riage. This experience turned hir 

n again 

t his father 

life debarred him as a serious political leader. The 

and strengthened his independen 

e and 

erhaps also 

Wafd had lost most of its credibility, and the more 

his introspection. He was noted f 

om the 

i on for his 

extreme movements weie left to clamour for a cen- 

seriousness and thoughtfulness 

tral role. The Arab disaster in Palestine had a pro- 

After an interval with his fa 

mily m 


found effect on the minds of young Egyptian army 


first from the towns and then from the Suez Canal 
Zone confirmed their suspicions about the survival 
of British imperialist aims. The period was one of 
ferment and tension, so that even a personality less 
politically sensitive than 'Abd al-Nasir could not have 
remained unaffected, and he was in a sense torn 
during this period between his position as staff offi- 
cer and his interests in "revolutionary" movements. 
He was introduced to Marxism by Khalid Muhyi 
al-Din, a fellow officer and cousin of Zakariyya, to 
the Ikhwan al-Mushmun by al-Sadat, and to the left 
wing of the Wafd by Ahmad Abu '1-Fath and oth- 
ers. At this time a group of officers began to meet 
regularly, comprising the above together with 'Amir, 
Tharwat 'Ukasha and one or two others. These so- 
called Dubbat al-Ahrar ("Free Officers") did not yet 
coalesce as a movement, having no common ideol- 
ogy but a determination to transform Egypt; but the 
figure of Djamal 'Abd al-Nasir emerged here as a 

It was events outside Egypt which decisively placed 
the Free Officers on course outwards revolution. In 
May 1948 the Egyptian army advanced into Palestine 
in an attempt to destroy the new state of Israel. 'Abd 
al-Nasir was commanding officer of a unit, and was 
immediately dismayed by the inefficiency and lack of 
preparedness of the Egyptians who were fighting 
against greatly inferior numbers; in the fighting he 
was himself wounded in the chest. After the second 
United Nations armistice (during which the Haganah 
improved its positions), the battle for the Negev began 
in October. 'Abd al-Nasir and his unit were trapped 
at Falludja, but together with several other Free 
Officers they held out against the Israeli forces and 
were eventually able to counter-attack. In retrospect, 
'Abd al-Nasir saw this episode as a symbol of their 
determination to pursue the real fight against all those 
forces which opposed Egypt. He had fought the Israelis 
and had even admired them in their successful bid 
to oust the British from Palestine (during one armistice 
he had had an opportunity to talk to an Israeli offi- 
cer), and had himself become more widely known. 
One general also made his name for heroism in the 
Palestine war, Muhammad Nadjib (Neguib). 

The army returned home bitter in defeat and 
determined to begin the "real" struggle. The Free 
Officers began to issue propaganda denouncing the 
King, the regime and the army, to infiltrate the gov- 
ernment, and to co-operate with other organisations. 
In October 1951 the Egyptian government abro- 
gated the 1936 Treaty, and this action signalled the 
beginning of guerilla activity against the British troops 
remaining in the Canal Zone. The Free Officers 
played a certain part, issuing arms and training com- 
mandos, but it was largely students and members of 
the Ikhwan who bore the brunt of the fighting; 'Abd 
al-Nasir himself was biding his time conserving his 

Tension was also rising in Cairo. A particularly 
severe British retaliatory attack on the Isma'fliyya bar- 
racks in January 1952 led to Black Saturday, January 
26th, when much foreign and Egyptian property in 
Cairo was burned and several lives lost. Students, 
Ikhwan and the mob rampaged in a fury of revenge, 
and the army and police intervened only late in the 
day. It is still not clear who instigated the riots and 
how large a part, if any, the Free Officers played; 
but the events had at least demonstrated the desper- 
ate fury of the country and the lack of any solution 
offered by the regime. 

Faruk and his entourage continued their improvi- 

dent course, seemingly careless of the country's plight. 
The Free Officers decided that a coup could no longer 
be postponed and began to make their final plans in 
July. The government had moved for the summer to 
Alexandria, and two army units favourable to the Free 
Officers were about to move to Cairo. On 20th July 

t became known that 

3 appoint a 

government, one of whose first actions would be to 
arrest some of the Officers. The latter advanced their 
plans; by the morning of 23rd July the key army and 
communications posts had been taken, with hardly a 
shot fired and only two lives lost. Although 'Abd al- 
Nasir had been the leader. General Muhammad 
Nadjib, the older and better-known man, became the 
new Commander-in-Chief, while arguments raged over 
the future form of government — should there be co- 
operation with civilian politicians, and what was to 
be the fate of Faruk? 

'Alt Mahir, an ex-premier, headed the new gov- 
ernment. 'Abd al-Nasir stood out for the exile, rather 
than the execution, of Faruk, and the ex-king sailed 
from Alexandria on 26th July. Nadjib supervised the 
abdication while 'Abd al-Nasir remained in Cairo. 

Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal has divided the polit- 
ical life of 'Abd al-Nasir (known in Egypt as "The 
Lion") into three parts: 1952-6, the Lion free; 1956- 
67 the Lion chained; 1967-70 the Lion wounded. By 
this division, Haykal saw him free until the Suez inva- 
sion to concentrate on Egyptian affairs; after 1956 he 
became chained to Arab and world affairs and a pris- 
oner of his own success and personality; after the Arab- 
Israeli war of 1967 he was gradually weighed down 
by the burdens of office. These divisions may be qual- 
ified and modified, however. During the whole of his 
political life he was attempting both to legitimise his 
rule and to give Egypt a lasting political and social 
system. Until 1956 he was largely concerned with 
Egyptian internal affairs, but Suez thrust him on to 
the world stage, and while chaining him, in Haykal's 
phrase, he was at the peak of his popularity and suc- 
cess, at least until the dissolution of the Syrian-Egyptian 
union in 1961. The period 1961-7 saw him more 
closely chained and less successful, until the disaster 
of 1967, by which he was mortally wounded. 

The Free Officers had no definite political pro- 
gramme before or at the beginning of their regime. 
No one ideology motivated the seizure of power; they 
rather vague ideas about national independence. 

1 jus 

equality. The first years of 
precise defining of these ideas and forced 'Abd al- 
Nasir to determine his role in the new system. He 
was the centre of the new ruling body, the Revolution 
Command Council (R.C.C.) (Madj_lis Kiyadat al-Thawra), 
although Nadjib was its president, replacing 'All Mahir 
in September 1952, and 'Abd al-Nasir not yet pub- 
licly acknowledged. 

The regime's first declared objective had been the 
expulsion of the British, and negotiations began imme- 
diately over the evacuation of the Canal Zone. 
Secondly, the direction of domestic policy was estab- 
lished by the agrarian reform law of September 1952 
by which no one was allowed to hold more than 200 
feddans of land. Thirdly, the regime set about elim- 
inating opposition, i.e. the Wafd and especially the 
Ikhwan, who reacted by trying to foment opposition 
in the army, police and universities. In the early 
months of 1954 the Ikhwan waged what 'Abd al-Nasir 
termed a djihad against the regime, in an attempt to 
seize power themselves. 

Within the Revolution Command Council, dis- 


stnsions nose between Generil Nidjib now Piesident 
of the Egypt! m Republic ind the vounger officers 
The older mm hid gained considerable popul int\ 
but was opposed bv his colleigues who i<<used him 
ot le establishing lehtions with the old politicians and 
u mting to send the at my back to its birncks Theie 
were demonstiations in his livoui and the chaos of 
pie i evolutions diys seemed about to letuin This 
to Abd alNisn with his deeplv 

leagues isolated Nadjib bv the end of March 1954 
he lemamed as tituhr president of the iepubhc while 
Abd ilNisn became president ol the RCC with 
de facto powei 

In JuK 1954 Abd al Nasir signed i tieity with 
the British undei which the C inal bise would be 
entuited within twentv months with the piovision 
that it could be re letivited bv the Bntish in tht 
event ot in ittitk bv in outside power on an Ai ib 
countrv 01 on Turkev To many Egyptians this wis 
1 npituhtion to the West ind wis stronglv opposed 
bv the Muan On 24 Oitobei 1954 \bd alNisir 
wis iddressmg a uowd m Alexindm justifying the 
tieity when a member of the Ifhuan attempted to 
J described 

il Nisi 

r H avuis 

contiol ol the limy and stite his sunn il might ilso 

mitic leiders can onlv gam in prestige horn mirac 
ulouslv surviving ississinition ittempts \bdilNisn 
now dommited the Resolution Command Council 
the cabinet the hee Offiteis md through them the 
Liber ition Rallv his hrst attempt to oigunse politi 

penetrated most ispects ol civil life 

1955 wis the veil in which Jcbd ilNisu won his 
person il bittle md lound the role he had written 
about m his Fat afat a i than ra Philosophv of the lev 

iole wandeung umlessly \bout seeking an ictoi to pi iv 
it In his wilting he had i utilised the masses for not 
enthusiastic illv following him litu the coup Now he 
was piesented with 1 cause in which to lead them 
The British had established the Bighdid Pact with Nun 
al Sa id of Ink as the lvnch pm \bd al Nasu aw uc 
that he wis compromised ovei the Sut/ bise lgrec 

ciallv bv Eden to maintain dommition m the Middle 
Eist ind mil to shilt the centre of power aw iv from 
Fgypt to Ink hence he deteimmed to oppose it In 
Februirv 1955 he wis visited bv the pioponents ol 
non alignment Tito and Nehru md w as gi e itlv influ 
enced bv them especially b\ the \ugoshv At the sime 

Amencins were Utempting to exploit his vulnenbilitv 
He now begin to seek urns first unsuicesslullv horn 
the West ind then horn the Communist bloc 

His p ii ticipation m Apiil in the Bandung Confeience 
ol Non aligned Nitions made i deep impression on 
him loi he wis hilled is i leader in the mti lolo 
nnlist fight ind weliomed bv in enthusiastic nowd 

announced an arms lontmt with C zei hoslov aki i 
though he wis loith to sever lontKts with the West 
and in November he opened negotiations with Bntain 
ind America loi a loin to finance the construction ot 
the Aswan High Dam In Januarv 195b i loan bv 
the West was innounced with conditions notiblv tint 
Egypt s budget had to be supeivised bv the lenders 

Abd il Nasu hesitated foi l time having ihenited 
Fr ince bv his support ot the Front de Libei ition 
Nulonale m Algeni and Bntnn bv his ippiov il ol 
King Husavns dismiss d of Genei il dlubb in Jordin 
and tinallv in JuK the offer ot the loan was with 
dnwn because iccording to the L S Deputment of 
State ot doubts ibout Egvpt s abilitv to devote ade 

in June with 99 9 per cent ol the votes He announced 
the nation ills ition of the Suez C mil lgimst which 
tht Bntish Pi line Minister \nthonv Eden re it ted bv 
denouncing the ttkeovei is illegal he also siw Abd 
il Nisir ts i dictator threitenmg Bntish secuntv who 
hid to be removed To the Egyptians however the 
C mil was the symbol of impeinlism and Abd il 
Nisn wis the mm who had defied the Old Woild 
and who hid asstited the lights ol the newly mde 
pendent His populanty in Egvpt wis enoimous md 
he was convinced thit he could withstand Western 

md Isi i, 

; lined 

k Egvpt 

tilled On Octobei 29th Isneli tioops crossed into 
Sin n ind the following di\ wire repoited to be within 

dnw to ten miles on either side of the Cinil was 
iciected bv Abd al N isir and two divs htei Bntish 
phnts rudtd Cano On Novembci ith Bntish md 
Henth tioops 1 mded in Poit Slid \hd al N isn con 
v mied his followers ol Egypt s ability to lesist but ht 
wis in lict 1 icing deieit ind wis onlv sued bv 
\mencin md k 
foicign troops w 

:> leave Egyptiai 

e pop 

bore within ltsell the 
gei He hid lonhonted Isnel md the W 
on behilf ol Egvpt but ilso of othei part- 
woild He w is being diawn into the politic 
with its twin goils of unity and the destiuction of 
Isnel iention md i oloni ilism Egvpt the stiongest 

\nb state with its powerful leidcr was the natunl 
centie of tht Ai lb world Abd il Nasir had aheidy 
shown his suppoit foi the Algen m national movement 

md thereby ihenited France The \ oi, e of the Ar lbs 
l ldio broidc 1st continual mti Western piopiganda 
horn Cum Abd il N isn hid ie)eited Piesident 
Eisenhowers offci ot -\mene in military support At 
the same time Syrn the othei centie ol Anbism 
"ippmg u 


groups were competing loi power In J mu in 1958 
Svrnn spokesmen mtoimed \bd alNisir that onlv 

not immediately convinced despite his piofessed beliel 
in \rab unity md mide stiong conditions foi the 
Synans whith they neveitheless leidily aeteptcd \t 
the end of Jmtnry the United \nb Republic c tme 
into existence with Abd il Nisn as president wel 
tomed with relief bv the Synans but not it seemed 
with my git at enthusiasm bv the Egvpti in le ider him 
self noi bv tht Egyptian people some ot whom legiet 
ted the disappeai nice of tht nime ol Egvpt 

Hovvevei he ieceived a grevt populu welcome m 

Syria and appeared determined to make the union a 
success, if only by imposing his own will on the 
Syrians. Such an attitude was bound to cause resent- 
ment, and socialist measures, the dismissal of army 
officers, purges of politicians and the arrogant behav- 
iour of 'Abd al-Nasir's man in Syria, 'Abd al-Hamid 
Sarradj, all contributed to increase feelings of bitter- 
ness. By early 1961 the union was falling apart and 
in September a group of Syrian officers unilaterally 
took Syria out of the U.A.R. 

'Abd al-Nasir was stunned, but, after a momen- 
tary determination to oppose the split by force, 
reluctantly withdrew Egyptian troops from Syria. To 
salvage his self-esteem and perhaps to keep the door 
open for further unions, he retained the title of U.A.R. 
for Egypt. His political life was complicated by an- 
other factor. The 'Irakis had overthrown the monar- 
chy in July 1958, had pioclaimed theii i evolution 
and weie disputing with him the leadership of the 

claimed Soviet support and had refused to join the 
U.A.R. He had been dragged deep into inter-Arab 
disputes and saw his energies diverted into unpiof- 
itable avenues. 

After the break-up of the U.A.R., 'Abd al-Nasir 
felt isolated and to some extent withdrew into Egyptian 
affairs. In a speech of October 1961 he made some 
surprising admissions; "We fell victim to a dangeious 
illusion, to which we were led by an increasing con- 
fidence in ourselves and in others". He had neglected 
the economic development and the political organi- 
sation of Egypt. He would summon a congress of 
popular forces which would chart a more socialist and 
demociatic couise. In Egypt he had become in all 
senses the rah, enjoying absolute power and now 
being corrupted by that power. He was the father- 
figure, protected by the mukhabaidt, imprisoning and 
torturing Communists, with an all-powerful police, and 
with judicial corruption. His entourage both protected 
and isolated him. He owed his popularity to the 
masses, yet he distrusted them, and none of his plans 
to involve the people more diiectly in government 
had very great success. He moved cautiously and prag- 
matically, approaching a socialist solution slowly. 
Despite his reliance on Russia, he had persecuted 
Egyptian Marxists and had no intention of imposing 
a totally communist progiamme on the country. 

During the fifties there had been some nationali- 
sation, but it was not until July 1961 that 'Abd al- 
Nasir announced more radical measures. He introduced 
"Arab socialism" into Egypt — land ownership was 
reduced to a maximum of 100 feddans; banks and 
many other companies were nationalised; property was 
sequestiated; and the economy was to be totally 
planned. Smaller businesses were left in private hands. 
'Abd al-Nasir was cleaily reluctant, however, to fol- 
low too closely the So\iet pattern. His socialism was 
to be built on "national friendship" rather than class 
warfare and there was to be no enfoiced collectivisa- 
tion of the peasantry. The Congress of Popular Forces 
was convened in May 1962 to discuss and approve 
a National Chartei which embodied the ideology 
of the i egime. A new single pai ty, the Arab Socialist 
Union, was founded to succeed the National Union 
which had already taken the place of the earlier 
Liberation Rally. 

The A.S.U. was 'Abd al-Nasir's attempt to involve 
the people, in a strictly supervised way, in the gov- 
ernment of Egypt. That it largely failed was partly due 
to the scarcity of enthusiastic and well-trained cadies. 
Traditional centres of powei still held sway in many 

of the Egyptian villages and no great enthusiasm was 
shown for the A.S.U. In an attempt to strengthen the 
Union, 'Abd al-Nasir even released imprisoned Marx- 
ists, some of whom in 1964 agreed to work within 
the organisation. 

'Abd al-Nasir's economic policies were obviously 
influenced by his relationship with the Soviet Union 
and Yugoslavia. He rejected Communism and was 
categorised by Soviet ideologists as a bourgeois nation- 
alist, yet he was dependent on Russia for aid and 
Krushchev considered him an ally in the Middle East. 
Apart from arms, Russia had in 1960 agreed to finance 
the construction of Aswan Dam, which became both 
the symbol of Russo-Egyptian co-operation and of 
Egypt's rebirth. The dam was built to transform 
Egypt's economy and agriculture. It has not succeeded 
in all the ways intended, and in more ways than one 
it is 'Abd al-Nasir's monument. 

Despite his intention to concentrate on internal 
affairs, 'Abd al-Nash's reputation and Egypt's posi- 
tion in the Arab world obliged him to continue to 
play a leading role. The most serious intervention was 
in the Yemen where in the autumn of 1962 an upris- 
ing had driven out the Imam. A republic was pro- 
claimed which was immediately threatened by 
Saudi-backed royalist forces. 'Abd al-Nasir sent an 
Egyptian army to support the revolution, an action 
he later regretted, for it was trapped for five years 
with a continuing drain of men and equipment, 
diverted away from a confrontation with Israel, the 
insoluble problem of his lifetime. 

The Israelis had withdrawn from the Suez Canal 
after 1956, and United Nations troops had moved in 
between Israel and Egypt. The Aiabs had made var- 
ious plans for and propaganda about the destruction 
of Israel, but 'Abd al-Nasir seemed determined not 
to let Egypt be engaged in war before the at my was 
ready, or until Arab unity was achieved. However, 
he joined a pact with Syria in 1966 which trapped 
him into confrontation. Both Syria and Jordan clashed 
with Israel and he found himself shouldering their 
burdens and being ineluctably drawn into a conflict. 
He was now heard to talk of destroying Isiael and 
of the impossibility of co-existence. 'Abd al-Hakim 
'Amir and others convinced him that the army was 
strong and prepared, though after the wai, 'Abd al- 
Nasir claimed that he had not wanted to fight. 

According to his version of the events leading to 
the war, in May he asked U Thant to withdraw the 
U.N. Emergency Force from the Israeli-Egyptian fron- 
tier, thus allowing the Egyptian army to face Israeli 
troops directly. The Russians had informed him that 
the Israelis were preparing to attack Syria, and by 
his moves in Sinai he intended to deter them; this 
information seems to have been either incorrect or at 
least exaggerated. 'Abd al-Nasir claimed that the U.N. 
responded by insisting on withdrawing their troops 
both from the frontier and from Sharm al-Shaykh. 
The U.N. version is that Egyptian troops appealed 
at Sharm al-Shaykh and forced the U.N. to with- 
draw. Whichever version is correct, Egyptian tioops 
were soon at the entrance to the Gulf of 'Akaba and 
blockading the Straits of Tiran to Isiaeli shipping, 
and it was clear that Israel could not leave such a 
challenge unanswered. According to eyewitnesses in 
Cairo 'Abd al-Nasir appeared at the time to be borne 
down by the inexorable, and he spoke of a moment 
of decision: either Israel must accept new discussions 
on the Palestine problem or war was inevitable. 

'Amir and Shams Badian, the Egyptian Wai Min- 
ister, urged him in vain to strike first. Israel settled 


June 9th Egypt accepted a cea: 
troops once again on the Suez C 
had led his country to a ratastror. 
no excuses. On tension on Jul 

i he admi 
. The r 

tion was immediate. All Egypt, it seemed, beg 
to stay. Egypt and 'Abd al-Nasir had together 
defeated, and Egypt without him was unthinkable; the 
identification between leader and people appeared 
total. His resignation was rejected and the follow' 
day he resumed office. 

his country occupied, the Canal closed; he was c 
fronted by a powerful enemv, and his armed fo 
were shattered. In the short period left of his 
there was little he could do to restore the situat 
yet as leader he was forced to try. Even the ai 
was not prepared totally to support him. 'Amir 
blamed for the defeat, arrested and allowed (or for, 

course. He had guided Egypt through a period of 
intense change and political adjustment. He had seen 
the end of French and British imperialism and had 
felt his wav towards a new relationship both with 
the United States and the Soviet Union. He had led 
Egypt into a relationship with an Arab world newly- 
scious of its power and independence. He had 



1>68 the Air Force con 

nprisonment. Even so, the Egyptian people 
were not satisfied with 'Abd al-Nasir's actions, and 
there was criticism of him, of the system and of the 
leniency of the sentences on the Air Force officers. 

He responded by increasing the sentences and by- 
urging the Arab Socialist Union to plav a more cre- 
ative and active role. This did not satisfy the people, 
and in late 1968 there were demonstrations in favour 
of more political freedom and even demands for his 
resignation. He had been called back by the people 

On the int 
tie that was c 

fulfil theii 

1967 h 

able i 


>rsed tl 

) negotiate with Israel, alth< 
i seemed to accept the U.N. resolution 24 
entailed recognition of the sovereignty of all 
the Middle East. Soviet support in rebuilding 1 
at least gave him a position from which he co 
Israel on a more equal footing. It led him tr 
the war of attrition in 1969-70 during which til 

tor>-. 'Abd al-Nasir personally and on behali 
Arabs could not bring himself to the point ol 
ating a peace treaty with Israel, despite So' 
. He made s 

med t 


- leadin. 

t in C 


n the A 

1970 King Husavn of Jordan 
:>f the Palestine liberation 
liro under 'Abd al-Nasir's aegis 
r Husavn's sup- 

pression of the attempted Palestin 

September 28th he died of a heart attack, 1 
fered from diabetes for ten years and later 
right leg. Despite a prev 

ark in J 


1969 h 

ntil the very end. Hi 

funeral i 

n Cairo 

was marked 

vith astonishing scene 

of .grief. 

surrounded his cof 

n. It was as though in a very r 
>ul of Egypt had died with hin 
It is also possible that the n 
av contained within itself a gra 

ass hvs 
n of re 

ef. 'Abd al- 

^asir had dominated 
ears and perhaps b\ 

1970 Na 


some fifteen 

jehalf c 


, thes. 

'Abd al-Nasir was thoroughly Egyptian, a SaTdr 
■ ho gave back to Egypt a sense of dignity. He 
?mained a man of simple tastes and hard work who 
ontinued to live modestly in Cairo. His close friends 
'ere almost all political allies and he created with 
lem an atmosphere of intrigue and conspiracy in 
overnment. He ruled Egypt through this elite. 

and a 

usted tl 



with the muhhabamt. H, 
man, not averse to the use of violence and torture 
to subdue his opponents. He did not know how to 
create lasting institutions nor how to gather around 

He clearly inspired devotion both among his col- 
rise to the formation of Nasserist parties in other 
countries. He was the symbol for many of Arab resist- 
ance to foreign influence and to internal reaction. He 

in Wei 


lead the break-through in Egypt's h 

Bibliogiaphy: Much has been written about 'Abd 
al-Nasir and Egypt under his regime. A survey of 
English and French studies written before 1967 can 
be found in D. Hopwood, Some Western views of the 
Egypt,™ uvolutwn, in PJ. Vatikiotis, ed., Egypt' unce 
the revolution, London 1968; The most important 
works specifically on Djamal 'Abd al-Nasir appear- 
ing since that date are: J. Lacouture, A'assei, Paris 
1971 [and Engl, tr., London 1973); R. Stephens. 
Xasse,, London 1971; R.H. Dekmejian, Egrpt under 
Xasir, a study in political dynamics. Albany, N.Y. 1972; 
A. Nutting, .\asser, London 1972; Egypt and ,\'asser. 
' ~ i File) New York 1973; M.H. 

documents, London 1973; Many 

;• his death, both laudatory and critical, and 

Heikal, The 

: One 

: the 

l-'alam, Beirut 1972. Essential is 'Abd al-Nasir's 

own Fahafat al-thamm, Cairo 1956 (English tr., 

Washington D.C. 1956). Also of use are memoirs 

by his colleagues, Anwar al-Sadat, Revolt on the Mle, 

New York 1957, and Mohammed Neguib, Egypt's 

destiny. London 1955. Many of his speeches were 

also "published. ' [D. Hopwood) 

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. HASSAN b. Thabit al- 

\nsarI, poet of Medina and Damascus in the early 

islamic period and son of the more famous eulogist 

rf the Prophet, Hassan b. Thabit [q.v.]. He ; 

r 7/628 


'rom visits to the Umayyad capital, 
nost of his life in Medina. He died there, according 
o Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhlb, vi, 162-3, in ca. 104/722-3 
tt the age of 98 lunar years, long-lived like his father. 



His father had latterly become a strong advo- 
cate of vengeance for 'Uthman and a supporter of 
Mu'awiya's cause, and 'Abd al-Rahman likewise 
became embroiled in the controversies of the day, 
including with the poet and supporter of the 'Alids, 
Kays b. 'Amr al-Nadjashl [q.v.]. 'Abd al-Rahman him- 
self apparently was of a distinctly provocative and 
irascible nature, much given to satirising his contem- 
poraries, and he also clashed with the Umayyad poet- 
prince 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hakam, brother of the 
future caliph Marwan (see Aghani', xiii, 150-4, xiv, 
123 f. = ed. Beirut, xiii, 279-86, xiv, 284 ff.), and 
then with the heir to the throne Yazld b. Mu'awiya 
over an alleged slight to the latter's sister in the nasib 
of one of 'Abd al-Rahman's poems (see Lammens, 
Eludes sur le regne du calife omaiyade Mo'iwia /", in MFOB, 
ii (1907), 149-51); the moderation of Mu'awiya pro- 
tected him from retaliation, although the incident may 
possibly have sharpened the satires of Yazld's protege 
al-Akhtal [q.v] against the Ansar in general. 'Abd al- 
Rahman was also a companion of his younger An§arl 
contemporary, the poet 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad 
al-Ahwas [q.v.]. Only fragments of his verses have sur- 
vived; these are significant, however, as showing a 
transitional stage to the poetry of the Hidjazi school 
of al-Ahwas and then of 'Umar b. Abl'Rabfa [q.v.]. 

a poet of this 


'Abd al-Rahman's son Sa'i 
Hidjazi lyrical tradition, to judge by the fc 
of his work in the Aghani and other sources. He spent 
some of his career in the Hidjaz and some in Syria 
at the court of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik and then in 
the latter's son al-Walld's circle during Hisham's 
caliphate; the date of his death is unknown. See 
R. Blachere, Hist, de la lilt, arabe, iii, 625, and Sezgin, 

GAS, i 


Bibliography: There is no specific biography of 
'Abd al-Rahman in the Aghani, but see the Tables 
alphabetiques for references there to him. The scat- 
tered references of the tabakat literature, etc., are 
given in Blachere, op. cil., ii, 316-17, and Sezgin, 
ii, 422-3, see also Brockelmann, S I, 68, and Zirikll, 
A'lam, iv, 74. Of secondary literature, see in addi- 
tion to the above, F. Schultess, L'ber dem Dichtei al 
Xagasl und einige Ze>'g™osw, in ^DA/(7, liv (1900), 
421-74 (material from al-Zubayr b. Bakkar's 
Muwaffakiyydt); Lammens, be. eit.; and \V. 'Arafat, 
Dlwdn of Hassan ibn Thdbit, London 1971. i, Introd., 
6-7. The surviving verses and fragments of 'Abd 
al-Rahman's poetic work have recently been gath- 
ered together by S. Makki al-Ani, Shi'r 'Abd al- 
Rahman b. Hassan al-Ansarf, Baghdad 1971. 

(C.E. Bosworth) 
'ABD al-RAZZAK al-LAHIDJI [see lahidji]. 
'ABD al-SALAM b. MUHAMMAD b. Ahmad al- 
HasanI al-'AlamI al-fasi, Moroccan astronomer and 
physician of the 19th century who lived in Fas, dying 
there in 1313/1895. Like some others of his fellow- 
countrymen, he tried to improve the instruments used 
for calculating the hours of the prayers (tawktf [q.v.]), 
and he describes one of these invented by himself in 
his Irshad al-khill li-tahklk al-sa'a bi-mb' al-shu'a' wa Hill. 
Besides some commentaries (in particular, on al-Wazzanl, 
called Abda' al-yawaklt 'ala tahrlr al-mawaklt, Fas 
1326/1908), he wrote a Dustur abda' al-yawaklt 'ala tahrlr 
al-mawaklt (ms. Rabat K 980), which aimed at being 
a general manual based in part on translations of west- 
ern scientific works, which he had got to know about 
in Cairo, where he had gone to study medicine; on 
his return, he also wrote a commentary on the Tadhkira 

of al-Antakl [q.v.], called Diya' al-nibras fl hall mufradat 
al-Antakl bi-lughat ahl Fas (ed. Fas 1318/1900, 2nd 
edn., N.D.; with his treatise on haemorrhoids in the 
margins) and composed a reclassification of the mate- 
rial in this same work in al-Tabsira fl suhulat al-intifa' 
bi-mudfarrabdt al-Tadhkira. He further wrote an urdjuza 
on surgery, but left unfinished a dictionary of tech- 
nical terms found in medical works translated into 
Arabic. This author accordingly marks the transition 
between traditional medicine and the modern medi- 
cine, of which he had been able to acquire some idea 
during his stay in Cairo. 

Bibliography. Ibn 'Abd Allah, al-Tibb wa 7- 
atibba' hi 'l-Maghrib, Rabat 1380/1960, 86-9; M. 
Lakhdar, La vie litteraire au Maroc, Rabat 1971, 361- 
4 and bibl. given there. (Ed.) 

'ABD al-WAHHAB BUKHARl, Shaykh, Sufi 
saint of Muslim India. 

He was the son of Muhammad al-Husayni al-Bukharl, 
the descendant of Sayyid Djalal al-Dln Bukhari, who 
had come to Multan from Central Asia and then set- 
tled down in Ucch at the instance of his pir, Shaykh 
Baha 1 al-Dln Zakariyya' SuhrawardI of Multan. His 
descendants became distinguished SuhrawardI saints 
during the latter half of the 8th /14th century owing 
to the eminence of Makhdum Djahaniyan. 'Abd al- 
Wahhab received his early religious instruction in Uchha 
and then went to Multan for higher education. He is 
reported to have studied the religious sciences under 
Shaykh Ahmad Khattu in Ahmadabad (in Gudjarat). 
At an early age, he went to Arabia on pilgrimage and 
whilst there benefited from local scholars. On his return 
to India he settled down in Dihll, as most of the 
Suhrawardr saints of Ucch and Multan had moved 
there. He there became the murfd of Shaykh 'Abd 
Allah SuhrawardI, the son of Shaykh Yusuf MultanI 
and son-in-law of Sultan Bahlul Lodi. He also became 
an associate of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. After some time, 
he left on the pilgrimage to Arabia for a second time. 
This time he went from Gudjarat by ship, having on 
his previous trip travelled by land. 

On his return to Agra, in the beginning of the 
10th/ 16th century. The Sultan accorded him a grand 
reception. In the year, 915/1509, he was sent to the 
Central Indian fort of Narwar (in modern Madhya 
Pradesh) which had been just been conquered and 
renamed by the Sultan Hisar-i Muhammad, so that he 

ould s< 

'e the n 

e there. 

rting a: 


ipervised the construction of mosque 
and madrasas, and some mosque inscriptions contain 
his praise. In the same year, 'Abd al-Wahhab Bukhari 
completed his commentary on the Kur'an, in which 
the meaning of every verse was explained from a Sufi 
point of view. The work is not extant, and only a 
few extracts, quoted by Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk in his 
Akhbar-al-akhyar, are known. 

'Abd al-Wahhab Bukharl's association with the 
Sultan enhanced his influence and prestige in the rul- 
ing class, and as a result, a number of scholars and 
Sufis got stipends and land-grants from the state for 
their maintenance on his recommendation. But his 
relations with Sultan Sikandar Lodi became strained 
towards the close of the latter's reign. It is said that 
on his arrival in Agra from Narwar, the Shaykh advised 
the Sultan to grow a beard as it was not proper for 
a Muslim monarch to shave his beard. The sultan 
tried to avoid discussion over the matter by giving 
evasive replies. Against the royal wishes, the Shaykh 
insisted on eliciting a promise from the sultan. How- 
ever, the sultan got annoyed and became quiet. On 
the departure of the Shaykh, he expressed his resent- 


merit, remarking that he had become presumptuous 
over royal favour to him and that he did not know 
that it was because of this that people kissed his feet. 
When the Shaykh came to know of the sultan's remark 
through a courtier, he left Agra in disgust and then 
spent the rest of his life in seclusion in Dihlr. He 
died in 931/1525 and was buried in Dihlr near the 
tomb of his pir, Shaykh 'Abd Allah. 

Bibliography: Shaykh Rizk Allah MushtakT, 
Waki'at-i MushtSkJ, Ms. British Museum Add. 1 1,633; 
Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith, Akhbar al-akhvar, 
Dihll 1914; 'Abd Allah, Ta'rlkh-i Ddwudi, ed. Shaykh 
•Abd al-Rashid, Aligarh 1954; Ahmad Yadgar, 
Ta'm-i Shahl, ed. M. Hidayat Husayn, Calcutta 
1939; Ahmad Khan, Shadfarqyi-Suhraward, Ms. Riza 
Library, Rampur; Epigiaphia Indira, Arabic and 
Persian Supplement 1965, ed. Z.A. Desai, Calcutta 
1966. (I.H. Siddiquii 

'ABD al-WAHHAB, Hasan HusnI b. salih b. 'Abd 
al-Wahhab b. Yusuf al-SumadihI al-TudjibI, born 
in Tunis 21 July 1884 and died at Salammbo in the 
suburbs of Tunis November 1968, was a polygraph 
and scholar born into a family of dignitaries and 
high officials of the Tunisian state. His eponymous 
grandfather, 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Yusuf, served in posi- 
tions of administration and protocol in the entourage 
of the Beys while his father, Yusuf b. 'Abd al-Wahhab, 
a senior official and interpreter with various Tunisian 
delegations in Europe, occupied a number of admin- 
istrative posts under the French Protectorate, includ- 
ing that of 'amil, governor, of Gabes and of Mahdia; 

of Morocco that has never been published. 

In 1904, on the death of his father, Hasan HusnI 
'Abd al-Wahhab was obliged to interrupt his short- 
lived higher studies in Paris where he was following 
a course in Political Science, for an administrative 
career in Tunis which was to last from 1905 to 192U. 

Governor or 'amil successively of Djabanyana in 
1925, Mahdia in 1928 and Nabeul in 1935, he exerted 
himself particularly in the extension of education and 
the diffusion of culture in these regions through the 
establishment of primary schools in the Caidate of 
Djabanyana, through weekly lectures on the history 
of Tunis which he himself gave in Mahdia, and 
through the provision of books for the libraries of this 
town and of Nabeul. 

in 1939 he was given responsibility, having been 
pensioned off, for the supervision of the Habous iprop- 
erties held in mortmain). From Mav 1943 to July 
1947, he was minister of the Pen (Chancellery and 
Internal Affairs I of the last Bey of Tunis Lamine or 

Following the independence of Tunisia, he directed, 
from 1957 to 1962, the Institute of Archaeology and 
Arts where he introduced young Tunisians to archae- 
ological pursuits, founded five museums in different 
parts of the country, of which four were museums of 
Arab-Islamic art to which he donated the whole of 
his private collection, and at the same time stimulated 
artistic and archaeological activity by the publication 
of articles and the writing of prefaces to books which 
he encouraged and assisted scholars to write. 

His vocation as historian of Tunisia, put into effect 
from 1905 onward by the courses in the history of 
Tunisia which he gave at the Khalduniyya [q.r.] and 
in the history of Islam which he conducted at the 
Ecole Superieure de Langue et Litterature Arabes 
from 1913 to 1924, was assisted by his transfer in 
1920 to the General Archives of Tunisia, where he 

inaugurated a card-index system, then to the Super- 
vision of Habous, and also by his work as governor 
in various parts of Tunisia, which enable him to gain 
a better acquaintance with the country, its recent his- 
tory, its hitherto ignored cultural patrimony, its peo- 
ples, their ethnology and dialects. In 1933, he gave 
a series of lectures at the Institut des Etudes Islamiques 
at the University of Paris. 

A member from its foundation in 1932 of the 
Arabic Language Academy of Cairo, in which he in 
effect represented the three countries of the Maghrib, 
he took an active part in the work of the vari- 
ous commissions, distinguishing himself by "an open- 
minded approach striving to conciliate modern needs 
with the norms of Muslim civilisation". He was also 
a member of the Academy of Damascus from its 
creation, of the Academy of Baghdad, a correspon- 
ding member of the French Academic des Inscriptions 
et Belles Lettres from 1939, of the Egyptian Institute, 
and of the Madrid Academy of History, and of the 
executive committee of the EI. 

As official delegate of the Tunisian government, he 
participated, from 1905, in the work of the majority 
of the International Congresses of Orientalists as well 
as in a number of seminars, which enabled him to 
forge fruitful and lasting relationships with numerous 
orientalists and oriental scholars. 

While the title of Doctor honoris causa of the Academy 
of Cairo in 1950, and of the Academy of Algiers — 
then French — in 1960. confirmed the scholar's pres- 
tige, the Prize of the President of the Tunisian Republic 
crowned, on the very eve of the death of H.H. 'Abd 
al-Wahhab [1 November 1968), the achievements of 
a long and hard-working life. 

His works comprise; 
ia). In Arabic; al-Muntakhab al-madrasl mm al-adab al- 
tuniu, Tunis 1908, re-published in Cairo in 1944 
and again in Tunis in 1468 in a new version under 
the title al-Mudfmal; Bisat al-'akik ft haddrat al-Kayrawdn 
wa sha'inha Ibn Rashik. Tunis 1912; Khulasat ta'rikh 
Tunis, a summary of the history of Tunisia, pub- 
lished three times between 1918 and 1953 and brought 
l-lnhad ilr ' -" - ■ 

!, Tunis 


I, Tuni: 



Tunis, May 1940; .Visslm Ibn Va'kub, in dl-Nadwa, 
Tunis, January 1953; al-'Inava hi 'l-kutuh ica-djam'iha 
fi lfiikiya al-tunisivya, in RIMA, i, (1955), 72-90; al- 
lmam al-Mazari, funis 1955; lima/cat 'an al-hadara al- 
'aiabivya bi-Ifrikiva al-tiinisma, Tunis 1965-72 (3 vols.); 
al-'A'rab wa l-'umrdn bi-ljrlkiya, in al-Fih iDec. 1968), 

(b). In French: La domination musulmane en 
Sicile, Tunis 1905; Coup d'oeil general sur la apports eth- 
ruques etrangers en Tunhie, Tunis 1917; Le developpement 
de la musique arabe en Orient, au Maghreb et en Espagne, 
Tunis 1918; Vn temoin de la conquete arabe de I'Espagne, 
Tunis 1932; Deux dinars normands frappes a Mahdia, 
in RT (1930), 215-18; Vn tournant de rhistoire aghlabide, 

Muhammadiyya, in ibid. (1937), 343-52; Du nam aiabe 
de la Byzacene, in ibid. (1939), 199-201; Yilles arabes 
disparues, in Melanges It". Marfan, Paris 1950, 1-15; Le 
regime jorum en Sicile au Moyen-Age I IX' et X' i.), ed. 
and tr. of the A) al-Amwdl of al-Dawudi (in collab- 
oration with F. Dachraoui), in Etudes d'Onentahsme 
dedim a la memoire dE. Livi-Provencal, Paris 1962, ii, 
(O. Edit] 


11 423-94 Rasa tl al mtikad of Ibn Sharaf Damascus 
1912 \Ialka at iabil of al-Ma'arn Damascus 1912 
Wasfljnkiw ita I indalus of Ibn Fadl Allah al-'Uman 
Tunis 1920 Kitab laj'ul of al-Sagham Tunis 1924 
alTabassur hi I tidjara of al-Djahiz Damascus 1933 
Cairo 1935 -and Beirut 19bb idab al mu'allimin of 
Muhammad b Sahnun Tunis 1934 al Djumana fl 
izalat al ratana, anon Cairo 1953 Rihla of al-Tidjam 
Tunis 1958 

His works also include a number of articles in 
Arabic and m French some of them still unpublished 
the others appealing in the Enitdupaedia of Islam and 
in periodicals of Tunisia Euiope and the Orient (see 
al Ftkr [Dec 19b8] 9b with a list of his articles pub- 
lished b\ this journal some of which as well as some 
of the titles mentioned above ha\e been reproduced 
in Watakat either because the\ are in a suitable c 
text theie or because then original edition has been 

Manuals or monographs these works are for the 
most part dedicated to Aiab historv and civilisation 
in Tunisia in a perspective which embraces literature 
and also linguistic and religious studies without how- 
e\ei neglecting the exact sciences and the arts The\ 
prehguie the authors greatest work the fruit ol sixtv 
\eais of patient reseaich his kitab al'lmr the work 

some thousand scholars and men of letters who lived 
and worked in Tunisia since the Arab conquest which 
he seems aheadv to have (oieshadowed in 1953 undei 
the title Ta'nkh Tunis al kabtr Great histon, of Tunisia 
(Preface to the 3rd ed of Khulasat ta'nkh Tunis) and 
publication of which he had entrusted to a Tunisian 
scholar M el Aioussi el Metou I see especnllv al Fikr 
[Dec 1968] 86) 

His onlv known experiment in the fictional genre 
a short storv Demure lallet a Grtnadt written in French 
(in La Renaissanei nnrd apuaine Tunis no 3, March 
1905) and translated into Aiabic (bv Hamadi Sahh 
in Anas Tunis no 17 Oct 1970) prehgures the 
concern motivating him in all his studies (oi the 
revival of Arab-Muslim civilisation in addition he 
reveals gilts as a writer whose stvle and poetic imag- 
ination have alreadv been noted (see Ch Bouvahia 
review of Watakat n in Haulmat al Djami'a al Tunuma 
i\ [1967] 166-70) 

Through the abundant wealth of his scientihc con- 
tribution which goes bevond the Tunisian domain 
into the broadei spheres of Arab-Muslim culture 
through the clantv oi expression the tautness and 
elegance of stvle the woik oi H H 'Abd al-\\ ahhab 
so varied in its umtv has alreadv inspired and guided 
geneiations oi scholars Moreovei the influence oi the 
scholai and the master whose magjlu the last of its 
kind pel haps in Tunisia was a ventable school con- 
tinues to be ielt todav, thanks to his collection of 
manuscripts some thousand volumes strong which 
he presented to the National Libiarv of Tunis 
wheie thev constitute the bequest that beais his name 
(see catalogue published in Haulittat al Djami'a al 
Turmma vn [1970] 133-272 and the announcement 
oi the gilt in his speech accepting the Puze oi the 
President oi the Republic oi Tunisia in al Fikr [Dec 
1968] 85-7) 

Bibliography an addition to references given 
in the article) For HH 'Abd al-\\ ahhab s life 
the sole souice is his iutobiogiapln which ap- 
peared mainlv m the Tunis dailv al 'imal tor 8 
Nov 1%8, al Fib Dec 19b8 87-95 Haulmat 
al Djann'a al Turmma vi(1969) 35-55 Wat a 

kat in 1972 11-29 largelv used bv Muhammad 
Mahd. 'Allam al Uadima'mun Cairo 19b6 6b-8 
and bv Hilal Nadu Husm '\bd al W ahhab 
m al Adib Benut April 1967, and resumed in 
al Fkt (Nov 19b8) b-7 Foi his woiks Ch 
Bouvahia leviews oi the 3 vols of Warakat in 
Haulmat in 1 1966) 215-27 i\ (1967) lbl- 

70 xi (1974) 275-94 idem Hasan Husm '\bd al 
W ahhab \n Haulmat \i (1969) 7-9 M Chemh 

review oi Shalmat al tumsmat in Haulmat in 

(19b6), 287-92 R Hamzaom Masahk al lugha mm 
khilal ha\at HH '\bd a/Uahhab ua a'malih bi 
\laajma' al lugha al atabma in Haulmat iv 

(1969) 11-33 idem I Aiadtmu dt langut arabi du 
(am hntoire el amn Tunis 1975 97-9 and index 
see also Sarkis Uu'ajam al matbu'at Cano 1928 
758-9 Muhammad Masmuh HH ' Abd al U ahhab 
hal mat' in al Fib (Dec 1968) 38-42 Ch Khbi 
in ibid 76-82 A Demeerseman In numortam in 
IBLA, 1968 No 2 pp i-i\ 

(Ch BomAHiA] 
ABDELKADER [see 'abd al-kadir] 
ABDICATION [see tanazul] 
ABJURATION [see murtadd] 
ABKARIUS [see iskandar aqja] 
ABROGATION [see nasikh wa-mansukh] 
ABSOLUTION [see kaffara] 
ABSTINENCE [see tabattul] 

ABU l- "ABBAS al-A'MA [see al-a'ma al-tutili] 
ABU 'ABD ALLAH al-BASRI al-Husayn b 'Ali 
b Ibrahim <vl-Kaghadi called iai )-Dju'al 'Dung- 
beetle influential Mu'tazih theologian and 
Hanafi junst, died 2 Dhu 1-Hidjdja 3b9/19J u ne 
980 in Baghdad He was born in Basia at an uncer- 
tain date (293/905-6 according to Ta'nkh Baghdad 
vm 73 11 20 fl following 'All b al-Muhassm al- 
Tanukhi and Hilal al-Sabi' 308/920-1 according to 
the Fihtist ed Flugel 174 pu 289/902 according 
to Saiadi cf Kahhala Uu'ajam al mu'allijm iv 27 
n 1) The nickname Dju'al is not used m Mu'tazih 
or Hanafi souices 

He leit Basra at an earlv age possibh, foiced bv 
the constant danger piesented bv the Kaimathians 
[see karmati] since 511/923 He entertained con- 

f Mu' 

who h 

i Mul 

in Khuzistan with Abu Hashim (died 321/933) and 
especiallv with Abu Hashim s disciple Ibn Khallad 
[qi] But he lived mainlv in Baghdad wheie he 
studied Hanafi law with \bu 1-Hasan al-Karkhi (died 
340/952 cf 6-1 S I 444) With lespect to his the- 
ological views he was isolated theie duiing the late 
veais of al-Khavvat (died <a 300/913 [qi]) the 
Mu'tazih had lost much oi its piestige pei haps due 
to the scandal caused bv the books oi Ibn al-Rawandi 
[q i ] and the wing oi the school which still main- 
tained some influence in the capital namelv Ibn al- 
Ikhshid (270-326/883-938 [q,]) with his disciples 
stronglv opposed \bu Hashim s ideas \bu 'Abd 
\llah therefore sufleied senous depnvation during 
his studies (cf the stones in kadi 'Abd al-Djabbai 
Fadl al t'twal ed Fu'ad Savvid 325 pu fl also in 
Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakat al Uu'taja 105 11 15 fl ) 
His teachei Abu 1-Hasan al-karkhi entertained 
lelations with the Hamdanid Savf al-Dawla (333- 
56/944-67) who mailed with the Buvids in the game 
ior political powei in Tiak (ci Fadl al t'tizal 326 
11 17 i) when he sufleied irom a stroke in 340/ 
952 his disciples among them Abu 'Abd Allah ap- 


pioiched the f 

. 355 1 

I This 


tinted c 

aengthened those modente Shi 
which Abu 'Abd Allah became well-known afterwards 
He used them howevei in oidei to win the la\our 
ot Buvid md Za\di aides which had become decl- 
ine aftei Mu'izz il-Dawla hid succeeded in taking 
ovei Bighdad m j34/945 He found support with 
Mu'izz vl-Dawlas aa u al-Hasan b Muhammad al 
Muhallabi (339-52/950-63 cf Himdani Tahmlat 
Ta'nUi al Tabau ed kan'an 180 11 13 11 and Abu 
Hawaii al-Tiwhidi al Imta' e« / mit'anasa m 213 1 
10) who liked to surround himself with jurists ( c f 
Tha'alibi lahmat al dah> ed 'Abd il-Hamid n 330 
ult 11 ) Mu'izz al-Dawh himself did per 


.,t disea 
. He ga 

907 i 


Abu '\bd Allah 
-Hasan i 304-59/910-70) whom he 
ide at the instigition of Mu'izz al- 
Dawla to become nal lb al aJtia/ m 349/900 id il- 
Hakim alDnishami Shaih al'mun ed Fu id Sayud 
Tunis 1974 372 11 10 ff Hamdam 188 1 lb Ibn 
Tnaba '{ mdal al tahb Nadjal 138()/1%1 84 ult 11) 
When his disciple proclaimed himself imam in Gilaii 
undei the title al-Mahdi li-din Allah in 35 3/9b4 Abu 
'\bd Alhh siw himself exposed to pti sedition h\ the 
mob of al-katkh who hid been instigated against him 
b\ l membei of the 'Alid anstociacv but his gieit 
piestige even among those who did not shne his 
political leanings saved him liom the banishment 
planned b\ the government (cl il-Natik bi 1-h ikk 
al Ifada fi to rikh al a'lmma al nida ms I , iden Oi 
8404 fol 3b 11 5 ft shoitei \eision also m il- 
Hakim al-Djusharm 372 apu ft ) Latei on he count- 
ed anions; his pupils Ahmad b al-Husa\n al-Mu'aw id 
billah i 333-41 1/944-1020) and his biother Abu Tahb 
al-Natik bi 1-hakk (340-424/951-1033) who llthough 
originating fiom m Imami famih took up the Zivch 
claims in the Caspian legion id Madelung Dn Imam 
alQusim ibn Ibmlum Beilin 19b5 177 fTi 

victor, ot Abu Hishims ideas was his Inendship with 
the Sahib Ibn 'Abbad whom he ma\ have met when 
he eame to Bighdad in 347/958 with Mu'ayyid il- 
Dawla and whom he hailed is the suppoit ol icli- 
gion {'imad al dim or even as the expected Mahdi 

llthough in the latter case onlv m a metaphoncal sense 
This must be d ited to the vcar 300/970 or some- 
what later when the Sahib had been nomi- 
nated Hfl it bv Mu'awid al Dawla in Raw He oidered 

Abu 'Abd \llahs epistle to be repioduced in golden 

Wushmgir [/;] who took ovei power in Tab install 
and Guigan in the sime veai (cf Tawhidi 4/Jilal al 
ua-iraui ed Tindji 202 11 3 fl and 208 II b ff) 
He addiessed Abu 'Abd \llah with the title al shatUl 
almmshid ind agieed in 307/978 on his ucommen- 

disciple, 'Abd al-Djabbai b Ahmad \q ] the later hidi 
alludal of Raw Abu 'Abd \llah at the peik of Ins 
influence seems to have been m ill heilth \bu Haw m 
al Tawhidi lemembeied having seen him in 300/971 
on the occasion ol a reception for scholais given bv 
'Izz al-Diwla when the guests were conducted to him 

il-Fansi (2 

80-377/900 8 

7, who was in his eight, 

-s lnm- 

ell let Ti, 

'nth Baghdad 

vm 73 1 19 and 74 

Abu H 

like him ,ust as he 



ith the Sahib Ibn ' Abbad In 

lis Imta' 

i 140 11 3 

ft ) he gives a sharp 


haractensation ot Abu 

Abd All ih s personality 


it bad in rf 

etoncs and awkwaid 

in dis 

ussion a 

id ot wealth and piestige but 



to his pec 


al uitluei 

that Abu 1-kasim 


d b 'Allah 

il-\\asiti who seems 

i have 

'Abd \llahs 

cf hidl , 

/ i'H al 329 

1 9i left him out of 


ct Imta' l 

140 11 10 ff md n 

175 11 

10 11 ^ MM 213 11 5 ft) He also mentions 

a num- 

iei of otl 

ei disciples 

4/hla/ 202 11 7 11 ) 

hem vou 

g people fio 

m Khuiasan \ibid 2U 

11 12 

fi whom 

le calls a bi 

nch of unbelievers and 


ai he w 

jv his colleague 'Ah b Tsa al-Rumr....... 

repiesented the school ol Ibn al-Ikhshid id 
aliuKiiayn 202 11 11 ft) He was buned i: 
turba of his teacher al-kaikhi the mourning { 
had been said b\ the Mu'tazih giai 


over into the Mu'tazih ?«/>«/ aMitei itme This bad 
re putation is perhaps to be explained bv a c ertain 
trend towards scepticism (takafu' al adilla) foi whieh 
at least one ot them Abu Ishak Ibiahim b 'Ah al- 
ls^ isibi was well known id eg Tawhidi Uulabawt 
ed Muh TawfTk Husavn Bighdad 1970 159 fi 
ind which Abu Hiwan tries to impute to Abu 'Abel 
Allah too lef 4/Jilal 212 11 5 ft with reference to 
a conveisition between Abu 'Abd Allah and Abu 
Suhvman al-Mantiki) 

Abu 'Abd Allah s ideas hive to be reconsti uc ted 

, fmi 


i the 

oiks of Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbai The Kidi 
ises his mdebtness himself let Mughm xx 21/ 11 
ft i although fiequentlv he did not share his teathei s 
unions He dietited some ot his books m the pies- 
ue of Abu 'Abd Alhh obviouslv when he lived m 
is house in Bighdad id al-Hikim il-Dmshami Sharh 
"uyun 3bh 11 5 1 i when he began his Mughm Abu 
vbd Allah was still alive (cf vx 258 11 8ft) A 
ill cv iluation ot Abu 'Abd Allah s onginahtv is how- 


t quite 


mation about his pro-Shi'i ( Za\di 
he piolened m his A al Tajdil (foi the title 
ilMuitidi Tubal at al Mutajla 107 1 5) He bised 
himself munlv on Shfi traditions the tiustwoithines^ 
of which he tned to piovt with rational spec trillions 
about then histoneitv Moieovei he pi a. tic ed what 

virtues ot 'Mi and Abu Bikr against each othei In 
this he seems to have taken up the aiguments ot il- 
IskafT (died 240/854 [/i]> and he Ind to criticise 

open disigreement with Abu Hashim (cl Mughm xx 1 
21b II 7 ft 22^ II h f 241 11 17 fl xx 120 
11 13 ff 122 II 3 ft 124 11 7 ft 125 11 4 ft 
131 11 5 ff 132 11 19 ft 140 11 3 ft i He nevei 
nude am concessions to ,afd he diew Mu'izz il- 
Dawla s attention to the fact that 'Umir had accepted 
Islam ver\ eailv and that 'Ah had given his daugh- 
ter Umm Kulthum in mimage to him (cf H niidani 


i episte 


ablv because ol the fa, t that Abu 1-Hasan 'Ah b 
Ka'b al-Ansni a membei oi the nval school of Ibn 
al-Ikhshid still detended the ideas of al-Djahiz m 
his cncle lmong them ccitainh, al-Djahiz s lamous 
apiionsm (cf Iiwhidi VJilal 203 foi al-Qi ihiz 
van Ess in hi xln (1900) 169 fl and \ a|da in 
SI xxiv il%61 19 ff) He tiansnntted Djubba'i s A 
\akd al ma'iifa a c ntique ot Djahiz s A al Ua'nfa 


and added remarks to it, obviously in his own A", al- 
Ma'rifa (cf. Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 175, 11. 4 f.), which were 
taken over by the Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar in his Ta'Wc 
Nakd al-ma'rifa (cf. Hakim al-Djushami, 367, 11. 10 f.j. 
The book is quoted in Mughnl, xii, 131, 11. 19 ff.; the 
other numerous references (cf. Mughm, xii, 9, 11. 7 ff.; 
11, 11. 16 ff.; 12, 11 11. ff.; 28, 11. 9 ff.; 33, 11. 5 ff.; 
46, 11. 5 ff.; 75, 11. 13 ff.; 81, 11. 5 ff.; 102, 11. 8 ff; 
118, 11. 6 ff; 133, 11. 13 ff; 187, 11. 18 ff; 372, 11. 
15 ff; 442, 11. 12 ff; 446, 11. 10 ff; 513, 11. 15 ff; 
521, 11. 6 ff; 532, 11. 5 ff) may equally well go back 
to his A". al-'Ulum which is explicitly mentioned in 

, 235, 1 
idical her 


in al-Karkhfs 
;ed his teachei 

, he departed from Abu 
But he seems to have 
respects. Some of his 

/ith the ad 

he had them 'an Abi -1-Hasan; frequently, howev 
his name is mentioned alone. He impressed later 
generations with the precision of some of his defi- 
nitions, but also with subtle speculations on 'amm 
and khass, on idjma', on the ratio legis {'ilia) i 


which, i 

allowed c 

any of 

hadlth), etc. Numerous, although 
is found in Mughnl, xvii, in Abu '1-Husavn al-Basn's 
[q.i>.] Mu'tamadfi usul al-fikh (cf. the index), and in 
an as vet unidentified work on usul al-fikh preserved 
in the Vatican library (Ms. Vat. arab. 1100; cf. Levi 
Delia Vida, Elenco dei manoscritti, 145 f, and Madelung, 
Qasim ibn Ibrahim, 179 f). Abu 'Abd Allah's own 
works in this domain, among them a A". al-Usul and 
a A: Nakd al-futya (cf. Fadl al-i'tizal, 326, 1. 20), seem 
to be lost. In the "ethical" chapters of usul al-fikh, 
he circumscribed, like Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar, the 
good onlv in a privative way (cf. 'Abd al-Djabbar, 
al-Muhit, ed. 'Azml, 239, 11. 13 ff.); the affirmative 
definition was apparently reserved for evil, which 
received the greater share of attention. Evil is never 
chosen by man for the sake of itself, but only when 
he sees a need for it (cf. G. Hourani, Islamic ration- 
alism, Oxford 1972, 95). Whereas DjubbaT and Abu 
Hashim believed that the state of mind of an agent 
determines the quality of evil (evil becoming neu- 
tral when performed during sleep or in the state of 
unconsciousness), Abu 'Abd Allah upheld a more 
differentiated position (cf. ibid., 41 f.). His ideas on 
furii' were formulated in his commentary on Karkhi's 
Mukhtasar, but also in some monographs where he 
treated the lawfulness of drinking nabidh or of per- 
forming one's prayer in Persian (two typical HanafT 
tenets) and the mut'a marriage (which he deemed 
unlawful, in accordance with Zavdi fikh and in dis- 
agreement with Imami opinion; cf. Fihrist, 208, 

In theology proper, he followed the line of the 
Basran school. Only a few personal traits can be 
recognised with sufficient certainty. In at least three 
treatises he attacked the doctrine of the eternity of 
the world, two of them focussing their polemics on 
special persons, Ibn al-Rawandl and al-Razi (cf. Fihnsl, 
175, 11. 3 f; 174, ult. f; 175, 1. 2). When he explained 
creation as an act of thinking (fikr) in order to avoid 
all material connotations, he seems to have taken 
philosophical critique into consideration (cf. Kadi" 'Abd 
al-Djabbar, Sharh al-usul al-khamsa 548, 11. 1 1 ff; Muhlt, 
332, 11. 15 f.L He attacked al-Razi also for his book 
against Abu '1-Kasim al-Balkhi, probably about divine 
knowledge (cf. Fihrist, 175, II. 1 f., and Abi Bakr Rhagensis 
opera philosophica, ed. P. Kraus, 167 f). He did not 
accept the idea of lutfi we never know whether an event 

which we interpret as a special "grace" (lit If i for 
somebody is not the ruin of somebodv else (cf. 
Mughnl, xiii, 67, 11. 15 ff; also 155, 11. 4 ff; obvi- 
ouslv both quotations from his A". al-Aslah, together 
with' xiv, 62, 11. 12 f.). He refuted Ash'arl's A", al- 
Mudjiz (cf. al-Natik bi '1-hakk, Ifada, fol. 63a, 11. 5 
ff. and Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar, al-Muhlt, 344, 1. 4; 
also al-Hakim al-Djushami, 372, 11. 1 f, where nakd 
is to be read instead of ba'd; R. McCarthy, The the- 
ology of al-Ash'ari, Beirut 1953, 167, 21 1' f, 229). 
Altogether, more than 20 titles of books can be 

Bibliography. 1. Primary sources. Kadi 'Abd 
al-Djabbar, Fadl al-i'tizal, 325 ff; idem, Tathbit 
dala'il al-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd al-Kanm 'Uthman, 
627, 11. 10 ff; Abu Rashid in A. Biram, Die atom- 
istische Substanzenlehre aus dem Buch der Stmtfragen 
zwischen Basrensern und Bagdadensem, Berlin 1902, 27 
and 73, n. 2; Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakat al-Mu'tazila 
105 f; Ta'rikh Baghdad, viii, 73 f. no. 4153 (on 
which depend Ibn al-Djawzi, Muntazam, viii, 101, 
no. 131 and Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-mizan, 11, 303, 
11. 6 ff); Hamdam, Takmilat Ta'rikh al-Tabarl, Index 
s.v. al-Basn; ShrrazI, Tabakat al-fukaha', ed. 'Abbas, 
Beirut 1970, 143, pu. f. (on which depends Ibn 
al-Tmad, Skadharat al-dhahab, iii, 68, 11. 4 f); Ibn 
Abi '1-Wafa', al-Djawahir al-mudfa, ii, 260, no. 140 
(erroneously under Abu 'l-'Ala'); Ibn al-Nadim, 
Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 174, 11. 21 ff. (among the the- 
ologians), and 208, 11. 26 ff. (among the jurists); 
Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi, Akhlak al-wazlrayn, ed. 
Tandji, Damascus 1965, 200 ff.; idem, al-Imta' wa 
i-mu'anasa, i, 140, ii, 175, iii, 213; Ibn TaghnbirdT, 
al-Nuajum al-zahira, Cairo 1348 ff, iv, 135, 11. 13 
ff; Dhahabi, Siyar a'lam al-nubala' (ms.); Safadl, al- 
ii afi bi 'l-wafayat (ms.l; Ziriklr, al-A'lam, ii, 266; 
Kahhala, Mu'djam al-mu'allifin, iv, 27 (and iv, 19; 
with wrong name and date of death); 2. Studies. 
M. Horten, Die philosophischen Svsteme der spekulativ- 
en Theologen im Islam, Bonn "l918, 443 f; W. 
Madelung, Der Imam al-Qanm ibn Ibrahim, Berlin 
1965, index s.v.; Ihsan 'Abbas, in al-Abhath, xix 
(1966), 189 ff; H. Busse, Chalif und Grosskomg, 
Beirut 1969, 439 ff; G. Hourani, Islamic rational- 
ism, Oxford 1972, index s.v.; J. Peters, GodS cre- 
ated speech, Leiden 1976, index s.v. 


ABU 'l-'ALA' al-RABA'I [see sa'id al- 

ABU 'ALI al-Fadl b. Muhammad al-Murshid al- 
FarmadI, one of the greatest SufT masters of the 
5th/llth century, born in 402/1011-12 at Farmad, a 
small town in the vicinity of Tus in Khurasan, and 
the contemporary of the caliph al-Kadir and the Saldjuk 
princes Toghril, Alp Arslan and Malik Shah. He was 
highly respected by various political and religious dig- 
nitaries, including by the celebrated minister of the 
Saldjuks, Nizam al-Mulk, who sought his advice and 
his spiritual favour. He was also respected as an elo- 
quent preacher, and appreciated for his breadth of 
knowledge and the beauty of his oratorical language. 
He approached Sufism after profound studies in the 
religious sciences, and can therefore be classified as one 
of the scholarly mystics. When he came to Nishapur, 
he became one of Abu '1-Kasim Kushayri's circle of 
students, and it seems to have been the latter who 
turned him towards preaching and who stimulated him 
to study profoundly the religious sciences. In his Sufi" 
training, he was directed spiritually by two great mas- 
ters, Abu '1-Kasim Djurdjam and Abu '1-Hasan Kharakam 
[q.v]. The author of the Asrar al-tawhld relates in an 


anecdotal form the circumstances of al-Farmadi's adhe- 
sion to Sufism under Kushayrf s direction first of all, 
and then under that of Djurdjani, who encouraged 
him to preach from the pulpit and later gave him 
the hand of his daughter in marriage. None of al- 
Farmadf s works remain, apart from a few brief poems 
in Arabic and a few sentences displaying his philos- 
ophy and thought. However, his influence on cultural 
life and mysticism can be gauged from the fact that 
the Imam al-Ghazali [q.v.] was one of his pupils and 
cites traditions on his authority. He was accordingly 
considered as the greatest Sufi" luminary of his age, 
who lustre is seen in the fame of his great disciple. 
Al-Farmadl died in his native town in 477/1080. 
Bibliography: Muhammad b. al-Munawwar, 
Asrar al-tawhid, ed. Dhabrh Allah Sala\ Tehran 
1332/1953, 128-31, 196-7, 199-200. tr. M. Achena, 
Us etapes »f*j»o du shaykh Abu Sa'id, Paris 1974, 
136-8, 186, 189; Djarni, Xafahat al-uns, 368; Ma'sum 
•Air Shah, Taia'ik al-haka'ik, 1339/1921, ii, 308, 
322, 350, 352-5; Nama-yi darmkvardn. Tehran 1959, 
vii, 306. (M. 

ABU 'ALI al-FARISI [see al-farisI]. 
ABU 'ALI al-YUSI [see AL-vf.sI]. 
ABU l-'AMAYTHAL, 'Abd Allah b. Khulayd 
b. Sa'd (d. 240/854), a minor poet who claimed 
to be a mawla of the Banu Hashim and who was 
originally from Rayy. He was in Khurasan in the 
service of Tahir b. al-Husayn [a.v.] as a secretary and 
as tutor to Tahir"s son 'Abd Allah, whose children 
he further tutored and whose secretary and also librar- 
ian he was. In particular, he had the duty of judg- 
ing the value of the poems addressed to his master, 
and it was in this capacity that he came to reject a 
poem by Abu Tammam, who protested violently. He 
was, indeed, very much attached to the classical ways, 
and it was doubtless for this reason that al-Ma'mun 
so appreciated his poetic work, finding it superior to 
that of Djarir. Bedouin in tradition and classical in 
mould, this poetry was largely made up of eulogies 
of the two Tahirids, though nothing has survived of 
his poems addressed to Tahir. His diwan amounted 
to 100 leaves, according to the Fihnsl, 234, and also 
contained eulogies of the sons of Sahl, al-Hasan and 

Abu l-'Amaythal ranks equally as a philologist, to 
whom various works of a technical character are attrib- 
uted, sc. the A". al-Tashabuh [al-Tashablh?], K. al-Ahyat 
al-sa'va and A'. Ma'anl 'l-shi'r, F. Krenkow published 
in 1925 his A: al-AIa'thurfT-ma'ttaJaka lafzuhu wa-khtalaja 

Bibliography: Djahiz, Baton, i, 280; idem, 
Hayawan, i, 155, vi, 316 where, unless the text is 
corrupt, he is curiously described as a iddjiz; Ibn 
Tayfur, A'. Baghdad, Cairo 1368/1949, 164; Ibn 
Kutayba, 'Uyun, i, 85; Ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tahakat, 135- 
6; Fihnst, 72-3, 234; Kali, Amali, i, 98; Bakri, Stmt 
al-la'all, 308 and index; Amidi", Muwdzana, Cairo 
1961-5, i, 20-1; Marzubani, Muivashshah, 14; Ibn 
Khallikan, Wafayat, No. 344, tr. de Slane, ii, 55- 
7; al-Raghib ai-Isfahanf, Muhadaiat, i, 102; Ibn 'Abd 
Rabbihi, 'Ikd, i, 59; Yakut, Buhlan, iii, 832, iv, 796; 
IbshThr, Mmtatraf, i, 84; Yafi'T. Mir' at al-djanan, ii, 
130-1; Nuwayri, Maya, vi, 85; Ibn AbT Tahir 
Tayfur, A". Baghdad, Cairo 1368/1949, 164; 
Brockelmann, S I, 195; C.E. Bosworth, The Tahirids 
and Aiahic culture, in JSS, xiv (1969), 58; J.E 
Bencheikh, Les ivies d'unt aeation, Sorbonne thesis 
1971 L unpubl„ 108 and index. (Ed) 

ABU 'AMMAR 'abd al-KafI b. Abi Ya'kub b 
Isma'Il al-T(a)naw(a)tI, Ibadr theologian who 

in the middle of the 6th/ 13th century. He stud- 
i the oasis of Wargla/W'ardjlan lin modern 
a) with Abu Zakariyya' Yahya b. Abi Bakr, the 
is Ibadr historian |cf. EI 1 , I, 167), and also in 
, with what must have been Sunn! authorities 
He was a tribesn 

de bourgeois scholar; he is 
reported to have come with his herds to the Mzab 
and to have proselytised among the tribes of that 
region, one which was to become a stronghold of 
Ibadr faith later on. 

His main work is the K. al-Muqjiz \Miidjaz>) ft tahsil 
al-su'al iva-takhlh al-dalal (or wa-talkhis al-makdl], a rather 
voluminous manual of Ibadi theology and polemics 
against contrary opinions (for its contents cf. Z^MG, 
cxxvi 11976;, 56 f.; for manuscripts, cf. ibid., 56; Kubiak, 
in RIAL4, (1959), 21, no. 26; Schacht, in Revue Afmame, 
c (1956), 391, no. 80; also in the libraries of Mahfuz 
'All al-Barum, Djerba, and Ayyub Muhammad, 
pjannawan, Diadju; 'Ammar Talibf, Univ. of Algiers, 
is preparing an edition). In addition, he wrote a com- 

lection of questions and answers used by Ibadi 
missionaries for theological discussion (cf. ~DMG, cxxvi 
(1976), 43 fi'.i. His A: al-hhta'a seems to be lost. In 
fikh he dealt with the law of inheritance; his A', al- 
' Fara' id exists in a printed edition icf. Schacht in Rev. 
Afi., c (1956), 387, no. 52). Among his historical works 
are a A'. al-Siym (for mss., cf. Schacht, op. at., 141, 
and Lewicki, "in RO, xi (1935), 165 n. 7; preserved?) 
and a Mukhtasa) tahakat al-mashayikh (cf. Ennami, in 
JSS, xv (1971), 86, no. 17-1, and note bv van Ess in 
ZDMG, cxxvi il976), 57). An epistle concerning the 
problem of at-wa'd wa 1-iva'id addressed to him by a 
certain 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Muhammad b. Ghalib b. 
Numayr al-Ansari was incorporated by his contem- 
porary Abu Ya'kub Yusuf b. Ibrahim al-Wardjlam 
(died '570/1 174; cf. GAL, S I, 692) into his A: ad- 
Dam h-ahl al-'ukul (cf. lith. Cairo 1306. 54-72). 

Bibliography: (apart from the references men- 
tioned in the article): Shammakhr, Siyar (lith. Cairo 
1301/1883), 441 ff; A. de C. Motvlinski, in Bull. 
Cm. Afi., iii (1885), 27, no. 68; T. Lewicki, in REI, 
viii (1934), 278, in Fol. Oi., iii (1961), 33 ff., and 
in Cahien d'histom mondiale, xiii (1971,, 86; A. Kh. 
Ennami, Studies in Ibadism (Diss. Cambridge 1971, 
unpublished). 292 ff. (J. van Ess) 

ABU 'AMR al-SHAYBANI, Ishak b. Mirar, one 
of the most important philologists of the 
Kufan school in the 2nd/8th century, and the 
contemporary of the two great figures of the rival 
Basran school, Abu 'Ubayda and' al-Asma'T [q.w.]. 
He was born in ca. 100/719 at Ramadat al-Kufa, 
and derived his nisha from the Banu Shayban because 
he was their neighbour and client and because he 

of the tribe. After having studied under the masters 
of the Kufan school, such as al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi, 
he went out into the desert, where he lived for a 
considerable time amongst the Bedouins, collecting 
tribal poetry. Then he settled in Baghdad, where he 
taught until his death at an advanced age, since he 
died in (a. 210/825, by then more than a cente- 
narian, leaving behind him sons and grandsons who 
transmitted his works. Amongst his pupils were the 
main Kufan grammarians, sc. Tha'lab, Ibn al-Sikkft 
and Ibn Sallam [y.«'.]. 

AI-Sha\bani was famed above all as a transmitter 
[rauiyd] of old poetry. Tha'lab records that he left for 
the desert aimed with two inkholders and did not 



to his son 'Amr, he collected the poetry of over 
80 tribes, which he wrote out and arranged with his 
own hands in separate collections and then placed in 
the mosque of Kufa. The collections have not come 
down to us, but the) were abundantly used by later 

However, al-Sha\bam was equall) known as a lexi- 
cographer especially interested in rare words (nawadir) 
and in dialect words and phrases (lughat). Only one 
of the many works in this sphere attributed to him 
by the biographers has survived, the A. al-Dfim, so- 
called because it was unfinished and did not go beyond 
the fourth letter of the alphabet, although the sources 
term it equally the K. al-Nawadir, A". al-Hmuf and A". 
al-Lughat. According to F. Krenkow, who proposed to 
edit it after the unique manuscript preserved in the 
Escurial, this work is a dictionary of words peculiar 
to the speech of the man) tribes from whom al- 
Sha\bam collected poetry. It is of great lexical rich- 
ness, and is all the more important for the knowledge 
of the old dialects, since Krenkow found from a 
detailed perusal of the Lisa,, al-'Arab that later lexico- 
graphers did not use al-Shaybanfs work. 

Finally, he is also said to have been a traditionist 
worthy of being relied upon, transmitting a large num- 
ber of authentic hadiths; his most celebrated pupil here 
was the imam Ahmad b. Hanbal, whose son 'Abd 
Allah transmitted al-Shaybanfs work called the A: 
Gharib al-hadith. 

The post-Ibn al-Nadim biographers attribute to Abu 
'Amr al-Shaybam several works which, according to 
the Fihmt, belong really to his son 'Amr. 

Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 116, S I, 179; 

EI', art. al-Shaibdm (Krenkow); Kahhala, Mu'alhfin, 

ii, 238. (6. Troupeai.) 

ABU Y-'ANBAS al-SAYMARI, Muhammad b. 
Ishak b. IbrahIm b. Abi 'l-Mughira b. Mahan (213- 
75/828-88), a famous humorist of the 'Abbasid 
court, who was also ajakih, astrologer, oneiromancer, 
poet and man of letters, and who wrote some fort) 
works, both serious and jesting, even burlesque and 
obscene. Of Kufan origin, he was first of all kadi in 
the district from which he derived his msha, Saymara, 
near Basra, at the mouth of the Nahr Ma'kil, but his 
vi\id penchant for coarse humour very early earned 
him a reputation as a buffoon sufficient for him to 
be admitted to the court circle of al-Mutawakkil (232- 
47/847-61), whose courtier he now became. It is likely 
that he remained at court under his successors, 
and he is known to have enjoyed the favour of al- 
Mu'tamid (256-79/870-92). He died in the capital, 
but was buried at Kufa. 

Abu 'l-'Anbas was quite an original character, and 
one is tempted to speak of his personality as being a 
split one, even though we are lacking in knowledge 
about the chronology and actual content of his works. 
It is well known that, from earliest Islamic times, the 
profession of buffoon paradoxically developed in Arabia 
isee F. Rosenthal, Humour in early Islam, Leiden 1956), 
but the fame of the humorists of the period was built 
essentially on their skill in making up amusing stories 
or in indulging in clowning to distract their masters, 
without really taking part in literary activity (it is insult- 
ing to number amongst them, as certain critics have 
gone so far as to do, a Djahiz, whose humour was of 
a quite different quality). Now, if our interpretation of 
the titles of Abu 'l-'Anbas's works, listed in the Fihmt 
(151, 278; ed. Cairo, 216, 388) and Yakut's Mu'djam 
al-udabd' (x\iii, 8-14 = Irshad al-arib, vi, 401-6) is cor- 
rect, he may be considered on one hand. 

literature which wa 

s to culminate in the mak 

ama and 

then in a burlesqu 

and on 

the other hand, as 

an astrologer, a mutakalhm 

and per- 

• of sc 

a promt 

it repres 

At the court, he acted as royal jester, and on occa- 
sion, he would be charged with expressing, in a face- 
tious, impertinent and personal manner, the caliph's 
own feelings or opinions (see especially the oft-quoted 
episode concerning his reply to al-Buhturl, when the 
latter had been rather offensive: al-Sulr, Ash'ar awldd 
al-khulafa', ed. J. Hevworth-Dunne, London 1936, 325; 
al-Mas'udl, Murudf, \ii, 202-4 = § 2885-8; AghanV, 
xviii, 173 = ed. Beirut, xxi, 537; al-Husri, L^anf al- 
djawahir, 15-16; Yakut, Udaba', xviii, 12-14; etc.). Like 
his predecessors, he could also make up amusing 
stories, since we read that these were gathered 
together, with his poetry, in an independent volume, 
passages from which may be found in authors like 
Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi ('Ikd, Cairo 1962, iv, 148) and even 
Ibn al-DjawzT [Akhbai al-hamka wa 'l-mughaffalm, 
Damascus 1345, 85, 111, 141, 143), and which attests 
the influence exercised b\ the inimitable Djahizian 
adab on the most serious of authors. In this respect, 
Abu 'l-'Anbas probabl) differed very little from other 
"humorous figures" who, as we know from the Fihrist, 
left behind collections of stories; but he is distinguished 
from them by a series of works whose titles lead one 
to think that they were burlesque or scabrous. The 
A". Fadl al-itillam 'aid 'l-daradf "Superiority of the lad- 
der over the staircase", for example, must have been 
purely humorous, but the A". Nawadir al-kawwdd(a) 
"Remarkable stories about pimps", to mention only 
this one work, must certainly have descended to 
pornography. After all, there emerges from a con- 
versation between Abu 'l-'Anbas and his crony Abu 
'l-'Ibar (al-SulT, he. eit:, Aghanl, ed. Beirut, xxiii, 77- 
8| that if he had abandoned scholarship {'Urn) for sukhf 
and raka'a i.e. obscenity and burlesque, it was because 
these last were much more profitable and lucrative. 
In the course of this dialogue, which took place in 
al-Mutawakkil's caliphate, Abu 'l-'Anbas declares that 
he has written over 30 works on sukhf and raka'a; 
does this mean that the lists which we possess are 
very incomplete, that the works which appear to be 
serious in content are not serious at all, or that after 
al-Mutawakkil's death, this writer came back again to 
topics less frivolous than certain titles would suggest? 

Some of these titles recall works of al-Djahiz, to 
the extent that C.E. Bosworth (see Bibl.) has' won- 
dered whether Abu "l-'Anbas might have plagiarised 
the former writer's work; the possibility of an influ- 
ence here must be serioush, considered, since one 
finds in the list a A" al-Ikhipan wa 'l-asdika' and a A". 
MasdwT l-'awamm wa-akhhar al-njla wa 1-aghlam and 
even a A" al-Thukala' "Book of Bores"; in order to 
know the truth here, it would be necessary to know 
what lay behind these titles. 

The poetry of al-Saymarl has been referred to 
above; to judge b\ those poems available for read- 
ing, they were not all licentious and scatological, since 
they include the well-known line "How man) sick 
persons have survived the physician and visitors, when 
all hope of cure had been ghen up". 

The lists bring out the existence of at least one 
work which seems to be of a theological nature, the 
A'. Ta'khJr al-ma'nja, which is alone cited— and 
doubtless deliberatel) — by Yakut in his Mu'djam al- 
buldan (s.v. Sa>mara), whilst the same author enu- 
merates some 40 titles in his Irshad al-arlb. In fact, 
Abu 'l-'Anbas, called by Abu 'l-'Ibar a mutakallim, 
must apparently have been a Mu'tazili", and because 


of this he was dignified by being cited by Ibn Batta 
iH. Laoust, Lit piofasmn de foi d'Ibn Batta, Damascus 
1958, 170) amongst "the people of infidelity and error", 
who for him mean the Mu'tazila. On another level, 
one finds other titles which give the impress] 

Abu 'l-'Anbas was equally interested in "scientific- 
topics. If his A'. al-Radd 'ala ■l-mittatabbibm, directed 
against charlatans and homeopathic physicians, strictly 
speaking belongs to the depicting of society, his 
A: al-Radd 'ala Abl Mikha'll al-Saydaldm I?) fi 'l-kwuya' 

K. al-Djawariih ica 1-daryakat might lead one to take 
him for a pharmacologist. The A'. Tajiir al-ru'ya is 

with astrology, which gave Abu 'l-'Anbas a lasting 
fame. In fact', if the above-mentioned works sufferec 
iukhf and 

arly da. 

i gene 

- copying tr 
cript catalo; 
dly corresp 

> the 

,: A! al-Mawalld, A'. Ah/cam al- 
nudjiim. K. al-Mudkhal ila sina'at al-nudjiim and A: al- 
Radd 'aid •l-munadj&imTn. In fact, a A". .1)/ al-mul 
attributed to him is preserved in both the B.N. of 
Paris (6608) and the B.M. of London (Suppl. Rieu, 
775; cf. Brockelmann, S I, 396., but Ibn al-Nadim 
asserts that he appropriated the A" al-Usul of Abu 
Ma'shar, and al-Kifti \T. al-Hukama\ ed. Lippert, 
Leipzig 1903. 410) accuses him of plundering other 
people's writings and putting them forward as his own 
compositions. There are several extant manuscripts of 

, but the a: 

copy pre; 

opening o 
' the Vat 

• Hi hi 

dated 30 Rabf I 1221/17 June 
1806 and testifies to the continuing successfulness of 
this manual of astrology, and at the same time to the 
respect accorded to the author, al-Saymari, depicted 

for posterity. G. Levi della Vida i Elena, di mammntti 
aiabo islamui della Biblwteia Vatieana, Vatican City 1935, 
Nos. 955/8 and 957) is not far wrong in thinking 
that we have here another redaction of the A'. Ail ai- 
usul, hence in the end, of a recasting of Abu Ma'shar's 
work. Consequently, it seems that there is nothing left 
of Abu 'l-'Anbas's genuine work, which therefore enjoys 
in the "scientific" sphere 

Malhemaliker, Leipzig 1900, 30; Kahhala, ix, 38; 
Zirikll, vi. 202; F. Bustam, DM, iv, 486-7; M.F. 
Ghazi, in Aiahiea, iv (1957i. 168; Ch. Pellat, Un 

Studia m. in mem. V. Brockelmann. Halle 1968, 133- 
7; C.E. Bosworth, The mediaeval hlamn underworld, 
Leiden 1976, i, 30-2; Muhammad Bakir 'AlwSn. 
Abu l-'Anbas Muhammad h. hhak al-Sarmarl, in al- 
Abhath, xxvi (1973-7), Arabic section, 35-50. 

iC.H. Pellati 

ABU Y-ASAD al-HIMMANI, Nubata b. 'Abd 

\llah, minor poet of the 'Abbasid period, 

Driginallv from Dinawar. His talent was onlv moder- 

ite, and it was 'Allawayh/'Alluya who rescued him 

luced him to the great men of the age and, above 

i lengthy one. He is found, first of all, satirising as 
-arlv as 153/770 two of al-Mansur's mawdli. Sa'id and 
j Matar (al-Djahshiyan, Wu-ara', 124), and then fre- 
| quenting Abu Dulaf al-'Idjli [see al-kasim b. 'isa], at 
• v^hose court he however eclipsed, it is said, bj 
',\li b. Djabala [see al-'akavvwak] . After having pre- 
viously sung the praises of the ruler of al-Karadj [q.r.], 
he launched at him a somewhat coarse diatribe and 
then turned to the former secretary of al-Mahdl, al- 
Favd b. Abi Salih (on whom see Sourdel, Vkual, index), 
whose praises he now sang (al-Djahshiyari. 164; Ibn 
al-Tiktaka, Fakhrl. ed. Derenbourg, 256, calls the poet 
Abu '1-Aswad). But the chronology of these events is 
uncertain, and it is even probable that, contrary to 
what the Aghani asserts, his relations with al-Fayd (who 
died in 173/789-90) were anterior to his stay with Abu 
Dulaf. Amongst those whose patronage he sought, one 
even finds Ahmad b. Abl Du'ad \q.i:], who gave him 

him. It is,"on the other hand, dubious that he was 


Ibn Batta felt the need to criticise hir 
as the adab writers who quote anecdotes of his, 
famous author, Badf al-Zaman, thought to make 
a kind of romantic personality by reserving for 
the makama of Saymara, in which Abu 'l-'Anba 
both narrator and hero. In this, he tells how, ; 
having been rich and hospitable, he had been al 
doned by his friends, had been transformed int 
vagabond in the style of the age and hence able 
acquire a knowledge of the frivolous poetry of 
iukhf of the profe; ' 


old p 

tion in Baghdad and then take 

faithless former friends. 

Bibliography: In addition to the sources cited 
in the article," see Khatib Baghdad!, Ta'rikh, i, 
238; Akhbar al-Buhtim. index; Kiftr, al-Muhammadun 
mm al-shu'ard'. Beirut 1390/1970, No. U)i; Ibn al- 
Djarrah, il'araka, 5; Marzubanl, Mii'ajam. 393; 
idem, Muivashshah, 285; Ibn al-Djawzi, 'Muntazam, 
vi, 99; Ibn Taghribirdi, Audjum, iii, 74; Suter, 

n Hamdun 



To judge by 

t fragm 


u '1-Asad h 

d no compu 

iction t 



lge on peo- 

for the negl 

ct which he s 

d a reward. 

But he 

also able to 


cate feelings, 
188/804 [<].i 

S in ^ 


on Ibrahim 


ABU 'ASIM al-NABIL, al-Dahhak b. Makhlad 
b. MtisLiM b. al-Dahhak al-Shaybani al-Basri, tra- 
ditionist, born at Mecca in 122/740 but estab- 
lished subsequently al Basra, where he transmitted 

quantity of hadilht, gathered by himself, and espe- 

sidered as trustworthy, and some of his hadiths were 

assert that he never fabricated a single one, although 

lie so much as in regard to traditions from the Prophet 
(Goldziher, Mali. Stud., ii, 47, Eng. tr. 55). It is said 
that he was never seen with a book in his hand and 
that we was knowledgeable about jikh. Despite 

he was remarkab 

s knov 

ir the si 

■. Physic 

I this 




It is also recorded 

■aring fine clothes. 

? freed his own slave in order to release 
Shu'ba [q.v.] from his oath not to transmit hadiths for 
a month. A final explanation seems the most plausi- 
ble; some elephants passed through Basra, and all the 
population rushed out to see the spectacle, whilst he 
however stayed with his master Ibn Djuraydj [q.v. in 
Suppl.], who gave him the title of "noble". He prob- 
ably died on 14 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 212/5 March 828 at 

Bibliography: Djahiz, Bavan, ii, 38; Ibn Sa'd, 
Tabakat, vii, 295; Fihrisi, ed. Cairo, 163; Ibn Hadjar, 
Tahdhib, iv, 450-3; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadhamt, ii, 28; 
Bustam, DM L iv, 416. (Ch. Pellat) 

ABU l -AZA'IM, Muhammad MadI, an Egyptian 
and a political activist, was born in the town of RashTd 
on 27 Radjab 1286/2 November 1869 and grew up 
in the ullage of Mahallat Abu 'All near Dasuk in 
the present-day Gharbivya province. He studied at al- 
Azhar [q.v.] and at bar al-'UlQm [q.v.]. He gra- 
duated in 1308/1890-1 and spent the subsequent 
twenty-five years as a teacher at various provincial 
government schools in Egypt and the Sudan as well 
as at Gordon College in Khartoum. At the latter 
establishment he taught Islamic Law from 1905 until 
August 1915, when he was forcibly repatriated to 
Egypt — following his refusal to declare himself in sup- 
port of British administrative reforms in the Sudan, 
and his public opposition to these — where his freedom 
of movement was restricted to al-Minya province. 
About a year later, in 1916, he was allowed to take 
up residence in Cairo, where he devoted himself 
to the propagation of his own conception of the 
Shadhiliyya [q.v.] order, into which he had been 
initiated by Hasanayn al-HisalT [q.v.]. He had been 
actively proselytising on behalf of his tonka [q.v.]. which 
became known as al-'Azamiyya al-Shadhiliyya, already 
since the beginning of his teaching career, and had 
obtained a substantial following for himself in Egypt 
as well as in the Sudan. Al-'Azamiyya distinguished 
itself by the stress it placed upon inner-worldly asce- 

opposed to the retraitist other-wordly asceticism and 
its underlying relatively negative appreciation of life 
in this world, as found implicitly or explicitly in the 
teachings of many tarikas. After 1916, however, when 
settled 'in Cairo, Muhammad Madi ceased to look 
imself as merely head of a tanka, but assumed 


[mudjaddid ) instead, and consequently presented his 
tanka as his conception of a revitalised Islam, which 
he elaborated over the following years in a variety of 
books and articles, notably in the periodicals al- 
Sa'ada al-Abadina la bi-monthly published by one of 
Muhammad Madfs disciples, 'Air 'Abd al-Rahman 
al-Husavm, from 1914 until 1923) and al-Madlna al- 
Munawwara (a weekly published from 1925 until 1927, 
and after 1927 until 1929, when it was merged with 
al-Fatih, a periodical of the Ahrar al-Dusturiyyin, 
edited by Muhammad Mahmud, as al-Fatih wa 
"l-Aladina al-Munawwara). The majority of these books 
as well as the periodicals were printed by the Matba'a 
al-Madma al-Munawwara, a press established by 
Muhammad Madf in early 1919. In his aversion to 
the British presence in Egypt, he committed himself 
to the case of the nationalists during the revolu- 
tion of 1919, when he was twice arrested. On 20 
March 1924, less than three weeks after the abolition 

of the caliphate in Turkey [see Khalifa] , he organ- 
ised a meeting in Cairo, which was attended by schol- 
ars and religious dignitaries from all over the Islamic 
world, in order to discuss the implications of this 
event. This meeting ended in the foundation of the 
so-called Djama'at al-Khilafa al-Islamiyya bi-Wadl al- 
Nfl under his presidency. Because of its historical con- 
sequences, the foundation of this organisation must 
be considered as Abu 'l-'Aza'im's most notable 
achievement. It allowed him to mobilise an effective 
world-wide opposition against King Ahmad Fu'ad's 
candidacy for the caliphate — to which he objected for 
religious and political reasons (cf. Ahmad ShafTk, 
Hawlmat Misr al-siyasiyya, Cairo 1929, iii, 105 ff.)— 
and thus determined the outcome of the Caliphate 
Conference held in Cairo in May 1926 and brought 
activity in support of Ahmad Fu'ad's candidacy to an 
end. Muhammad Madi died on 28 Radjab 1356/4 
October 1937 and was buried in his zawiya [q.v.] in 
Cairo near the mosque of al-Sultan al-HanafT. Here, 
his shrine as well as the shrine of his son Ahmad (d. 
1970), who succeeded him as head of the tanka, 

January 1962), which houses the headquarters of the 

Bibliography: The most extensive biography is 
'Abd al-Mun'im Muhammad Shakraf, al-Imam 
Muhammad Madi Abu 'l-'AzS'im, hayatuhu, djihdduhu, 
dtharuhu, Cairo 1972. It contains "the text of vari- 
ous relevant documents, evaluates his poetry, clar- 
ifies his position with respect to the idea of al-insan 
al-kamil [q.v.], sets forth his conception of tawhid 
(based upon an unpublished treatise), and lists and 
summarises his works. To these must be added Mm 
djawami' al-kalim, Cairo 1962; al-Uaajdamvyat (ed. 
'Abd Allah Madi Abu 'l-'Aza'im), Cairo n.d".; Diwan 
(ed. Muhammad al-Bashir Madi Abu '1 

i n.d. 

i al-'Aza 

i (ed. 

Mahmud Madi Abu i-'Aza'im), Cairo 1328/1910, 
(important for his affiliations with various tarikas); 
and al-Shifa' min marad al-tafnka, Cairo n.d., which 
caused the temporary imprisonment of Muhammad 
Madf when it was interpreted as a concealed attack 
upon King Ahmad Fu'ad (cf. al-ll'adjdaniyyat, 8). 
The treatise Wasa'il izhat al-hakk, Cairo n.d., should 
be excluded from Shakraf's enumeration. It was 
written by Muhammad's brother, the journalist 
Ahmad Madi (d. 1893), who had founded the news- 
paper al-Mu'arvad together with 'All Yusuf [q.v.]. 
The treatise "was published for the first time 
in Cairo in 1914, by Ahmad's brother Mahmud. 
The authorship was falsely assigned to Muhammad 
Abu 'l-'Aza'im by his son and successor Ahmad in 
the subsequent editions published under his aus- 
pices. For additional biographical materials, see 
Muhammad 'Abd al-Mun'im Khafadji, al-Turath al- 
mhi li Uasawwuf al-islami fi Mm, Cairo n.d., 170. 
For details about the history of the al-'Azamiyya 
tanka and further references, see also F. de Jong, 
Two anonymous manuscripts lelative to the Sufi orders in 
Egvpt, in Biblmtheca Orientahs, xxxii (1975), 186-90. 
For the 'Azamiyya in the Sudan, see J.S. 
Trimingham, Islam in the Sudan, London 1949, 239 f. 
On his mawlid, see J.W. McPherson, The moulids 
of Egvpt, Cairo 1940, 140 ff. A small collection of 
letters written by Muhammad Madi and transcripts 
thereof, which are in the possession of the 'Azami 
family, is preserved on microfilm at Leiden 
University Library. (F. de Jong) 

ABU BAKR IBN 'ABD al-SAMAD [see 'abd 


ABU BAKR IBN al-'ARABI [see ibn al-<arabI 
ABU BAKR al-ASAMM [see al-asamm i 

SU PP! 1 . . 

ABU BAKR ai -KHARAITI [see al-khara'itI 
ABU BAKR al-ZUBAYDI [see al-zubaydi] 
ABU l-BARAKAT al- c Alav>I al-Za^dI, 'Uma 

s Muh/ 

>, Kut; 


dent, Kur'an scholai and 
in Kufa in 442/105(1-1 heard hadith in his home town 
and Baghdad, and sta\ed toi some time together with 
his lathei in Damascus Vleppo and Tarabulus In 
\leppo he lead in 455/1063 the A alldah ot Abu 
'All al-FansF which he latei transmitted m Kufa Theie 
he finished on 5 Ramadan 464/26 Ma\ 1(172 the 
leading ol the A al Qami' al kaji an extensive col- 
lection of Kufan Zavdr fikh dot trine bv the Savyid 
Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b 'All al-'\lavu He 
read it with the Saw id 'Abd al-Djabbar b al-HusaMi 
b Mu'ayya, who had heard it trom the authoi, though 
he also tiansmitted dnectlv from Abu 'Abd Allah al- 
'\lawi with an idjaza He taught and led the piavcr 
in the mosque of Abu Ishak al-Sabi'i Ol his wolks 
on grammar a eommentarv on the A al Lima' ot Ibn 
Djinm is extant in manuscript I see Biockelmann, S 
I 142) \ descendant ot 7avd b 'All \bu 1-Baiakat 
peisonallv adhertd to Zavdl Shi"', beliets though he 
generally concealed them fiom his Sunm students and 
gave legal fatudh according to HanafT doc tune Onlv 
to ShrTs did he transmit partisan Shfr hadith', and 
iendered /afttas according to Zavdl law In agreement 
with the Zavdi cieed in his time, he upheld the dot- 
trine of human tree will and the cieatedness of the 
Kur'an He died on 7 Sha'ban 5 34/2 February 1 145 
in Kufa 

Biblwgiapln Sam'anI 1 >8 : Sb Ibn al- 
Anbaii, \uzhat al ahbba' ed Muh Vbu 1-Fadl 
Ibrahim Cairo 1467, 349 f Ibn al-Djawzi 
al Uuntazam, Havdaiabad 1357-54/ 1 4 38-41 x 
114 Yakut Udaha\ xi 12-14 Ibn al-Kitti 
Inbdh al tuuat ed Muh Abu '1-Fadl Ibiahim, 
Cano 145(1-73 n, 324-7 al-Dhahabf \lt Z an 
al i' tidal, ed AM al-Bidjawi Cano 1382/ 
1463, in, 181 Ibn 'Inaba 'Umdat al lalib ed 
Muh Hasan Al al-Tahkani Nadjaf 1380/ 
1461 263, Ibn Hadjar Lisan al mizan Hav- 
daiabad 1331/1913 i\, 280-2 Sarim al-Din 
Ibrahim b al-Kasim Tabakat al ~a\dina ms 
photocopv no 290 Cano, Dai al-Kutub, 314 

(\\ Madeiunoi 
ABU BARAKISH (a i a name, no longei in use 
given accoiding to localities, to two birds whose bril- 
liant plumage is charac tensed bv iridescent colours or 
shows a coloui-scheme \aiving in the course ol (he 
seasons The quadnliteial loot B R A Sh probablv 
derived from the tnhteial R B A has like R A Sh 
the sense ot "to be vai legated, mottled' and the sub- 
stantive birkiih indicates the iesult svnonvmous with 
talauuun The plural baiakish has a supeilative quality 
in expressions such as hlad haidkish 'a land decked 
with flowers' and it is used as a foiename it was 
the name ot the wife of Lukman [</ 1 ], and of a bitch 
that became pioverbial for her ability to foieset and 
to foretell with hei barking the return to camp of 
the hoi semen of hei tribe As tor the pluial of the 
composite noun ahu barakish, it would theoretic alh be 
aba' barakish, but this foim is not found in litfiatuic 
(li Aicoiding to the uniform definition piovided b\ 
Arab lexicogiapheis, the true ahu barakish cone- 
sponds to this description "a small bird of the bushes 
with a grevish head a scailet breast and dark lowei 
parts Just like the porcupine when excited it iuffles 

tenng culi 

ms' (al-Dami 

ri, Hmat al hmauan i. 


BRA Sh in 

Though r 

estiained and 

concise, (his ormthol 


n is sufficient 

to identity the abu ba 


as a ploc 

-id the male 

in the nuptial pluma 

Z? ol 

-bird (/««d« 

nassadi) the flame-col 


oi Gienadie 

i the English Dun a 


lEuplatis o 

lesident both ot the ^ 

and ol th 

southern coa 

ts ol the Red Sea In 


this industrious and gregarious bud smallei in siz. 
than the house spairow and with plumage that l 
generalh bioumsh and lathei dull abruptly change 

is the 

een of ghst 

. Nul 

)f the first to be 
ame to be known to the \rabs In the period of 
nating the male courts thiee oi foui females, mak- 
ng a show ol bringing them grains ol millet and 
hroughout the penod of nestbuilding he constantly 
isseits his piopnetory rights b\ fluttenng and hov- 
■nng beneath each nest and ruffling all his fcath- 
■is which spaikle in the light accompanying his 
lertormance with a loud rustling ol wings ihafij , 
hatching ol the young the actoi aban- 
lons his deceptive guise and ieturns to the gregar- 




, Adah 


colour of the plum. 

■Art) ha abi baiakisha kulla la 
like abu barakish whose c 
s' have detei mined the w 
f-membeied (see Ibn Kut, 
1355/1936 204 al-Dam 

(2) Foi al-Kazwim i'Adja'ib al makhlukat in the mai- 
gins of al-Damin n 252) and tor him alone the abu 
hawkish is a wadei with a pleasant-sounding c rv, with 
red beak and feet, ol a size close (o that of the stork 
and with plumage fluctuating in colour in reds, gieens 
yellows and blues The liven of this atti active wad- 
mg-bnd appaienllv piovided Byzantine weavers with 

eolouied shot silk called abu kalamun [q t J a name 
which eonveiselv was applied to the bird Now the 
onlv wadei of the Meditenanean and oriental regions 
peifectlv fitting this description is the Porphvnon or 
Blue Taleva/Purple Galhnule {Porphrw poiphvm) bet- 
ter known however under the giandiose name of 
'Sultan-fowl' This marshland bird, hali-a-metie m 
height, has teet and beak of a fine coial led and on 
its lorehead a knob ot the same colour its rich blue 
plumage varies from indigo to tuiquoise with flashing 
tints of green, purple and bionze When alarmed, the 
Sultan-fowl emits a brief tiumpet-hke sound Its Spanish 
name is 'ealamon a vestige ot the Arable kalamun 
while Egypt has retained its ancient Gieek name Ttop- 
ipnpicov aiabised as fwfui/fwjm, pi farafii, Svna and 
'Irak call it biahan and suhnun \11 these tountnes and 
Persia are also lamihai with the "green-bae ked sub- 

closeh, related to the mam species and hearing the 


names dik sultam sultan-cock M al ma' watei-cock 
aud farkha sultamyya sultan-pullet The Suit in-low 1 
easilv domesticated was highlv thought ot among the 
Peisians the Greeks and the Romans it was bred in 
temples and placed under the protection ot the gods 
In Egypt, it is not unusual to see it in iuial areas co- 
existing peaceabh with domestic poultry Because of 
the splendoui ol its plumage the Persians awarded it 
the title sAahmurgh king-bud arabised in the loims 
Aahmuik Aahmurki shamurk shamuik shahmuidi ihahmwdi 
In legends and stories ol Peisian ongin while the lion 
is the king of the animals it is the Sultan-fowl that 
sits on the thione ol the featheied lace and the pea- 
cock is onl\ the viziei (see Rasa il Mm an al Saja' Benut 
1957 11 248 ff) Al-Djahiz several times cites the 
Sultan-low 1 (Hawaiian pissim) as leedmg on Hies and 
small leptiles which is ace ui ate the diet of this wader 
being both vegetable and carnivorous having killed its 
prey with a violent blow ot the beak it holds it with 
one foot and teats it with the other carrying of! the 
moisels of flesh in its be ik 

Thus the abu barakish of the poet of Asad was a 
weaver-bird while al-Kazwim saw it as the Sultan- 
believe that it was on his own authontv that this 
natuiahst perhaps not knowing the Gien idler weaver- 
bud identilied the abu btnakish with the abu 
kalamun/ ihahmuik but his decision was regaided as 
law bv his successors and it should be recognised as 

(3) In the Hidjiz through a contusion on the part 
ol the childien of the nomads attested bv the philol- 
ogist al-Azhari abu barakish was used in place of 
birknA to denote the chaffinch [Fnn°illa loilebs) a finch 
well-known in all the Aiabic-speaking countnes and 
also called shwshui (in the Maghrib shershn beikish 
^antb) this was simplv in enor ascnbable to child- 
ish ignoiance 

Finallv we mav lgnoie the totallv unfounded iden- 
tification ot the abu barakish with the bullfinch [Pynhuta 
pynhula) suggested bv the encvclopedia al Mainu'a fi 
'ulum al tabi'a (Beirut 1%5 i no 154) this western 
bird being practicallv unknown m the Ntar East in 
Anbia m Egypt and the Maghnb 

the text there lie mentions ot the abu barakish in 
al-kalkishandi Sitbli n 7b kushidjim Masayid 
Bighdid 1454 whollv imprecise Ornithologv 
\ Mi'luf Mu'djam al liayaaan Cairo 1932 111 
117 B Al-Lus (blouse) al Tmm al'irakma n 
Bighdid 1%1 29-30 AL Brehm [Lhommi it In 
aramauM Lis omain Fr edn revised bv Z Geibe 
Pans 1878 n 7(11-3 FO Cave and J D Mac- 
donald Birds of tin Sudan London 1955 374 
RD Etchetopar and F Hue Lis oisiaux dit noid 
de I ifrique Pans 1964 191-5 and bOO (index of 
Arabic names bv F \ lie) idem Lis mstain du 
Moyai Orient Pans 197(1 RN Meineitzhagen Buds 
of Egypt London 19 30 L Delapchier Lis ouiaux 
du mundi (Atlas) Pans 1959 i 125 n 130 


ABU l-BAYDA' al 


As'ad b 'Isma 

one ol the 

ts ol the Basran 


in the 2nd/8th centur 

, notably, of al- 

. This Bedo 

uin teacher 

settled in south- 

ern 'Irak, 

received h 

s curious kunya 

t binds' = "d 

esert") from 

the admire 

rs forming a cir- 

cle around 

him. He als 

o wrote poetry, transmitted 

by another 

teacher, a c 

ertain Abf 

'Adnan, who is 

allegedly th 

e author of 

several w 

orks (in particu- 

lar, of a A" 


and a A" 

Charlb al-hadlth. 

Fihnst 68) and whom al-Djahiz piaised gieatlv loi 
his eiudition aud his fine language [Bay an 1 212i 
Abu 1-Bavdi' also hid as his raaiya his son-in-law 
'Amr b hjikna [q i ] but his poetic work is almost 
whollv lost 

Bibliography Djihiz Bay an 1 bb 252 Fihnst 
66 Ibn kutavba '[>«« i 71 Maizubim, 
Muuashshah 118 183 Suvuti Muzhir n 249 \akut 
Idaba' vi 89-90 Bustam DM iv 224 

(Ch PellatI 
ABU DABI [see \bu z\bi] 
ABU DAWUDIDS [see b-vnidjurids] 
ABU l-DHAHAB kunya ol Muhammmj Bev a 
giandee of Ottomin Egypt Acquired as a mam 
luk bv Bulut kapan 'All Bev [?.] (the date 1175 
given in Djabirti 'iaja ib l 417 is obviously incor- 
rect) he became the chief ofiicei in his mastei s house- 
hold as kha indar in 1174/1760 When in 1178/1764-5 
he was iaised to the bevlicate he obtained his kunya 
bv distributing a laigesse of gold In 1184/1770 he 
commanded the expeditionary toice sent bv 'All Bev 
to install a Hashimite protege in Mecca As com- 
mander ol the torce sent bv 'All Bev in 1185/1771 
to co-opeiate with Zahn al-'LTmar against 'Uthman 
sidik governor of Damascus he captuied 

the c 


a the c 

with all his troops to Egypt Thi 

to the seciet negotiations ol 'ITthman Pasha the ilti^ai 
ol Gazi and al-Ramla which Abu 1-Dhahab le 
in this same veai (Cohen Palistme 49) may have been 
his rew lrd As master of an exceptionally laige house- 
hold of mamluk and black slaves t'abidl and as the 
head of a faction he succeeded in 1186/1772 in oust- 
ing 'All Bev who sought refuge with Zahn al-'LTmai 
Lured into returning to Egypt with a small foice 'All 
Bev was defeated at al-Sahhiyya and died a few day 
later (Salai 1187/Mav 1773) Abu 1-Dhahab was now 
the effective lulei of Egypt, where he established peace 
ind secuntv so that internal trade revived LTnlike 
'All Bev he followed a policy ol ostentatious lovaltv 


o the 

and w 

shaykh al balad (Rabi' I 1187/June 1773) He 
was nevertheless as determined as his ioimer master 
to control Syria where he represented himself as the 
detendei ol the sultanate against the iebel Zahu al- 
'Umai The iondjok of Gaza and al-Ramla was con- 
lened on him in 1187/177 3 (Cohen Palestine 148) 
The lact that he obtained the appointment as viceiov 
ot Egypt of a fugitive Pilestiman notable Mustafa 
Pashi Tukan al-Nabulusi (not a member ol the 'Azm 
lamilv as stated in Djabarti 'ilka lb i 418 cl Cohen 
Palestine 5b n 97) mav also be linked with his Svnan 
aims Eailv in 1189/March 1175 he led his aimv 
into Palestine to oveithiow Zahn Jaffa was captuied 
ind i massacre ensued Zahn fled from Acre his 
capital which was about to fall when Abu 1-Dhahab 
died suddenly of level His tioops letumed foithwith 
to C airo 

Bibliography 'Abd al-Rahman b Hasan al- 
Djabirti 'idja'ib al athai (Bulak edn ) l annals for 
the years indicated and obituary ol Abu 1-Dhahab 
on pp 417-20 \olne> \oyagi in Egypte tt en iyne 
(ed. Jean Gaulmier), Paris and The Hague 1959, 
especially pp. 78-94 (dates on pp. 91-4 inaccurate); 
Amnon Cohen, Palestine in the 18th century, Jerusalem 
1973. (P.M. Holt) 

ABU DJA'FAR al-ANDALUSI [see al-ru'ayni]. 
ABU DJA'FAR al-RU'ASI [see al-ru'as!]. 
ABU DJA'FAR al-TUSI [see al-tusI]. 
ABU 'l-DJARUD [see al-djarudiyya] . 


ABU DULAF M.-IDJLI [see vl-kasim b 
ABU l-FADA'IL [see hamdanids] 

iba\ 1299/1882, 122i 

rhe n 

sba Rum 


bth and 

>t R 

n m the 


akhab al 


ni>m and 


to admit 


i confusion 

with anothe 


aw id poe 

, \hi 


adj Sidjzl 

The date oi 

his bnth is 

not kne 

vui Chrc 



cations that 

can be de 

m his w 


kelv that h 

- stalled hi 

it ot Lahoie 

\i al-Din 


installed th 

eie b\ his t 

ithei S 

iltan Ibu 

rim , 

rov Utati, c 

i maid.) ot 


wid Hin 


4b9/lU7b-7 \ 

j» 'l-Faiad, 


to have 



the couit 

}f Lahc 

1 al-Din th 


Sultan M 





>vs, C 


woith Tht 

latt, Ghazna 


asty ,„ \)gh 

mistar, and 


India It 

40 11 


nbuigh 1977, b5-8) \s 

he add 


st oi the p< 

ems he wr, 

te loi 

im bv tl 

e title 

penod The 

l-Fa.adj tl 

■ thio 

Mas'uds son Shei 
Sultan ot Ghazna 

The ielationship between the poet and tht cential 
Ghaznawid rouit is not quite clcai He vuote sev- 

'\wfT plated a kasida addiessed to the sultan at the 
beginning ot his Did an Thcie aie also poems pre- 
served which bear dedications to piominent officials 
oi the cential government like the <and-i lashkai 
Mansui b Sa'id Mavmandi who patronised othei 

is pen. 


and his if 
while the 

id Diuan, Mas'udi Salman ed RashTd Yasimi Tehian 
HI 9/ 1940, Intioductiom 

The modern Iiaman scholai Djalal al-Din Huma'I 
has connected one of the poets kasidas with the 
conquest oi Kannawdj b\ Sultan Mas'ud 111 which 
he dates between •)()() and 508 \H This would pro- 

faiadj icf Dinar, i Tthmai, i Mukhtan ed HumaT 
Tehian H41/19b2 t>'>4 fi and passu,} and Bosuoith 

The woik ot \bu 1-Faradj as we know it now con- 

cal type The kasidas aie compai ati\ eh short poems in 

gethei The poet dt\ eloped the st\le ot the panegvn- 
cal addiess ot the Samanid an<l eailv Ghaznawid poets 
into various new directions The texture of his veise 
became moic knitted though the use of uncommon 
compounds oi igmal mttaphois and h\perboles, and 
ihiough a gieatei densitv in the handling ot ihetoncal 

unpiecedented tiee|uenev Though all these features 
the woik of \bu 1-Faiadj heralds the gieat change in 
poetical st\le which took place m the course of the 
bth/ 12th centurv and is tommonlv designated as the 
development tiom the Rhiiiasaman into the "Iiaki stvle 
itoi bnet anahses of the mam chaiac tenstics of Abu 
1-Faiadj's poetrv se, the vvoiks b\ Sata Mahcjjub and 
Damghanl mentioned m the bibliogiaphv i 

Thestvlistie oiigmahtv of \hu 1-Faradj was alieadv 
lecognised h\ his contempoiaiies and the immedi- 

DuUm, inaan e.l bv MT Mudams-i Radavvi i 
Tehian H47/19b8 104-8] 

The wide iange of \bu 1-Faiadj s influence is tui- 
thei attested bv the man\ quotations tiom his poems 
1 the halila a a Dinma adaptation b\ Nasi Mlah 
Munshr wntten about r i40/1145-b and b\ the he- 
quent use oi his veises as shaiiShid b\ Shams-i Ravs 
his textbook on the theeiiv oi poetrv In moi< 

i the return * iba^ashl) to the earliei st\les ot 
Persian poetiv, which ore lined m ban dining the late 
Uth/lKth centuiv let Rida-Kuli khan HidSvat 
\laqjma' al jmaha' mukaddamai The peipetual wai 
waged with the non-Muslim neighbours of Ghazna- 

the identification ot events and plaeenames is still 
hampeied b\ the philological iinsufTiciencies ot the 
text ot the Diaan as it is accessible at this moment 
It cannot be doubted that the collections ot \bu 
1-Faiadj's poems diffeied alieadv at an eailv date as 
tai as then e ontents and anangement aie coneemed 
Even Anwan could onlv find a selection twtikjiab) 

ing the Diu. tin aecoidmg to '\wfi i= cd Damghani 
no 'Hi is not the same as that which opens the 
collections contained in the oldest manusciipts known 
so fai The hist punted text was an addition in 
the maigin to a lithogiaph eit the Diaan of 'Unsuii 
led bv \U Muhammad \idakam Bombav H20) 
I A cutical edition was published bv RI Cavkin as an 


annex [danumd] to Irmaghan vi (Tehran 1304/1425) 
with a biographv and annotations to the text bv 
Muhammad 'All Nasih The recent edition bv 
Mahmud Mahdawi Damghani leproduces the text ol 
its predecessor adding \anant readings horn two 
ancient manuscripts viz a copv in the C hester Beattv 
Library (if 1 tatalogue of the Persian manuscript', and 
miniatures Dublin 1959 4 no 103) and a copv in 
the British Museum (cl Ch Rieu Supplement to the 
catalogue of the Persian manual ipts London 1895 141 
no 211) Manv manuscripts oi the Dm an or ol small- 
er collections oi poems still await to be examined 
(see eg A Munzawi Fihnst i ««jkhaha-vi khatti-vi 
ftrsi in Tehran 1350/1971 2214-6 nos 21375-417 
Ahmed Ates Istanbul Kutuphanelennde Farsca man^um estr 
kr i Istanbul 19b8 212i 

Bibliography In addition to the woiks mentioned 
in the article NizamT 'Aiudi ( iihar maiala Tehran 
1955-7 main 44 cl ta'tikat 115 fi 194, 22b Abu 
1-Ma'ah Nasr Allah Munshi Tardjama u Katila ua 
Dimna Tehran 1343/1954 'AwfT Lubab id Browne 
n 241-5 ed Nafisi Tehian 1335/1956 419-23 cl 
ta'hkat 714 fl Shams al-Din Muhammad b Kavs 
al-Razi, al Uu'gjam JT ma'aw ash'ar al'adjam Tehran 
1338/1959, Amin Ahmad Razi Hajt iktim Tehran 
1 340/1 9b 1 i 339-44 Lutf-'Ali Beg \dhar itashkada 
kth Bombav 1299 AH 136-9 Rida-kuh khan 
Hidavat Mad/nut' al fusaha hth ed Tthian 1295 
AH l 70-8 Ch Rieu ( atalogut of the Peisian man 
usinpts in the British Museum n 547-8 Dihkhuda 
Litijiatnama sv Dh Safa Ta likh 1 aeiabmat dar ban 
n Tehran 1339/1960 470-6 and passim Husivn 
Navil ibu I Farad} Rum in inana (Kabul) xxii/1-2 
11342/1963) 19-24, M Dj Mahdjub \abk i Khurasam 
dar shi'ri fam Tehran 1345/1966 575 81 and pas 
sim Mahmud Mahdawi Damghani mufaddama and 
ta'hkat to Dmani ibu I Faradi Rum Mashhad 
1348/1969 (JTP de Bruiin) 

ABU l-FARADI IBN al-TAYYIB [see ibn al- 


ABU l-FATH al-BALATI [see al-balati in 

ABU l-FATH al-BUSTI [see al-busti] 
ABU 'l-FATH al-DAYLAMI al-Husa->n b Nasir 
b. al-Husayn, al-Nasir li-DIn Allah, Zavdi Imam 
There are some variants in the sources in legard to 
his own, his father's and his grandfathers personal 
names. He belonged to a Hasamd iamilv which had 
been prominent in Abhar for some geneiations 
Nothing is known about his hie beiore he came to 
the Yaman after 429/1038 claiming the Zavdr ima- 
mate. He gained some tribal support in noithern 
Yaman and established himselt in the Zahir Hamdan 
region where he built the ioitiess and town ol Zafar 
[q.v.] near Dhu Bin. In 437/1045-b he entered and 
pillaged Sa'da, the stronghold ol the descendants oi 
al-Hadr ila '1-Hakk [q.v.], and committed a slaughter 
among the Banu Khawlan living in the aiea Still in 
Shawwal 437/April-May 1046 he occupied San'a' In 
the following year he gained brieflv the allegiance ol 
Dja'far b. al-Kasim al-Tvani leader oi a Zavdi (ac- 
tion which expected the retuin oi his bi other, the 
Imam al-Husayn al-Mahdr [q e ] as the Mahdr Dja'far 
soon revolted against him, togethei with the Sultan 
Yahya b. Abl Hashid b al-Dahhak, chiei ol the 
Hamdan, and expelled his representatives hom San'a' 
Thereafter the Imam and Dja'far iought each othei 
with changing fortunes lor the possession of the 
fortresses of Athafit and 'Adjib The situation of Abu 
'1-Fath deteriorated further after 'All b Muhammad 
al-Sulayhi occupied the Djabal Masar in 439/1047 and 

quickly expanded his power over large areas ot the 
Hainan The Imam was soon deserted bv most ot his 
iollowers and was forced to move hom town to town 
In Rabf I 444/Julv 1052 al-Sulavhi defeated and 
killed Abu Hashid b ^ahva b Abi Hashid and took 
possession oi San'a' Abu 1-Fath now corresponded 
with Nadjah the loid of the Tihama inciting him 
against al-Sulavhi When he invaded the Balad 'Ans 
later in the vear 444/1052-3 he was deteated and 
killed bv al-Sulavhi together with some seventv sup- 
ports s at Nadjd al-Djah and was buned in Radman 
His descendants were later known in the \aman as 
the Banu 1-Davlami 

His km 'an commentary al Burhan is extant in man- 
uscnpt {Fihnst kutub al khi-ana al Mutaiiakkilma San'a' 
nd 12 Dar al kutub ha'imat al makhtutat al 'arabina 
al musauuara bi 1 mikrufilm mm al Djumhunna al 'Aiabina 
al lamanma Cairo 1967 6) A refutation oi the 
Mutanihyva [q i ] sect is also lsuibed to him 

Bibliography Humavd al-Muhalll al Hada'ik al 
uardiua n ms Vienna Glaser 116 ff 110a- 11 3b 
^ahva b al-Husavn Ghayat al amam fi _akhbar al 
kutr al lamam ed S 'Abd al-Fattah '\shur and 
M Mustafa Zivada Cairo 1388/1968 i 246 i 
250 al-'Arshr Bulugh al maram, ed Anastas Man 
al-karmah Cairo 1939 36 1 HC kav laman 
London 1892 229 1 HF al-Hamdam al 
Sulayhiuun Cairo [1955] 82 W Madelung Dei 
Imam al Qasim ibn Ibrahim Beilin 1965 205 

(W Madelung) 
ABU l-FATH al-ISKANDARI [see al- 

ABU HAFS al-SHITRANDJI [see al-shitrandji] 
ABU l-HASAN al-AHMAR the usual name of 
i philologist of Basia called 'All b al-Hasan/al- 
Mubarak who was taught by al-kisa'i [q i ] whose 
eagei pupil he was after his master he became 
tutor to the future caliphs al-Amin and al-Ma'mun 
I he biographical sources record that al-Ahmar was 
onginallv a membei oi al-Rishid s guard so that 
being very atti acted to the studv oi philology he 

liable t 

hing s 

except when he was not on dutv in the palace 
When the mastei came to give lessons to the young 
pnnies, al-Ahmar rushed towards him, both when 
he went in and when he came out took his stirrup 
and escorted him, whilst firing questions on gram- 
mai at him When al-Kisa'I was afflicted bv lep- 
rosv and unable to teach the princes anv longer, 
he was afraid lest one of the great grammarians of 
the period, Sibawavh oi al-Akhfash [q u ] might take 
his place so he recommended as his own succes- 
soi al-Ahmai who was in the end confirmed in the 
post The biogiaphical sources mention in this con- 
nection the custom wherebv, aiter the first lesson, 
the new tutoi received all the iurmshmgs oi the 
room in which he had been teaching, al-Ahmar, 
whose house was too small to take this, saw him- 
seli offeied now both a house and two slaves, one 
of each sex Each dav he went along to learn that 

came to question his pupils in al-Rashid's presence 
In this way al-Ahmai acquired a vast amount oi 
knowledge He is said to have known 40 000 shauahid 
verses and complete kasidas but he had no pupils 
and did not transmit al-Kisa'fs knowledge orallv 
This latter role devolved on his rival al-Farra' [qi], 
but he was the author oi two works, the A al Tasrif 
and the A Tafannun al bulagha' He died on the 
Pilgrimage road in 194/810 

Bibliography. Fihnst, 98, khatib Baghdad!, 


T. Baghdad, xii, 104-5; Abu '1-Tayyib al-Lughawi, 
Maratib al-nahwiyyin, Cairo 1955, 89-9(1; Zubaydl, 
Tabakdt, 147, Kifti, Inbah, Cairo 1369-74/1950-5, 
ii, 3i 3-17; Anban, Mzha, 59; Mas'Qdi, Muntdj, vi, 
321-2 = § 2523; Yakut, i'dabtT, xii, 5-12; Suyiitr, 
Bughya, 334; M. al-Makhzuml, Maduisat al-Kuja, 
Baghdad 1374/1955, 102; Bustanl, DM, iv. 250-1; 
ZiriklT, A'lam, v, 79. (Ch. Pellat) 

ABU 'l-HASAN al-ANSARI, 'AlI b. Musa b. 
'AlI b. Arfa' (Rail') Rasuh ai.-AndalusI al-DjayyanI 
(515-93/1121-97), a preacher of Fez, and mem- 
ber of a family of whom one person ilbn Arfa' Rasuh) 
is mentioned in the 5th/ 11th century at Toledo as a 
composer of muwaihihahat (Ibn al-Khatib has preset 



, Us , 

, Nos. 
■rahs, Palen 

9-58; c 


t, L'daba', i 



i, 254-70 

(details 1 


of the kutl 

nb\; Busta 

qi, DM, 


, i, 165; K 

ahhala, Mu'allijln, 




<*r, r 

oet and re 

luse. He 

Ahmadabad, G 


vhere hi 



, membe 

of a in 


i, was engaged in tr 

de. Afte 


rbay, Djilw 

was br 

ught to 

Din Na'iiiT id. 1082/ 

called Dlivan ihudhia al-dhahab ft 1-sina'a al-iharija/fj 
farm al-salamat, and Diwan al-shudhw wa-tahkik al-umui. 
This poem's great vogue, whose author gained the 

not teach the making of gold, 

Tibb al 

■i 1-hu, 

!. BN. 2643) and DjihdtJJ 
ms. B.N. 3253i. 

Bibliography: Makkari. ii, 410; Kutubi, Fawdl, 
No. 319, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, ii, 181-4; Bustanl, DM, 
iv, 252; Brockelmann, I, 496, S I, 908, 2nd edn. 

I, 654. 

ABU L-HASAN al-BATTI, Ahmad i 

I Ed. i 

poetry under the p 


of Djilwa. x 

hich betamt 

the appellation by 

his autobiographic; 

Djilw a does 

f his te< 

chers in 1st! 

ing only that he sc 

to study independe 

ith and him- 

self to offer instruct 
in his Us uheions 

/ In phi 


lAw Cmhale 

new ed., Paris 19 

8, 85, 

Abu '1-Hasan Ardistani 

whose te 

Muhammad Hasai 


and Mfrza 


Hasan Nun; it is 

that this Al 

identical with Dji 

wa). In 


he came tc 

'Irak (Yakut, i, 488), who was a mem 
of al-Kadir's chancery (reigned 381-422/992-1031). J 
When the future caliph had in 381/991 to flee from | 
al-Ta'i', al-Batti had already been in his .service, since i 
it was with him that al-Kadir sought refuge. Hence ' 
as soon as he succeeded to the caliphate, he appointed 
al-Battr to his dlivan, where he was in charge of the 
postal senice and of intelligence. A Mu'tazilT in the- 
ology and a HanafT in jikh, he had previously spe- 
cialised in study of the Kur'ar 

. He 

.ed the 

had a 

and although 1 


his i 

,, he sc 

ir his , 

rza Mahmud Khan MazandaranI MushTr 
al-\Vizara, who pressed imitations upon him, he scarce- 
ly ever left the madiasa. Surprisingly, howe\er, despite 
his deep roots in traditional philosophy, Djilwa is 
recorded to have been a member of Mirza Malkum 
Khan's pseudo-masonic organisation, the fawmu shkh ana. 

rchetypal adib with a va 
tine hand for calligraphy, and a < ertain talent for let- 
ter-writing and versifying which made him well- 
renowned. Since he was extremely witty, had a fierce 
humour and quick repartee, possessed a great store 
of anecdotes which he could retail in a sparkling fash- 
ion and had a good knowledge of music and singing, 
he shone with special brightness in the circles of the 
Buyids. He was intimately linked with al-Sharif al- 
Radr [q.v.~] who, on his death, in Sha'ban 405/Jan.- 
Febr. 1015, dedicated to him his last composition; 
al-Sharif al-Murtada [rj.v.] likewise wrote an elegy on 
him. His own poetry \ 

really ; 

1. How 

three works are credited to him, a A", al-h'adin, a A'. 
al-'Amidi and a A'. al-Fakhrl, whose contents are 
unknown but which must have been biographical in 

Bibliography: Tawhrdr, Imta', iii, 100; TanukhT, 
MJiwar, Cairo 1392/1972, iv, 256, v, 224, 225, 
vii, 24; Khaub Baghdad!, T. Baghdad, iv, 320, xiv, 
328; Sibt Ibn al-Djawzi, Munta-am, vii, 263; 
Safadi, \VaJJ, vii, 231-4; Ibn al-AthTr, ix, 175; 

Djalal al-Din Mirza iH. Algar, Mi K a Malkun 

Mian: a 

.study in the histon of banian nmdomsm. Berkeley 

md Los 

Angeles 1973, 49-50). The only journey outside 


an and 

Adharbaydjan. He received at the madiasa, w 

th some 

disdain, visits by Nasir al-Dni Shah and ih 


ongst the 

Peis-iam, Cambridge 1927, 162). Among his 


pupils were the Ni'matullafu Sufi, Ma'siim '. 

Vii Shah 

(d. 1324/1926) (see his faia'ik al-haka 

/*, ed. 

Muhammad DjaTar Mahdjub, Tehran 1339/ 

960, iii. 

507), Sayvid Hashim Ushkun id. 1332/lt 

Muhammad Hirz al-Dni, Ma'anf al-n^al ft hi 

idjim al- 

'ulanuf wa 1-itdabd', Nadjaf 1384/1964, iii, 2 

Sawid Husavn Badkuba'i (see preface by S 

H. Nasr 

to his translation ol Muhammad Husayn Tal 

Shfite Mim, Albany, N.Y. 1955, 22i. Djilwa 

died in 

i Rayy 

| of Ibn Babfrva. Later, an impressive structure was 

over his grave by Mirza Ahmad Khan Nasir al-L 

and Sultan Hasan Mirza Nawir al-Dawla. Djilw; 

; described by Ma'siim 'All Shah as the "renew 

I peripatetic philosophy in the fourteenth (Hidjrii 


. Mi Hakrm Ihhi 

! (,&ra 


loi at ) 

desprte his great fame he ne\er composed original 
wotks regarding independent writing on phrlosophy 
as difficult or even impossible alter the achieve 
ments ol his predecessors (autobiographical sketch 
quoted b> Muhsin al Amm in -1 tan al Shi a Beirut 
1380/1%0 vi 21b) and he preiened instead to write 
commentaries and glosses on the work of Avicenna 
and Mulh Sadra Two of these have been printed in 
the margin of Sadra s Sharh al Hida\at al Athuma 
Tehran 1313/1895 His Dm an is also said to have 
been published 

Bibliography in addition to the woiks men 
tioned in the text see Abbas b Muhammad Ridi 
kummi Hadnat al ahbab Nadjaf 1349/1930 11 
Mnza Muhammad Ah Mudarns Rathanat al adab 
Tabuz nd l 419 20 Muhsin il Amin Aran al 
Shi a Beirut 1380/1960 vi 214 16 (including in 
Aiabic translation the autobiographical account of 
Djilwa first printed in Kama \i danishuaran I nasifi) 
Mahdi Bimdid Sharh i hal i ndjal i Iran da, karnha 
U 12 a 13 a 14 1 Hiq^n Tehian 1347/1968 

(H Algar) 
ABU l HASAN al MAGHRIBI Muhammad b 
Ahmad b Muhammad poet and litterateur of the 
4th/ 10th centurv whose origin is unknown He seems 
to have undergone man\ vicissitudes since he appears 
in the seivice of Savf al Dawla of al Sahib Ibn Abbad 
and of the ruler of Khuras m where he met Abu 1 
Faradj al Isfahan! and he ilso resided in Egypt in 
the Djabal and m Transoxama at Shash The 

avellei a 

without an\ gieat onginalitv but he seems also to 
have been the author of several epistles and books 
in particular of a Tuhjat al kutlab ft I lata il and a 
Tadhknal/ Mudhakamt al nadim m which there were no 
doubt pieces of advice on stvle md valuable data on 
the liter ary circles of the age He is also famed from 
the fact that he was piobabH the transmittei of al 
Mutanabbi s work in the lands of the east since \akut 
savs of him that he was the ranna of the celebiated 
poet encountered at Baghdad However if he made 
an apologia toi the poet in his A al Inti\ar al munabbi 
an fada il al Mutanabbi followed bv a Bakniat al Intuar 
al mukthir h I ikhtisar he was equally the authoi — 
for leasons unknown to us- of i A al \abMTanbih 
al munabbi an radha il al Mutanabbi w hich must be the 
oldest criticism ot the poets woik 

Bibliography Tha ihbi lahma iv 81 \ lkut 

Idaba xvii 127 32 R Blicheie Abou t Tamb al 

\lotanabbi Pans 1935 227 273 ■ 






f the 2nd/8th century The date of hi- 
death is given vanouslv in the biographical sources 
with dates ranging from 14j/760 to 210/825 and 
the onlv point of leterence which we have is the 
tact that he was considered is the raana of il 
Farazdak (d 1 10/728) Of Bedouin origin, Abu Hayya 
must have lived for quite a long time in the desert, 
to ]udge b\ the verses which al-Djahiz cites in his 
h al Hawaiian, and whrch other, subsequent authors 
cite, apparentlv considenng him as an authority. This 
is not, however, the image that one gains of this 
peisonage b\ reading the notices of him in the biog- 
raphical sources since he became legendary for his 

cowardrce (stones of his sword pompousK called 
Luab al manma of a dog which frightened him to 
death etc ) his tendency to lomince and to boast 
about outstanding deeds of valour (in paiticular he 
clarmed to be able to converse wrth the djinri) and 
hrs weakness of mind (lulha) which led to his being 
sometimes giouped amongst those possessed (espe 
cialK as he was allegedlv eprlepttc) more indulgent 
ly alDjihiz merely classes hrm amongst the foolish 
peisons nauka and forebears to reproduce anecdotes 
in which he is the heio and which could very well 
be invented tales 

The biographers state and iepeat that Abu Hayya 
wrote eulogies to the last Umavyads and the fust 
Abbisids but it verv much seems unless one rs mis 
taken that none of his panegyrics have been pre 
served They iurthei state that he wrote mdju^ as 
well as kasidas but the gieat majoiity of hrs survrv 

Fihnst 231 hrs dm an took up 50 leaves and one 
:ept that thrs work was not lacking in qual 

rted vers 



e for 
r poet 

ited by the cntics Although accusing hin 
defects notably a charact( 
Askan Sinaataw 165 al Marzubani Muuashshah 
227 8) thev remark that hrs stvle was free from affec 
tatron and padding though sometimes difficult Abu 
Amr Ibn al \la even |udged Abu Hayyi to be sup 
error to hrs fellow trtbesman al Rii [q ] As a lule 
the pieces of poetry whrch have been preserved have 
i descriptive bacchic satrrrcal or elegrac charac 
tei according to Ibn al Mu tazz the verses rnspned 
by his wife who dred when sttll voung were often 

Biblwgiap/n (rn addrtron to references in the 
article) Djahiz Baran i 385 n 225 229 30 idem 
Hawaiian index Ibn Kutavba Shu 749 50 rdem 
Lhun mdex idem MaanJ 87 Abu Tammam 
Hamasa 11 105 133 Buhturr Hamasa 287 Ibn 
al Mu tazz Tabakat bl 3 Kah Amah t 69 n 
185 Baku Stmt al la ah r 97 244 Mubarrad 
hamil index Agham ed Beirut xvi 235 9 at 
Mukhtar mmshir Bashshar ed 1353 38 39 238 Ibn 
Abd Rabbih Ikd index Marzubani Mudjam 193 
Husn ~ahraladab 14 5 198 218 19 idem Djam 
aldiauahir 217 9 292 22 3 227 477 8 Ibn Hadjai 
Laba iv No 327 Amidi \Iu tahf 103 Ibn al 
Djawzi Akhbar al hamka ua I mughaffalm Baghdid 
1966 226 \akut Buldan rrr 35 Baghdadi MKana 
ed Buhk m 154 iv 283 5 Ibshrhr WustahaJ r 
305 Askan Sinaataw 165 208 idem Di tan al 
maam ed 1933 rr 127 Suyutr Mujir index 
R Basset Milk et un conies i 536 Pellat \liluu 
160 Bustam DM iv 281 2 Zmkh A lam ix 114 
Wahhabi l 168 70 (Ch Pellat) 

ABU HIFFAN Abd Allah b 

.l Mih 


rabrc (dred between 255/869 and 
257/871 Vntually nothing is known of his life except 
that he came from a Basran familv stemming from 
the B Mihzam of 'Abd al Kavs and that he gloried 
in his Anb origin He led a tanlv pooi and con 
strtcted lite, to the point that he had to sell his cloth 
ing to procure food, and he complains of this frequently 

His reputation arises primarily from his role as 
a transmitter of poetical akhbar, and he has a place 
in the isnads or chains of supporting transmitters of 
several important works, such as the K. al-Agham, 
the Muwastshah of al-Marzubant and the works of 
al-Sulr and Ibn al-Djarrah. He knew the circles of 


the poets very well, and previous to his own activ- 
ity, various of his paternal and maternal uncles had 

erary anecdotes. He was in contact with Abu Nuwas, 
whose protege and rain he was, and through this 
connection he developed, and came in his own right 
to follow the activities of the great contemporary 
poets, and especially, of the libertine poets. As well 
as his own master Abu Nuwas, he frequented the 
company of al-Husayn b. al-Dahhak, al-Buhturi, al- 
Khuraymi, and also al-Djahiz, Tha'lab, al-Mubarrad, 

He himself put together a work called the Akhlun 
Abl .\uwas, which has come down to us, and a A. 
Sina'at al-shu'am' and a A'. Akhbai al-sMam, of which 
no trace has survived but were certainly used in the 
3rd and 4th centuries by several writers of ndab 

Abu Hiffan was also a poet, but only a few dozen 
of his verses have been preserved, sc. fragments of 
eulogies addressed to 'All b. Yahva al-Munadjdjim 
and ' 'Ubavd Allah b. Yahva b. Khakan; of satires 
addressed to Ahmad b. Abl Du'ad and al-Buhtun; 
epigrammatic exchanges, not always in the best of 
taste, with Abu 'All al-BasFr, Sa'id b. Humayd, Abu 
'l-'Ayna' and Ya'kQb al-Tammar, all these being his 

verses. It is surprising that nothing has come down 
to us from his wine poetry, whic h Ibn al-Mu'tazz says 
enjoyed a wide currency. Altogether, Abu Hiflan was 
a minor poet who has contributed, through his anec- 
dotes, to our knowledge of the history and sociology 
of poetry in the 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th centuries. 

Bibliography: 'A. Ahmad Farradj has edited 
the Akhbai Abl .Nuwas, Cairo 1373/1953 Ian edi- 

with a bibliographical note, to be completed bv 
Bencheikh, U ' ' 



ind iden 

x //' el III sli- 
des d'e I'hegue, in JA (1975), 265-315. 

iJ.E. Bencheikhi 
ABU l-HUSAYN al-BASRI, Muhammad b. 'Alt 
b. al-Tayyib b. al-Husayn, Mu'tazili theologian. 
Little is known about his education and earlv career. 
He originated from Basra where he heard hadith. As 
he studied kalam and usid al-fikh with Kadi 'Abd al- 
Djabbar [?.».], he must ha\e visited Raw for some 
time. With the Christian Abu 'All b. al-Samh, a stu- 
dent of Yahva b. 'AdT, he studied philosophy and sci- 
ences, presumably in Baghdad. This is attested by a 
manuscript containing his redaction of the notes of 
Ibn al-Samh on the Physics of Aristotle. He may have 
also studied and practised medicine for some time if 
he is, as has been suggested, identical with the Abu 

a physician contemporary with Abu '1-Faradj b. al- 
Tayyib. Al-Dhahabi refers to him as al-kadi, but there 
is no other evidence that he ever held an official posi- 
tion. During the later part of his life he taught and 
wrote in Baghdad. As his two mill al-fikh works, the 
Shaih al-'i'mad and the A~. al-Mu'taniad, were composed 
still before the death of his teacher 'Abd al-Djabbar 
in 415/1024-5, he must have begun his teaching career 
in Baghdad before that date. He died in Baghdad 
on 5 Rabf II 436/30 October 1044. The fact that 
the HanafT kadi Abu 'Abd Allah al-Saymari led the 
funeral prayer for him indicates that he belonged to 
the HanafT madhhab, not to the Shafi'r as suggested 

Of his works on tl 

sid al-fikh, 1 

\shaih) on 'Abd al-Djabbar's A'. al-'Vmad appears to 
be lost. His A^ al-Mu'tamad, written later, has been 
edited together with his -Ovaaar al-mu'tamad and A', al- 
A7v,7s al-shat'i (ed. M. Hamidullah, Damascus 1 965 1. 
This work became popular also among non-Mu'tazilT 
scholars and, according to Ibn Khallikan, formed the 
basis of Fakhr al-Din al-Razfs A". al-Mahsul. None of 
his kalam works appears to be extant. The largest one, 
A! Tasaffuh al-adilla, remained unfinished, as he had 
only reached the chapter on the ri» heatifica before 
he died. On the A: Ghurai al-adilla, Ibn Abi 1-HadTd 

Df the i 


probably an extract from his A^ Shaih 
al-l'sul al-khamsa. His theological doctrine can, how- 
ex er, be recovered from later references and espe- 
cially from the extant parts of the A". al-Mu'tamad ft 
usul al-din Ims. San'a'l of his student Mahmud al- 
Malahiiru, who quotes the K. Tasaffuh al-adilla exten- 
sively. Also lost are his refutations of two works of 
the Imam! Sharif al-Murtada, his contemporary in 
Baghdad: the A". al-Shaji on the imamate and the A'. 
al-Mukm' on the doctrine of the concealment \ghayha) 
of the Twelfth Imam. 

In his doctrine, Abu '1-Husayn al-Basrl was deeply 
influenced by the concepts of the philosophers and 
diverged from the Bahashima, the school of Abu 
Hashim al-Djubba'i represented bv his teac her 'Abd 
al-Djabbar. He was therefore shunned by the 
Bahashima, who accused him of refuting his Mu'tazili 
shaykhb in an unfair and injurious manner. This 
charge is repeated by al-Shahrastani, who maintains 
that he was really a philosopher in his views i jal- 

not aware of this fact. Ibn al-Kiftl, too, suggests 

forms of expression of the kalam theologians in order 
to guard himself from his contemporaries. Notable 
points on which he differed from the Bahashima 

[ij.v.] and their thesis that the non-e: 

if the : 

reir the. 
■s of sai 

y of al 

and his reduction of the dhine attributes of will, 
hearing and seeing to that of knowledge. Evidently 
also under the influence of the doctrine of the 
philosophers, he affirmed that the acts of man occur 

of human free 


and ; 

r Muha 

mmad al 
vhmad h 

-Walid al-Karkhl id. 478/1086) who, like I 
also studied logic and philosophy and taught in 
Baghdad. According to Ibn al-Murtada, Fakhr al-Dm 
al-Razi adopted many of his views on the "subtle- 

damental dogma. His theological doctrine progressively 
exerted a strong influence among the Imamiyya and, 
to a lesser extent, among the Zavdiyya. 

Bibliography. Ta'nkh Baghdad, iii, 100; al- 
Hakim al-Djushamr, Sharh al-'Uyun, in Fada'il al- 
i'lizal, ed. Fu'ad Savvid, Tunis" 1393/1974, 387; 
Shahrastanl, 19, 32, 57, 59; idem, Mhiiyat al- 
akdam, ed. A. Guillaume, Oxford 1931, 151, 175, 
177, 221, 257; Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, I'tikad fiiak 
al-muslimin iva 'l-musbikin, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al- 
Razik, Cairo 1356/1938, 45; Ibn al-Kifti, Ta'nkh 
al-hukama', ed. J. Lippert, Leipzig 1903, 293 f.; 


Ibn Khallikan, IVaJayat, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, Beirut 
1968-72, iv, 271 f.;~ al-Dhahabi, Mi Z an al-i'tidal, 
ed. 'Ali Muh. al-Bidjawi, Cairo 1963, iii, 654 f.; 
idem, al-Tbar, iii, ed. Fu'ad Savyid, Kuwait 1961, 
187; al-Idjr, al-Mawakif, ed. Th.'Soerensen, Leipzig 
1848, 106-12; al-Safadr, al-lVaff, iv, ed. S. 
Dedering, Damascus 1959, 125; Ibn Abi '1-Wafa', 
al-DJawahir al-mudfa, Haydarabad 1332, ii, 93 f.; 
Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakdt al-mu'tazila, ed. S. Diwald- 
Wilzer, Wiesbaden 1961, 118 f.; A.S. Tritton, 
Muslim theology, London 1947, 193-5; S.M. Stern, 
Ibn al-Samh, in JRAS (1956), 33-41; M. 
Hamidullah, introd. to edition of A". al-Mu'tamad, 
GAS, I, 627; The section on consensus in the A; 
al-Mu'tamad has been translated and analysed by 
M. Bernand, L'accord unamme de la communaute . . . 
d'apih Abu 'l-Husayn al-Basri, Paris 1970. 

(\V. Madelung) 
ABU HUZABA, al-WalId b. Hunayfa (b. Nahik 
in Taban, ii, 393) al-Tamimi, a minor poet of the 
lst/ 7th century. He was a Bedouin who settled at 
Basra and was a panegyrist, at the time of Ziyad b. 
Abihi (45-53/665-72) or shortly after, of 'Abd Allah 
b. Khalid b. Asld, governor of Fars. His family urged 
him strongly to join the circle of Yazid b. Mu'awiya, 
before the latter's assumption of the caliphate (60/680); 
he finally decided to try his luck, but was not received 
by the prince, and he returned to Basra and joined 
up with the army. He was sent to Sistan (Sidjistan), 
and from 60/680-1, under the orders of Salm b. Ziyad, 
he sang the praises of the governor Talha al-Talahat 
[q.v.]; he recited a funeral elegy on the latter which 
contained critical aspersions on falha's successor, 'Abd 
Allah b. 'All al-'Abshami, who had shown himself less 
generous to the poet. He also had occasion in Sidjistan 
to mourn the death of a certain Nashira al-Yarbu'I 
killed at the time of Ibn al-Zubayr, in an elegy set 
to music by Ibn Djami' [q.v.]. Finally, he returned to 
Basra and then, after various adventures, rallied to the 
cause of Ibn al-Ash'ath [q.v.] and was possibly killed 
at the same time as him (85/704). 

Abu Huzaba had the reputation of turning nasty 
when his hopes of reward were disappointed. He has 
left behind a certain number of rad}az poems, as well 
as kasidas which have kept his name from falling into 

Bibliography. Djahiz, Hayawan, i, 255, iii, 381- 
2; idem, Bayan, iii, 329; Ibn al-Kalbl-Caskel, 
Tab. 72 and ii, 586; Mus'ab al-Zubayn, Nasab 
Kuraysh, 188; Baladhu.T, Ansab, ivb, 153; Aghanl, ed. 
Beirut, xxii, 271-82; Amidi, Mu'tahf, 64; Dhahabr, 
Mushtabih, 160; BustanI, DM, iv, 247. 

(Ch. Pellat) 
ABU 'l-'IBAR, Abu 'l-' Abbas Muhammad b. Ahmad 
b. 'Abd Allah al-Hashimi, burlesque poet and 
member of the ruling family, who was born in ca. 
175/791-2 in the reign of al-Rashld and who died in 
252/866, probably assassinated by an 'Alid partisan. 
He is known by the name of Abu '1-Tbar, a sobri- 
quet which he made up himself, adding a letter each 
year, and in the end making it unpronounceable. He 
was carefully educated, had an acute literary sense and 
was a fine connoisseur of poetry. The severe al-Ma'mun 
did not appreciate him, and even imprisoned him, but 
he welcomed the accession of al-Mutawakkil, .giving 
himself up to all sorts of amusing deeds. 

Since he felt his way blocked by the great poets 
of his time, and in particular, by Abu Tammam and 
al-Buhturi, he found it more profitable to devote 
himself to humk and sukhf, thereby illustrating a 
tradition which was to continue with e.g. Ibn al- 

Hadjdjadj and Ibn al-Habbariyya [q.vv.]. Abu '1-Tbar 
did not allow his membership of the caliphal family 
to constrict him, and cultivated a real burlesque art 
in his own life and writings, in which he displayed 
acrobatics. In reality, under the form of burlesque, 
satire is often hidden, and under the form of buf- 
foonery, an element of suffering. Whether he invents 
new words, writes phrases devoid of sense, wittily 
parodies a scholar, or fishes with a line in the pond 
of the caliphal palace, he goes quite contrary to the 
accepted cultural norms, defies the usual patterns, 
confronts an atmosphere of seriousness with drollery, 
and in short, gives himself up to grotesque pieces 
of clowning which might have opened up a way for 
an original and new strain in Arabic literature. But 
for this, Arabo-Islamic culture would have had to 
accept new values alien to its own ones. The terms 
of humk and sukhf show clearly the lack of esteem 
for these tentative efforts, which never had any really 
fruitful consequences [cf. Abu 'l-'Anbas above]. 

Bibliography: Aghanl, xxiii, 76-86; Sull, Akhbar 
al-Buhturi, 170-1; idem, Awrak, ii, 323-33; Kutubi, 
Fawat al-wafaydt, ii, 354-6, No. 386; Fihnst, 223-4; 
Yakut, Udaba', xvii, 122-7; Muhammad b. Dawud 
al-Djarrah, Waraka, 120-1; cf. J.E. Bencheikh, Le 
(made d'al-Mutawakkil, contribution ii I'etude des instances 
de legitimation litteraire, in Melanges Henri Laoust = BEO, 
xxix [1977). (J.E. Bencheikh) 

ABU IMRAN al-FASI, MusA b. 'Isa b. AbI 
Hadjdj'Hadjdjadj (?), Malikr fakih, probably born 
between 365/975 and 368/978 at Fas into a Berber 
family whose nisba is impossible to reconstruct. No 
doubt to complete his studies, but perhaps also because 
of other reasons hard to discern, he went to settle in 
al-Kayrawan, where his master was in particular al- 
KabisI (d. 403/1012 [q.v.]). He is known to have 
stayed in Coidova with Ibn 'Abd al-Barr [q.v.] and 
to have profited by the chance to follow the lectures 
of vaiious scholars there, which his biographers list, 
without however giving the date of this journey. Soon 
after the end of the century, he went to the East, 
possibly spending some years in Mecca, since he made 
the Pilgi image several times, and deiiving further 
instruction fiom the jukaha' of the Holy City. In 
399/1008-9 he was in Baghdad, benefiting from the 
teaching of al-Bakillam (d. 403/1013 [q.v.]), a Malikr 
like himself but an Ash'an in Mam. and it was in 
the 'Iraki capital that he had the revelation of a the- 
ological doctrine in whose subsequent diffusion in the 
West he was to take part (see H.R. Idris, Essai sur la 
diffusion de I'as'aiisme en Ifriqiya, in Cahiers de Tunisie, ii 
(1953), 134-5). He returned to Mecca from Baghdad, 
and then in ca. 402/1011 returned via Egypt to al- 
Kayrawan, which he never seems then to have left 
apart fiom a last journey to the East in ca. 425/1033- 
4 or 426/1034-5. He died on 13 Ramadan 430/8 
June 1039 in his adopted home; al-Mu'izz b. Badls 
[q.v.] was piesent at his funeral, together with a great 
crowd, and his tomb has henceforth been venerated 
as equal to that of a saint. His descendants still live 
in al-Kayrawan. 

His biographers stress the breadth and diversity of 
his education, and mention in detail the numerous 
teachers whose courses he followed, both at al- 
Kayiawan and during his travels; and they make him 
in some way the heir of Malik! teaching at the open- 
ing of the 4th/ 10th centuiy. Nor do they omit to list 
all the pupils who thronged his courses, and they give 
the impression that he exercised a deep influence on 
intellectual activity in the juridical-religious domain. He 
was at the outset a specialist on the seven readings 


of the Kur'an, and then after his return from the East, 

He attracted a host of disciples not only from Ifrikiya, 
but even from Spain, Sicily and Morocco, and several 
of these later made a name for themselves. Furthermore, 
he kept up a correspondence with scholars in distant 
places, who consulted him on points of doctrine, and 
he even gave idjazat, at a distance. It would be tedious 
to enumerate here all the pupils of his mentioned by 
biographers but one should mention that they includ- 
ed Ibn Sharaf [q.v.], and a person homonymous 
with the name of the author of the 'I Wa, 'Abd Allah 
Ibn Rashik (d. 419/1028), who was also a poet, and 
dedicated to him the greater part of his verse (see Ch. 
Bouyahia, La vie htteraire en Jfriqw sous Its guides, Tunis 
1972, 67, 116). 

Two other pupils of Abu Tmran's ought to be 
mentioned also because they were associated with 
important historical events. At a date which, with 
Ibn Abr Zar' \Kirtas, 122-3) can be fixed at 
427/1035-6 i whilst Ibn Khaldun, Be, Mm, ii, 67, 
places the events in 440/1048-9, Ibn Tdhari, Bayan, 
iii, 242, in 444/1052-3 and Ibn al-Athir, ix, 258- 
9, in 447/1056, which is unlikely), the Lamtuna 
chief Yahya b. Ibrahim passed through al-Kayrawan 
whilst returning from the Pilgrimage, attended Abu 
Tmran's courses and, realising the depth of his con 
patriots' ignorance, asked the great scholar to de 
ignate one of his followers to go and teach thcr 
Abu 'Imran then recommended to him one of his 
former pupils called Ugg u ag (Wadjdjadj i 

and this latter scholar in turn designated 'Abd Allah 
b. YasTn (see al-Bakri, Description de I'Afrique septen- 
tnonale, new edn. Paris 1965, 165-6/311-12; at-Hula, 
al-mawshiyya' , 9; A. Bel, La religion mmutmane en Berbene 
Paris 1938, 215; G. Marcais, La Be, bene musulmam 
el IVrient an moyen age, Paris 1946, 238; H. Terrasse. 
Hislmre du Mamc, Casablanca 1949, i, 214; J. Bosch 
Vila, Los Almmavides, Tetuan 1956, 49; and see al- 
murabitun). Now the anom mous author of the 
Majakhi, al-Baiba, (ed. E. Leu-Provencal, fragments 
histmiques sur le.s Berbers au moyen age, Rabat 1934, 
69) states that these two men impelled the Almoravids 
to expand out of the Sahara on the order [bi-amr) 
of Abu 'Imran. 

One would like to have exact details about this, 
but if the assertion is true, it shows the influence of 
the Kayrawam/aM, which was, at all events, a pro- 
found one. His pupils transmitted his oral teachings 
and doubtless also his works (cf Ibn Khayr, Fahui'sa, 
i, 440), which do not however seem to have been 

served, in particular by al-Wanshansi in his Mi'ya, 
(but one should be careful, since the name "Abu 
'Imran al-Fasi" was fairly widespread; see e.g. 
Brockelmann, S II, 961; a A". al-Dala'il wa 1-addad is 
mentioned in the M,'yar, x, 105, and a manuscript 
of al-Ihkam li-maso'il al-ahkam al-mustakhraa^a mm Kitab 
al-Dala'il wa '1-addad li-Abi 'Imran al-Fasi has ; 
catalogued (1342-D. 1444) at Rabat). His A'. al-Ta'alik 
'aid '1-Mudau.wana is one of the Kadi 'Iyad's 
{Madank, i, 56), who cites him frequently. He 
over said to have made a selection of hadith* which 
was especially important and coveied a hundrei 
leaves, and a Fahiasa is attiibuted to him; finally, 
manuscript of his Naza'i, is mentioned as existing a 
Algien - ' ■ " " """ ' " 

also a 


d him. 

s already 

'Iyad, Taitib al-Madank, ed. A Bakir, Beirut n.d., 
iv, 702-6 and index; Ibn NadjI, Ma'alim al-iman, 
Tunis 1320, iii, 199-205; Ibn Farhun, Dibaaj, 
Cairo 1329, 344-5; Tadll, al-Tashawwuf ila rtdjal 
al-tasawwuf, ed. A. Faure, Rabat 1958, 64-6; al- 
Wazlr al-Sarradj, al-Hulal al-sundusiyya, ed. al- 
Hrla, Tunis, ix, 272-3; Humaydr, Djadhwa, Caiio 
1952, No. 791; Ibn Bashkuwal, Sila, No. 1223; 
Dabbr, Bughya, Madrid 1884, No. 1332; Ibn al- 
Abbar, Takmila, No. 679— Oriental biographic; 






Dhahabi, Huffdz, iii, 284-6; Yakut, Buk 
807; Ibn Taghribirdi, Vudjum, v, 30 [on p. 77, 
he makes Abu 'Imran die in 458); Ibn al-'Imad, 
Shadhardt, iii, 247-8; F. Bustam, DM, iv, 483; 
ZiriklT, A'ldm, viii, 278.— Studies: H.R. Idris, 
^indes, index; idem. Deux maftres dt I'ttole jundiqut 
kairouanaise . . ., in AIEO Alge,, xiii (1955), 42-60 
(detailed study, with rich bibliography). 

ABU ISHAK al-FARISI, Ibrahim b. 'Ali id. after 
377/987). celebrated grammarian and also lexi- 
cographer of the golden age of grammatical stud- 
ies' in Baghdad during the 4th/10th century, and 
equally a poet. As a pupil of Abu 'All al-Farisi id. 
377/987 [ ? .t>.]) and of al-Rummani (d. 384/994 [q.v.]u 
lged to the second genei; 

of this 

3ulded b 

ury, ; 



group "■ ... 

he assured "the triumph of the method of Basra m 
Baghdad" (G. Troupeau). He wrote several works, in 
particular, on prosody, and like his master Abu 'All 
al-Farisi somewhat earlier, criticised the woik of the 
poet al-Mutanabbi. 

Bibliography: Yakut, Udaba', i, 204-5; Suyuti, 
Bughya, 184; G. Troupeau, La grammant a Bagdad, 
in Autbica, ix |1962|, 399; R. Blachere, Aboutavyib 
al-Motanabbi, Paris 1935, 242. (M. Bergei 

ABU 'l-KASIM al-FAZARI [see al-fazari]. 
ABU 'l-KASIM al-MAD1RITI [see al-madjrItI] . 
ABU l-KASIM al-WASANI [see al-wasanI]. 
ABU KHALIFA al-DIUMAHI [see al-fadl b. al- 
HUBAB_in Suppl.]. 

ABU MADI, Iliyya (1889-1957), poet and jour- 
nalist of Lebanese origin, who spent his childhood in 
the ullage of al-Muhayditha near Bikfaya, his birth- 

uncle 1 


During his stay of some dozen years in Egypt, 1 
able to find time to acquire an advanced literary edu- 
cation, to learn a lot of classical and modern poetry 
and to frequent the circles of intellectuals who were 
in varying degrees engaged in political activities which 
roused the authorities' suspicions. Like so many of his 
began eaily to write poetry, 

> him 

and r. 

r able ii 

publish at Alexandria a first collection called 
laethka, al-mddi, Dlivan Iliyya Dahi, Abu Madi, which 
the critics were unanimous in considering of no great 
literary value. In this same year of 1911, he decided 
to leave for the Linked States and rejoin his brother, 
who was a merchant like his uncle. He then spent 
several years in Cincinnati, where he continued to 
write verse, and then abandoned trade for poetry and 
journalism, and went in 1916 to New York. There he 
published on arrival, under the title of Diwan Iliyya 
Abu Madi, a second edition of his first collection, but 
now augmented b> some poems on social questions 
and inspired by Arabism and nationalism, which he 
had avoided inserting in the Tadhkar al-mddi. Both these 
editions are very rare today, but they add nothing 


) the poet's fame and \ 

In New York, Abu Madf threw himself into jour- 
nalism and took charge of editing al-Madjalla al-'ara- 
biyya and then al-Fatdt. It is at this point that he 
became connected with the great names of mahdfar 
literature who were to found al-Rabita al-kalamiyya; it 
was also there that he married the daughter of Nadjib 
Diyab, director of the Mh'at al-Ghatb, of which he 
became chief editor 1918-29, i.e. until the time when 
he founded the monthly al-Samir, which he trans- 
formed into a daily in 1936 and directed till his death 
on 23 November 1957. 

Abu Madi's talent began to take shape in New 
York, with his poetic work partly spread by the peri- 
odicals to which he contributed and brought together 
in a new diwan, al-L^adawil (New York 1927; reprinted 
at Nadjaf three times between 1937 and 1949); with 
his fame thus assured, his poetic talent became more 
widely known in his last collection published during 
his lifetime, al-Khama'il (New York 1940; 2nd edn. 
Beirut 1948, with additions). Some further poems were 
collected together in 1960, after his death, as Tibr 

Within the limits of this brief article, it is not 
possible to go into the details of Abu Madi's 
poetic achievement, but the most striking feature 
for the reader is what might be called the philosophical 
tone of many of the poems, a succinct philosophy con- 
veyed as a scepticism which is stressed many times. 
In this respect, the famous quatrains which appear in 
the Qj_adawil and which have been thought worthy of 
separate publication under the title of al-Talasim, are 
characteristic; musing on the origins of man, the poet 
replies to the questions put in each strophe by a lastu 
adri "I do not know" (which has inspired the shaykh 
Muhammad Djawad al-Djaza'iri to compose a reply; 
in his Hall al-Talasim [Beirut 1946], each strophe ends, 
usly, with an ana adri "I myself 

. His 

eady a 

ating his 


and precise, and the poet was moved 
moralist in a well-known piece, al-T'in, which con- 
demns human pride, commends humility and advo- 
cates equality (see a commentary in Dj. Rikabr el alii, 
al-U'afifi 'l-adab al-'arabi al-hadlth, Damascus 1963, 180- 
4; Fr. tr. in Anthol. de la htterature arabe contemporaine, iii. 
La poesie, by L. Norin and E. Tarabay, Paris 1967, 
83-4). But the poet, in spite of his disquiet and his 
philosophical doubt, nevertheless had an optimistic and 
lively character which made him love life just as it is 
and made him proclaim his faith in the lasting value 
of art and literature. In his Khama'il, he chanted the 
praises of Lebanon, which at bottom he knew very 
poorly, and expressed his nostalgia for his native coun- 
try, which he did not see again till 1948. 

In regard to poetic technique, one might have 
expected AbO Mad! to utilise free verse [al-shi'r al-hurr), 
but in fact he remained faithful to classical metres, 
which he only abandoned in order to adopt a strophic 
pattern or, in his narrative poem of 79 verses al-Sha'ir 
wa 1-siillan al-aja'ii (1933), to be able to employ sev- 
eral metres and sometimes alter the rhyme. 

Abu Madi's successful poetical work, with its im- 
mediate accessibility to the reader, has tended to 
obscure his work as a journalist and the quality of 
his prose. It would undoubtedly be an exaggeration 
to maintain that all his contributions to the numer- 
ous mallear periodicals, on which he collaborated, are 
poems in prose. However, the poet's personality 
comes through constantly in his editiorals and in his 

articles, admittedly those on literary topics, but also 
in those on political, economic and social questions, 
which he treats in an eminently poetic fashion, dis- 
playing his reflective attitude and allowing the same 
preoccupations as those of his verses to appear 

Bibliography: Abu Madi has already been 
made the subject of some studies, amongst which 
are Fathi Safwat Nadjda, lhyya Abu Madi wa 7- 
haraka al-adabiyya fi 'l-mahajar, Baghdad 1945; 
Zuhayr Mnza~.~ I. Abu Alddi, sha'ir al-mahdfar al- 
akbar, Damascus 1954; 'Abd al-Latlf Sharara /. 
Abu Madi, Beirut 1961; Works on the literature 
of the mahdjar naturally include material on Abu 

al-Kanm al'-Ashtar, al-.Vathr al-mahdjarl, Beirut 

1964, index; idem, Funun al-nathr al-mahajari, Beirut 

1965, index; Amongst the numerous articles devot- 
ed to him, see Ilyas Abu Shabaka, /. Abu Madi, 
in al-Muktataf, October 1932; Dj. 'Abd al-Nur, /. 
Abu Madi, in al-Adab, 1953; idem, in Da'irat al- 
ma' arif, v, 101-4 (with bibliography); G.D. Selim, 
The poetic vocabulary of lliya Ab Madi (1 8 89? -19 57): 
a computational study of 47,766 content words, Ph.D. 
thesis, Georgetown Univ. 1969 (unpublished); R.C. 
Ostle, /. Abu Madi and Arabic poetry in the inter- 
war period, in idem (ed.l, Studies in modern Arabic lit- 
erature, Warminster 1975, 34-45; Salma Khadra 
Yayyusi, Trends and movements in modern Arabic poetry, 
Leiden 1977, i, 123-35. (Ed.)" 
ABU MAHALLl (al-Mahalli on coins') al-FilalI 

al-SidjilmassI, the name by which Abu 'l-'Abbas 
Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah is known, one of the chief 
pretenders who took part in the ruin of Morocco 
during the agony of the Sa'did [q.v.] dynasty and 
whose brief spell of success has a useful illustrative 

We know by his autobiography, which forms the 
beginning of his still-unpublished book, the Kitab Islit 
al-khirrit fi Hat' bi-'ulum al-'frit, but which al-Ifrani 

in 967/ 1559-60^ into a family of jurists, which were 
said to be descended from the Prophet's uncle. His 
father was a kadi, and in the first instance took charge 
of his son's education, and then sent him to com- 
plete his studies at Fas, where the young man spent 
several years. After the accession of Ahmad al-Mansur 
and the end of the troubles which had racked north- 
ern Morocco, he went to visit the tomb of the Berber 
saint Abu Ya'azza [q.v.]; then, despite the great dis- 
trust he had felt for mystics, he became a convert to 
Sufism and attached himself to the shaykh Muhammad 
b. Mubarik al-Za'in and lived for eight years close 
to him. His master then sent him to Sidjilm; 

3 rder 




1002/1594 Abu Mahalli made the Pilgrir 
Mecca. On his return, he visited the eastern provinces 
of Morocco and finally settled with his family in the 

devoted himself to God. 

It was at this point that this first-rate jurist, now 
deeply affected by mysticism, proclaimed that he had 
received divine inspiration and gave himself out to 
be the mahdi. Al-Yusi" says that he was no longer 
content to put together, in an elegant style, legal 
works or mediocre poetry, but began to deal with 
subjects which showed that he had reached the point 
of possessing divine grace {dhawk) up to a certain 
degree. He probably also had within in him some- 
thing of the thaumaturge, like so many other claim- 
ants\o such powers. When in 1019/1610 he learnt 



that the sultan Muhammad al-Shavkh II had handed I 
o\fi the town oi Lai ache (al-'Aia'ish [q i ]| to the Span- 
iards he shared in the popular indignation fanned 
the geneial wave of xenophobia and skilfullv utilised 
the occasion to launch an appeal for the hol\ wai 
and to pioclaim the downfall of the Sa'dids With a 
few hundied follow eis mflamed b\ his woids and 
promises, he managed to seize Sidjilmassa from its 
legal governoi and set up thcie the reign of |ustice 
His prestige giew so gieat that he was recognised as 
far awa\ as Timbuctu and ieceived delegations from 
distant tribes and ex en fiom the town of Tlemcen 
He fuithei began negotiations with the .Sana of Dila' 
[?< below] 

Mawlav Zavdan, Muhammad al-Shavkh II s biother 
who was mling over Mairakesh and its legion 
took flight and oigamsed a powerful aim\ m th< 
lev of the Wadi Dra' Abu Mahalli marched on 

was supeinatuiallv aided laid down their arm* 

The pietender, benefitting fiom the sound a 
ot a renegade commandei did not hesitate to n 
on Manakesh at the head of his rough and s. 
Sahaian followers, whose numbeis inc leased 
Mawlav Zavdan offered no resistance and letr 
to Safi On 20 Mav 1012 Abu Mahalli occupie 
ro\al kasaba and adopted all the insignia ot 10 
and since supplies of gold continued to arm 
Marrakesh he had minted m his own name 
quahtv gold coins Nevcitheless, although he c 
proved of foieign occupation of Moroccan terr 
he had the sense to allow Chustian merchants to 
tinue then tommercial activities It is thanks to 
last that we have fnst-hand i 

d the 

which h 

troops and the peoples whom he had 
bi ought undei his contiol 

Maw lav Zavdan had piudentlv to leave Safi for 
the Sus, where he got into contact with anothei ieh- 
gtous leadei Yahva b 'Abd Allah b Sa'id al-Hahi 
who enjoved great fame and who piomised to expel 
Abu Mahallr fiom Marrakesh He gathered togethei 
numerous bodies of tioops and soon appealed with 
them near the southern capital Abu Mahalh came 
out to do battle at the head of his faithful Saharan 
troops but at the beginning ot the engagement was 
killed bv a shot His aimv believed that the divine 
favoui had abandoned it and was unable to resist the 
attack On 30 Novembei lbH Yahva occupied the 
citv and had his rivals head hung above the gate- 
wav ot the kasaba 

The tiagic spiritual and mental process which led 
a pious scholar to seek after temporal powei and then 
to give himself out as a Messiah, finallv ending up 
like a sorcerer's appientice lemamed in the Moroccan 
mind as suth a baleful example that the thiomcleis 

the divine paidon to Abu Mahalh 

Biblw^aphy M El Oufrani (al-Ifrani) \ujut 
Elhddi histout de la dynastu saadiinnt au Maroc (1511 
1670) Ar text and Fr tr O Houdas Pans 1888- 
0, index H alAusi, hikib al Muhadmat lith Fas 
1317/1890, 00-1 H de Castnes, Somas intdihs dt 
Vhistom du Mam 1" sene Saadurn (1510 1600), 
Pau Bas, n Paris 1007 (index P de Cemval, ibid, 
1" sene Saadum (1>J0 1600) ingltttiit, n, Pans 
1925, &S Colin Climniqut aninmt dt la dtnastu saa 
drnim Collection de textes aiabes publ par 1 1 NFM 
Pans 1934, a paitial h tr leased on a defective text, 
was published m 1924, at Algiers, bv L Ktgnan t\ 

trails intdils mi It Maghttb v, 442-4, J D Biethes 
Contribution a Umtom du Mam pat lt\ rahtrchts numis 
matiquts Casablanca [1939], 211 and pi xxvin, A 
al-NasnT Kitab al htiksa, vi al Daula al Sa'dina new 
annotated edn Casablanca 1955 R Le Tourneau 
ibu Mahalli rtbtllt a la d\nastu sa'ditmu (lt>l 1-lfc.l 3) 
in Studi oiuntalutui in onore di G Lai Dtlla \ ida n 
Rome 195b, J Berque 4/ lousi, ptoblarus dt la ml 
tun maiotam, au \ II' sluli Paris 1958 02-4 R Le 

au Mil sittk, m innaks dt la Fatulh dts Ltttrtt din 
xxxii il900j, 187-225 _ [G Deverduni 

ABU MANSUR b YUSUF m full <Abd -vl-M-vlik 
i Muhammad b \usuf, wealthv Hanbalr mer- 
hant, the most important patron of the Hanball 
novement and a staunch supportei of the 'Abbasid 
ahphate in the 5th/ 11th centurv Abu Mansui b 
Yusut was tor Baghdad and the caliph what Nizam 
al-Mulk was foi khmasan and the sultan Both dis- 
tinguished themselves fiom among their contempo- 
lanes bv then political and administiative genius as 

mulating his wealth thiough commerce and Nizam 
al-Mulk thiough power which he exeicised in the 

In 453/1001 Abu Mansur saw to the destitution 
of the cahphal vizier Abu Turab al-Athiii whom he 
had replaced bv lbn Dai ust In 447/1055 it was Abu 
Mansur who had influenced the caliph to appoint 
Abu 'Abd .Allah al-Damaghani, a HanafT as kadi I 
kudat in oidei to placate the HanafT Saldjuk uni- 
que lois Thiee vears later Abu Mansur, who had 
been on tnendh teims with the Saldjuks, was thiown 
into prison bv Basasiri on the latter s ieturn to Baghdad 
during the absence of his archenemv the Saldjuk 
Toghril Beg It was onlv after paving gieat sums of 
monev that Abu Mansui regained his fieedom but 
he did not feel entnelv safe until Toghril Beg had 
returned to Baghdad wiesting it fiom the hands of 
Basasiri stripping the latter of all the wealth he had 
accumulated and killing him In the aflan ot the 
mainage of Toghnl Beg with the caliph's daughter, 
a mainage which scandalised the caliph, Abu Mansui, 
along with Abu 'Abd Allah al-Damaghani plaved the 
lole ot mediator between caliph and sultan 

Abu Mansui b Wut was known for his good 

1 the 'Adud 

«tal al 


nstan al- 

his la 


were the 

who enj 
e preae 

ned a 

gieat fol- 
ks fune- 

This wide influence en|oved bv Abu Mansui did 
not please Nizam al-Mulk, and the nvalrv between 
these two influential men can be seen in some ot the 
events ot the penod The founding of the Nizamiyva 
madiasa m Baghdad (inaugurated in 459/10b7) is an 
instance in point Abu Ishak al-Shirazi, foi whom the 
madrasa was founded having lefused to assume the 
rhan of law for religious leasons (the maghiub or mis- 
appiopnated chaiac ter ot the materials), was ieplaced 
bv anothei Shafi'i lbn al-Sabbagh chosen bv Abu 
Mansui, with the contuirence of the caliph The found- 
ing oi the madiasa bv Nizam al-Mulk appeals to have 
been consideied bv Abu Yusuf as interference in the 


The rivalry between these two powerful and influ- 
ential men also expressed itself quite clearly in the 
ideological sphere. While Abu Mansur was the great 
support and consolation of the traditionalist 'ulama' in 
Baghdad, men belonging essentially to the HanbalT 
movement, Nizam al-Mulk supported the rival Ash'arl 
movement. And whereas Nizam al-Mulk lent his sup- 
port and bestowed his patronage upon men of the 
rationalist Mu'tazill movement, Abu Mansur had 
reduced the Mu'tazills to silence in Baghdad. It was 
because of him that the great Mu'tazill professor of 
the period in Baghdad, Abu 'All b. al-Walid, could 
not publicly profess his teachings in that city. The 
riot which occurred in Baghdad in 460, led by the 
traditionalists against Ibn al-Walfd, was caused by 
the latter's reappearance in public to teach Mu'tazilism; 
Abu Mansur had disappeared from the scene at the 
beginning of that year. There is some e\idence indi- 
cating that Abu Mansur's death was not a natural 
one, and that he had paid with his life for interfer- 
ing with Nizam al-Mulk's plans. For instance, the con- 
temporarv Ibn al-Banna', writing in his Diary about 
five months after the death of Abu Mansur, mentions 
a dream in which he saw Abu Mansur walking bare- 
foot and, upon asking him the cause, replied saying 
that that "was the way to walk for those who com- 
plain of wrongdoing" ihddha . . . mashy al-mutazallimin). 
Elsewhere in the Diary (ii, 26, 47), the following invo- 
cation is made: "May God have mercy on the blood 
of [Abu Mansur] Ibn Yusuf". The word blood, in this 
context, implies bbodshed, blood calling for revenge, 
or for justice. It is perhaps significant that the title 
al-Shaykh al-Aqjall "the most eminent Shaykh" , applied 
only to Abu Mansur during his lifetime, is found later 
applied not only to his two sons-in-law, Ibn Djarada 
and Ibn Ridwan, but also to Nizam al-Mulk 
(E. Combe et a!.. Repertoire, vii, Nos. 2734, 2736, 2737). 
The two sons-in-law of Abu Mansur, though they 
inherited from their father-in-law his title, presented 
no threat to Nizam al-Mulk. Ibn Ridwan succeeded 
to Abu Mansur's position of influence with the caliph; 
but far from following in the footsteps of his father- 
in-law in opposing Nizam al-Mulk, he became rec- 
onciled with him by effecting a marriage between his 
daughter and Nizam al-Mulk's son. On the other 
hand, Ibn Djarada seems to have inherited the place 
of honour enjoyed by his father-in-law with the tra- 
ditionalists, for whom he founded mosque-colleges 
(masdjid) in Baghdad. 

Bibliography: G. Makdisi, Ibn 'Aqil et la resur- 
gence de I 'Islam traditionahste au AT sihle (V sihle 
de Vhegire), Damascus 1963, 274 and n. 3 (bibli- 
ography cited); idem, Muslim institutions of learning 
in eleventh-century Baghdad, in BSOAS, xxiv (1961), 
30, 35-7; idem, .Nouveaux details sur Vqffaire d'lbn 
'Aqil, in Melanges Louis Massignon, Damascus 1967, 
iii, 91-126, et passim; idem, Autograph diary of an 
eleventh-century historian of Baghdad, in BSOAS, xviii- 
xix (1956-7), xix, 285, 296-7 et passim. 

(G. Makdisi) 
ABU MISMAR, al-Sharif Hammud b. Muhammad 
b. Ahmad al-Hasani, an important sharifoi Abu 'Arish 
who in the early years of the 19th century defended 
his independent state, based on the coastal plain of 
'Asir [q.v.] (Tihamat 'Asir) and embracing most of 
the Tihama region of Yemen, against the encroach- 
ments of the Wahhabi Al Sa'Qd of Nadjd, the Zaydr 
imams of San'a' and the Ottomans under Muham- 
mad 'Air. Born in or before 1170/1756-7, he was 
descended from the Al Khayrat sharifi who emigrated 
from Mecca to the al-Mikhlaf al-Sulaymam district 

of lowland 'Asir early in the 11th/ 17th century. His 
death occurred in 1233, probably during Ramadan/ 
July 1818 but possibly several months earlier. 

While sening as the Zaydr imam's governor of Abu 
'Arish in the mid- 18th century, Sharif Ahmad, 
Hammud's grandfather, declared his family's inde- 
pendence, although the imam's suzerainty was recog- 
nised. Hammud assumed power in about 1215/1800-1, 
and shortly afterwards had to expel a troublesome 
Wahhabi agent of 'Abd al-'Aziz (d. 1218/1803), the 
chief of the Al Sa'ud. But when in 1217/1802-3 Abu 
'Ansh was captured by Abu Nukta (d. 1224/1809), the 
Wahhabi amir of upland 'Asir, Hammud declared alle- 
giance to 'Abd al-'Aziz. He undertook to pay certain 
taxes to the Wahhabi chief and send a son to al-Dir'iyya 
as hostage, in return for which he was appointed 'Abd 
al-'AzIz's governor of lowland 'Asir. Aided by Wahhabi 
reinforcements, Hammud subsequently captured from 
the old Zaydl imam, al-Mansur bi'llah 'All (1189- 
1224/1775-1809), and added to his own lands, the bulk 
of the Tihama region of Yemen, including such cen- 
tres as al-Luhayya, al-Hudayda, Bayt al-Faklh, Zabrd 
and al-Hays, but not Mocha. 

Hammud's allegiance to the WahhabTs was only 
nominal; and early in 1224/1809 he conspired with 
Ahmad, the heir apparent to Imam al-Mansur 'Air, 
to replace Wahhabr suzerainty with that of the Zaydr 
imam, on condition that he himself was allowed to 
retain the Tihama lands already under his control. 
Although his forces were twice defeated by those of 
Abu Nukta later that year, and despite occasional 
Wahhabr forays into the northern Tihama thereafter, 
Sharif Hammud was able, with the aid of his com- 
petent vizier, Sharif al-Hasan b. Khalid al-Hazimr, to 
hold control of both his ancestral lands and the exten- 
sive Tihama territories acquired with Wahhabi help. 
He flirted alternately with the imam in San'a' and the 
Wahhabi chief in al-Dir'iyya just enough to forestall 
a serious military intervention by either. 

Initially disposed to cooperating with Muhammad 
'Air against the Wahhabrs (1229/1814), Hammud 
cooled towards him, owing to a series of Wahhabi 
victories over the Ottomans and his fear of the 
Egyptian \iceroy's designs upon his lands. In 1233/ 
1818, just a few days before his death, Hammud's 
forces nearly annihilated an Egyptian army. His 
son Ahmad ruler after him for about a year before 
submitting to Muhammad 'Air's commander in the 
south and being sent to Egypt where shortly he died. 
Although Hammud's lands were restored by the 
Ottoman sultan to the imam, the governorship of low- 
land 'Asrr was awarded to a nephew of Hammud. 
Bibliography: The basic source for the life of 
Sharif Hammud Abu Mismar is his unpublished 
biography, Nafh al-'ud, by 'Abd al-Rahman al- 
BahkalT (a ms. of which is in the al-'Akill private 
collection at Djazan). This treats of the shanf s life 
to 1225/1810-11, the remaining years being cov- 
ered by al-Hasan b. Ahmad 'Akish in a dhayl enti- 
tled Nuzhat al-zarif. Other mss. in which' Sharif 
Hammud figures, sometimes prominently, are Lutf 
Allah Djihaf, Durar nuhur al-hur, 'Akish, al-Dlbadj 
al-khusrawam; al-Hasan b. 'Abd al-Rahman al- 
Kawkabam, al-Mawahib al-samyya; and Badr al-Dm 
Muhammad al-Kibsr, al-Lata'if al-samyya. Of these 
works, Nafh al-'ud, its dhayl and al-Di_badj were con- 
sulted by Muhammad b. Ahmad 'Isa al-'Akflr in 
Part I of his' Min ta'rikh al-Mikhlaf al-Sulaymani, 
Riyadh 1958. 

Other works providing useful information about 
Sharif Hammud's life are al-Shawkam, al-Badr al- 


tali' Cairo 1348/1929-30 i 240 ( Shamzade 
Ta'nkh Istanbul 1290-1/187 1-4 m 30 11 Ibn Bishr 
'I, man al madid Rryadh 1%7 132-210 passim 
Zabara W al uatar Cairo 1348/1929-30 i pamm 
C Niebuhr Dennption de lirahu Pans 1779 „ 
107 Henr\ Salt 4 Knaqe to ifosinua London 
1814 123 ft JL Burckhardt \otes on the Btdoum 
London 1831 n pamm RL Pla\iair 4 histon of 
\mbia Filn Bomba\ 1859 119-34 

JR Blukburn) 
ABU l-MUTAHHAR al-AZDI an Aiab wntei 
who h\ed in the 5th/ 1 1th eenturv but since no known 
biogiaphical souice mentions him his dates and the 
milieu within which he lived can onl\ be inferred 
iiom his sole suiviving work the Hikayat ibi I Kasim 
(one should howe\ei add the inlormation oi al- 
Bakharzi (d 467/1075) who sa\s that lie knew in 
Isfahan a wntei called Abu Mutahhai verv likeK oui 
authoi He must ha\e lived between Baghdad and 

cities given m the Hikaya before the Saldjuk assump- 

Concernmg the rest oi his work he himself mentions 
an Hikaya badauma now lost and al-Bakhar/i a Tim 

9 313 ed A Mez 

lated n 

f \gz] 

Baghdadi (ms But Mus 

1 the highlv-apprt 
il-Han " 

just launched and which al-Hann (who lived just one 
oi two generations alter our authoi) was to bring to 
perfection The noveltv of the Hikaya of \bu 1- 
Mutahhar in ielationship to the makama oi the ibove 
two authors is the displacement oi the centre oi inter- 
est from the pureK linguistic and formal ispect to 
the representation of a charactei and an environment 
in a genuine rmmuis of realitv (in this < ast the bour- 
geois environment oi Baghdad with its bons viveuis 
and dnnkeis amongst whom \bu 1-Kasim displavs 
his bravuia stvle and his vagabonds eftronterv) This 
biavura stvle is also a linguistic one and Abu 1- 
Mutahhai attaches himseli bv this means to the 
makamat wnteis but whilst the lattei remain merelv 
thit and their heroes al-Iskandan and al-Sarudji otter 
us nothing more than a somewhat monotonous and 
stereotyped cliche figuie of a rogue al-Azdi s Abu 1- 

the chaiacters in Petromus s i,ahrnon and the piearos 
of Spanish nairative literature The text oi the Hikaya 
laises a lot oi philological problems lor the language 

importance is iar irom being limited to pine philol- 
ogv the work oi this 5th/llth eenturv 'Iraki wnter 
himseli almost unknown remained an isolated effort 
of its time but hei aiding fields oi interest and artis- 

Bibliographt Mez in the intiod to his edition 

the arts Hikaya m EI' and EI bv Macdonald and 

Pellat lespectivelv F Gabneli in RSO xx (1942) 

33-45 F Gabrielii 

ABU NUKHAYLA al-Himmani al-Radjiz a poet 

oi Basia who owed his name to the fact that his 

mothei gave bnth to him bv a palm tiee [nakhla) He 

was given the kumas oi Abu '1-Djunavd and Abu 1- 

'Iimas and the name oi \a < mar (oi Ha/n oi Habib 

b Hazn) b Za'ida b Lakit but it is possible that he 

ioiged a fictitious genealogv to attach himself to the 

Sa'd b Zavd Manat oi Tamim in fact al-Farazdak 

angry at being leleased irom jail at his inteiveiition, 

calls him a da'i, and Ibn al-Kalbi does not cite him 
in his D/amhara It is said that he was ejected by his 
lather on account oi his ingratitude and spent some 
time in the deseit where he impioved his knowledge 
ol the Aiabic oi the Bedouins and gained a certain 
fame He then went to S\na and succeeded in attach- 
ing himseli to Mashma b 'Abd al-Mahk [q i ] despite 
a personal inhibition which led him at first to attub- 
ute to himseli an urdjuza oi Ru'ba [qi] and then 
afterwards addressed eulogies to Hisham b c Abd al- 
Malik and his successois who showed then favour to 
him and gave him the laigesse oi which he was avid- 
lv hungrv He nevertheless had no scruples in going 
and ptesenting himseli to Abu 1-' Abbas al-Saflah and 
in reciting to him an urdjuza in dal which he had 
pieviouslv dedicated to Hisham His panegyrics oi the 
fust 'Abbasids filled with attacks on his ioimei pations 
gained him the title oi poet oi the Banu Hashim 
but his gieed led m the end to his downfall He wiote 
and caused to be widelv spread a poem in which he 
tuged al-Mansur to proclaim his own son Muhammad 
(al-Mahdn as ht n -presumptiv e instead of 'Isa b Musa 
whom al-Saflah had designated heir The caliph gen- 
eiouslv rew lrded him and followed his advice but he 
instructed him to flee to Jvhurasan However one of 
Tsa s agents pursued him slaughtered him snipped 
the skin irom his face and threw his corpse to the 
vultuies This took place at some time shortlv alter 

Abu Nukhavla wrote some kmidas but above all 
inouied radjaz he was involved in poetic contests 
with another famous ladjiz al-'Adjdjadj [qi] and left 
behind a bodv oi work considered good enough to 
be formed into a dman This poetrv is not alwavs 
easv to understand because oi the Bedouimsms which 
abound in it but it has a verve which is sometimes 
tairlv coarse and a humour which disarmed his oppo- 
nents and made his audience laugh, these last being 
more oi less inclined aeeordinglv to open their purse- 
stnngs This was indeed the poets sole object and 
he seems to have been an inveterate demander of 
monev Cutting epigiams aie to be found side-bv-side 
with poems on hunting themes ehboiate panegvucs 

of ingratitude the poet knew oecasionallv how to dis- 
plav his thanks and especiallv after the death of al- 
Muhadjir b 'Abd Allah al-Kilabi who had been a 
kindred spirit The critics and especially Ibn al- 
Mu'tazz consideied him to have been a bom poet 
and much appreciated his work which was widelv- 
distnbuted in the 3id/9th eenturv 

Bibliography Djahiz, Hayauan n 100 and 
index idem Baian m 225 33b Ibn Kutavba Shi') 
583-4 Ibn al-Mu'tazz Tabakat 21-3 Ibn Duravd 
hhtikak 154 idem Djamhaia m 504 Taban, in, 
346-50 Mas'udi Munidi vr 118-20 = ^2332 Agham 
ed Beirut xx 360-92 Suli Aulad al khulafa' 310- 
14 Husn ~ahi al adab 925 Baghdadi hhuana ed 
Bulik i 78-80 = ed Cairo l 15 3-7 Ibn 'Asakir 
Ta'nkh Dimashk n 318-22 Ghars al-Ni'ma, Hafauat 
index Marzubam Muuashdiah 219-20 Ibn al- 
Shadjari Hamasa, 117 \midi Mu'tahf 193-4 Ibn 
al-'Imad Shadhaiat l 195 Nallino Ltteratwe 159-60 
Pellat \Iihtu 159-60 O Reschei Urns i 223 AH 
Harlev Abu \ukhaylah a poitdawual Arab poet m JRAS 
Bengal 3rd senes m (1937) 55-70 Bustam DM \ 
145-7 Zinklr -17am vm 331 (Ch Pellat! 

ABU RAKWA [see al-walid b hishamI 


and disciple of 'Abd al-Djabbat 




dham [qi] Originally a follow ei of the Mu'tazilF 
school oi Baghdad Abu Rashid frequented the lec- 
tures of c Abd al-Djabbai, whose doctrine he came to 
follow in ib entnetv surrendering his former adher- 
ence to the teaching of al-Ka'bi and the Baghdadis 
Subsequently , having given up his ciicle (halka) at 
Nisabui, he took up peimanent residence at Rayy 
where after the death of "Abd al-Djabbar in 415/1025 
he became the acknowledged leader of the Basran 
Mu'tazila The date of his death is unknown Abu 
Rashid s teaching insofar as it is revealed in the 
presently available sources, is essentially undistin- 
guishable from that of 'Abd al-Djabbai His works 
include il) A almasa'il fi 'I khilaf bayn at Bamyyln ua 
I Baghdadiyyin (Berlin 5125 = Glasei 12), the first part 
ot which was published with a translation b\ A Biram 
Du atomutmht <xihtan-Jehrt aus d,m Buih da Stratjragen, 
Berlin 1902 a paraphiase of much of the work is 
found in M Hoi ten Du Pkiloiophu da Abu Rauhid, 
Bonn 1910 This wozk (entitled in several ot the sec- 
tion headings al-Maid'il ft I khilaf bayn ihaykhma Abf 
Hashim ua I Baghdadiyyin) contains lather fulsome expo- 
sitions of a number ot the Basrans' philosophical the- 
ses, set forth against unelaborated theses ot al-Ka'bT, 
and grouped undei fourteen major topics, and '2) 
ZnSdat al Viarh I cited in A al Masa'il, fol 112v ) ot 
which a lengthy portion ot the fust part is published 
by M Abu Rida under the title Fi 'I tan hid, Cano 
1969 and a large part of a later section, though in 
a different rescension, is found in British Museum ms 
Oi 8013 The Shmh m question is a work of Ibn 
Khallad a disciple ot Abu Hashim [q i ] , that appeal s 
to have been completed by 'Abd al-Djabbai Othei 
works, not currently known to have survived are (3 1 
Din an al uiul, a lengthy work written for ta'lik at the 
duection ot 'Abd al-Djabbai, divided into two sec- 
tions, the first philosophical and the second theolog- 
ical, viz (a) al Djauahir ua 7 a'rad and lb) al Tan hid 
u a 1'adl, (4) al Tadhhra (5) A al Djuz (b) A al 
Shahua, (7) Masa'il al khilaf baynana ua bayn al Mmhabbi 
ha ua IMudjbna ua I Khauana} ua V Murdji'a, and 
(8) hakd 'aid ashab al tabs' i' 

Bibliography Besides the works cited in the 
text, see "ibn al-Muitada, Tabakat al-Mu'tazila ed 
S Diwald-Wilzer, Wiesbaden 1909 116 R Martm, 
4 Mu'tazihti treatise on prophtthood, diss New York 
University 1970 unpublished, R Fiank, Bungs and 
their attributes Albany 1477, index, and also 
Brockelmann, S I, 244 and Sezgin, 6.46, n b20 1 

(R M Frank) 
ABU RIYASH al-KAYSI, Ahmad b Ibrahim al- 
Siiaybani, rami, philologist and poet, onginally 
from Yamama, who settled at Basra and was famous 
at the beginning of the 4th/ 10th century for his excep- 
tional knowledge of the Arabic language, genealogies 
and ancient poetry. He was a former soldier who had 
become a civil servant, and had the job ot levying 
dues on the ships coming to 'Abbadan. He was totally 
lacking in education and in tidiness, but his knowl- 
edge led to his faults being excused and overlooked 
He had a powerful voice, and he spoke in the Bedouin 
fashion, expressing the i'rab, at a time when this was 
normally neglected in the spoken language. He was 
said to pose as a Zaydi". He died in 339/950 (but in 
349/960, according to al-Suyuti, who moreover calls 
him Ibrahim b. Ahmad). 

His clashes with Ibn Lankak (d. 360/970 [ ?l ]i 
who found in his lack of cleanliness a vein oi attack 
easy to exploit, would have been enough to save him 
from oblivion, but Yakut, Udaba', xix, 6, goes as fai 
as to assert that Ibn Lankak was eclipsed by al- 

Mutanabbi (d 345/%5j and by Abu Riyash, who 
both at this time were outstanding If such an assei- 
tion is valid for the first-named poet, it hardly seems 
justified in regaid to the second since if Abu Riyash 
had been poet of remarkable quality it is likely that 
posterity would have preserved his work more care- 
fully, whereas only a limited numbei of his veises are 
extant notably apait from his replies to Ibn Lankak, 
a piece in praise of al-Muhallabi [qi], which never- 
theless diew down on himself the poets cnticising 
Abu Riyash, he himself owed part at least of his fame 
to al-Tanukhr (d 384/994 [q t ]), who had been his 
pupil and to Abu 'l-'Ala' al-Ma'am (d 449/1058 
[qi]) Abu Riyash is said not to have appreciated 
Abu Tammam's work, but nevertheless wrote a com- 
mentary on the latter s Hamasa, which was cnticised 
by al-Kiftl but used especially by al-Baghdadl (who 
does not, however cite it in the list of souices of his 
hhizana, ed Cano, i, 33), and he thought it oppor- 
tune to put togethei in his turn an anthology called 
al HamSia al Riyashiyya (in the art hamasa, the leading 
Abu Dimas taken fiom the Fihmt, ed Cano, 120 
should be corrected to Abu Riyash; This anthology 

did not esteem his reputation damaged by completing 
a commentary on it, whose title only is known, al 
Riyaih al mustam'l (Yakut, Ldaba', in, 157, in the biog- 
laphy ot Abu 'l-'Ala', cf M Saleh in BEO, win 
(1970) 278) 

Bibliography Tha'alibl, latima u, 120-1 Kifti, 
Inbdh, ed Cairo 1950, 25-b Tanukhi, i\v_huar, ed 
Cairo 1392/1972, n, 158, Yakut, Ldaba', u, 123- 
31 Safadr, U'afi \i, 205 No 2669, Suvutl, Bughya, 
178, Fuck, '\rablya, Fr tr 178, Bustani, DM, iv, 
314 (Ch Pellat) 

ABU SAD al-MAKHZUMI, the name currently 
given to 'Isa B Khalid b al-\ValId minoi poet ot 
Baghdad whose tame stems from his clashes with Di'bil 
[qi] The long dispute between the two poets was 
cleaily a manifestation of the latent conflict between 
the partisans ot \emcn and those ot Nizai, and it 
was probably piovoked by the famous kasida of Di'bil 
in praise of the South Arabs ('Abd al-Kanm al-Ashtai, 
Wr Di'bil, Damascus 1964 No 212) to which Abu 
Sa'd ieplied by a poem in ra' which achieved some 
fame in its time After this incident, the Banu Makhzum 
might well have closed then dooi to Di'bil but the 
teai which he inspired in them led them at that point 
to deny to their defender any connection with their 
clan and on the advice ot al-Ma'mun they issued a 
toimal declaration to this effect (4ghani ed Beirut 
xx 127 130) \bu Sa'd who claimed to be descend- 
ed horn al-Hanth b Hisham then had inscribed on 
his ring al '4bd b al 'Abd and al-Djahiz himself calls 
him da', Bam Makhzum [Bayan m 250-1 Hayauan i 
2b5) The Agham which has no special notice on Abu 
Sa'd gives m its section on Di'bil (xx 121 IT) some 
details on the two poets ittitudes and on the meas- 
utes used by the latter expiessly to humiliate his oppo- 
nent Having in an epigram dubbed \bQ Sa'd as 
Kawsaia (a metonymy denoting a woman but Ibn 
Kawsaia means panah) Di'bil hned children to chant 
it atound the stieets [Wr Di'bil No 119 Agham, xx 
123 131, Ibn al-Mu'tazz Tabakat 140) which en- 
raged \bu Sa'd Foi his own part he took caie to 
incite al-Ma'mun (Agham n 130) against the poet of 
the South \iabs who had abused him in one ot 
his poems and even asked him for authorisation to 
bring Di'bil s head to the caliph (Agham xx 93 130 
132) but the caliph refused this lequest and advised 
him to limit himself to ieplying to the attacks Di'bil 


lied to n 

ii dei h 


ippaient iecone illation is mthentic it must indicate 
Abu Sa d b dupliutv \ mous pieces aimed lgunst 
him ha\e been githeied m Shn Dibit Nos 68 81 

Abu Sad wis also exposed to itt icks fiom Di bil s 
cousin the son ol Abu 1 Shis [igham xx 130 1 Shi'i 
Dihil 349) but he on his pait mide il Ash ith b 
Djitu ilkhuzn his target md the httei hid Abu 
Sad flowed uith l hundied hshes (Ibn il Mu'tizz 
Tuba) at 131 40) In the end he left Bighdid to seel 
shekel at Raw wheie he died m the caliph ite of il 
Withik la J 30/84 1 ( 

It i 

Sid tike the trouble 
veises into a poem b\ 

Dibit 284 313 ill 

t thit 

t his f 

Abu Sad iddie. 


ind \ 

, did • 

, glont 

Nizu the Igham xx 12 3 ev 
at \i armal Di bil s lime since his woiks weie spie 
tn ind wide thieu Abu Sa d s uoik into the shid 
llthough this list is b\ no me ins ot mfuioi qui 
t\ To believe il Mil zubtnl UimasJukah j29 At 

vould 1 

hilf o 


zuk his 


g< thei 

Bighdtd 1471) 
Bibliography \bd al Ruim il Ashtu Shi i 
Di'bil index idem Di'bil b -ill at hhiKa , 2nd 
edn Dam iscus 1907 14 r i II ,nd index Ibn kut i\ 
bi iMinalathbai i 140 Djihiz Bnan m 2a0 
idem Haiatan i 262 265 Muzubini 
347 idem Uudjam 98 26( 



Zahr , 


ABU SA'ID \l KHATTABI [see ^lkhati^eiJ 
ABU SATD U.SIRAFI [sec u, sir*u1 
ABU SAYYARA <Uma\l* b \l A z*l b Kh^lid 
a peisonige of the end ot the Djahiliv^ i 

? been 

r pecu 

composition ioi muidei it 100 c imels and th 
lead the pilgiims eithei at the depirtuie for Ai ifat 
tifada) oi from il Muzdahh to Mint {idja^at since the 
sonic es disigiee on this point ind the more c. iicful 
authois meiel\ use the expitssion dafaa hi I nas This 
man who probiblv owed his htma to this function ol 
his i pnvilege of the kivsi tube ol Advv in isee Ibn 
ll-kilbi C iskel Tib 92 ind n 142) becimepio\ei 
bial because he is sud to hive exeicised this ofhrt 
ihvi\s mounted on the sime bluk tss (which was 
howevei irroiding to il <\sma l ind otheis i she ass 

As llDjthiz amusingh points out {HaiaLan l 139) 
no one can doubt the longevitv ot this mim il uhich 
imongst ill asses li\ed the longest time it give use 
to 1 proveib asahh mm mi tti Sanaia moie sturd\ 
thin Abu Siwans iss (ilMivdtm \mthat i 422 
J Abu Ubi\d ilBaku Fast at mat at 1 1 shaih A at 
Imthat Benut 1391/1971 jOOl) al Dj ihiz provide s 

Abu Smu i is compaied bee luse ol his 
uith Uzivi [</ ] and uith Chust md his as 
b\ piominent people who prefened this hum 

ABU SHABAKA Iiav. iusuiI oithogiaphv Ehas 
\bou Chibikeh) Muonite poet jouinihst and 
auislatoi 11903 47) He was bom in Pioudcnce 
R.I whilst his pjients weie tiavelling in the United 
states but h, spent til his life in Lebmon dividing 

md editonal office 

v bmdits Hence the 

g oipfun hid 
leuillv as the Fiench 
id been em oiled wis 
the Fn st World War 

foi i hemistich bv Abu Sid vvhiel 

detendei of the North \i lbs md bv tint fict ilso ' 
the detendei of Sunnism igainst the Shi l Di bil it 
l time ot ethnic md lehgious conflicts deseives to 
be no longei ignoied bv histoinns ot Ai ibic hteia 
t happens (outmatch, th it R izzuk Tn idj 

i High Commiss 
He died ot leu 

>f <\bu Shabikis 

thirteen piei 

seen the infl 
colleetion w 

.t the 

it the lite of the Lebinese pe is 
mts The poet ieveits to the theme ot love with \ida 
at kalb 1 1944) md Ita I abail 1 1945 1 In this verv sime 
veir 194") theie ippeiied (Jial la whose title is in 

inigrim e>l the name Olga the woman whom he 
hid it list mamed itter ten veirs ot betiothal md 
who hid nitmallv been his pimcipil muse Finilh 
m 1953 Abu Shabikis fuends put together in Mm 
Saul dahlia 1 numbei of pieces of ocusionil veise 

iheidv published in pel iodic lis 

i i deeph. religious i 

■nted s 


s He ' 

s undoubtedlv one . 



followed with 1 certain amnunt of side-stepping a 
tendency long dnimant in the West This romantic 
movement is now outmoded in the East itself but 
\bu Shabaka s work continues to attract voung icad- 
eis who appreciate pure poetn and ha\e little taste 
for the politico-social pieoccupations of engaged poets 
who tend moieovei to break loose from classical 
metres \bu Shabaka geneiallv respects these last 
although he ma\ at times adopt a strophic foim 01 


n Chain a 

nslations and a gieat number of 
articles which he left behind, \bu Shabaka wro te as 
one might have expected a Lamartin (1935) and a 
studv of comparative literature Ran a bit al fit r a a I ruh 
bam al'irab ua I ljuina^ (1943) lastly a series of 
porti aits oi liteiarv and political personalities which 
appeared in al Ma'nd have been gathered together in 
one volume al Rusum (1931) 

Bibhoe,,aphy The main studies aie a collection 
of articles about the poet and dedicated to his 
memory bv the most prominent names in con- 
tempoian Lebanese liteiatuie lhas ibu Shabaka 
Benut 1948 Razzuk Faradj Razzuk lhas Abu 
hhaba/anashi'ruhu Beirut 195b and Iliwa al-Hawi 
lhas ibu Shaba/a sha'i, al dfalum ua I na'im Benut 
n d See also inthoto^u dt la htteratun arabi tontim 
porame in La Poesu bv L Norm and E Tarabav 
Pans 19b7 96-8 \ Miquel Reflexions sur la stnu 
tme pot/ique a propos d Elms ibu Sabala in BEO \\v 
(1972) 2b5-74 Salma Rhadra Jav>usi Truids and 
moitnunls in modem irabu poetn Leiden 1977 n 
424-52 Bustam D\l iv 367-8 (art bv F Bustam 
with bibl ) A thesis is now in the course of prepa- 
lation at the Sorbonne on poetic image in the woik 
of \bu Shabaka (Ed ) 

ABU SHADI \hmw L\ki (1892-1955) Egvptian 

of a 


of dive 

Born in Cano on 9 Febiuary 1892 he had his 
primary and secondary education in his natal utv 
and then in 1912 went to studv medicine in London 
where he specialised in microbiologv at the same 
time he became especiallv interested in apiculture and 
acquired quite an extensive knowledge oi \nglo-Saxon 
culture and life which was to exert a deep influence 
on his hteiary production On returning to Egypt in 
1922 he was appointed to do research in miciobiol- 
ogv but also became at the same time busv with 
manv other fields and soon became secretarv of sev- 
eral associations of beekeepers agricultural mdustnal- 
lsts poultry reaiers etc Furthermore he quicklv took 
ovei at the same time the secretarv ship of the ipollo 
group inspired bv Ahmad Shawki and Khahl Mutran 
It was he who cieated and directed the ]ournal 
ipollo from 1932 to 1934 at a time when he had 
]ust founded thiee other ]ouinals of a totallv diflei- 
ent nature Mamlalat al nahl (1930) al Daajadl (1932) 
and al Sina'at aUira'ma i^^) M\ these responsibil- 
ities in no wav kept Abu Shadi from giving talks and 
lectures fiom writing articles on all the subjects which 
inteiested him and above all fiom throwing himself 
into a hterarv activitv which gives the impression of 
a remarkable breadth \ man like himself, rathei too 
restless inevitablv provoked jealousies and enmities 
in those cncles which were not readv to accept his 
ideas especiallv those on modern poetry It was per- 
haps the reactions to his innovations which made him 
in 1946 decide to emigiate to the United States He 
worked on the tiansmissions of The \ oiee of <\menca 
from New Yoik and then Washington wheie he died 
on 12 Apul 1955 

It is extremely difficult in this brief notice to ev al- 
uate his lole in the evolution of contemporary \iabic 
poetry and to enumeiate and classifv his expositions 
of his ideas and the totahtv of his literary woik The 
latter is largelv composed of poetn and theatrical 
woiks and is chaiactensed at base bv an inspiration 
which is primanlv Egvptian both Pharaonic and \rab 
He embaiked on almost even poetic genie at times 

bolism and even went so fai as to found in 1936 an 
ephemeral journal called idabi Mv liteian woik 
With regard to form \bu Shadi used the framewoik 
of the munashihah [a i ] and other strophic structures 
but he was above all the proponent of blank veise 
(al \fo'r al mursal) and of free verse [al shi'r al him) under 
the simultaneous influence of \nglo-Saxon poetn and 
of that of the mahg^ar and he tried to launch a lit- 

In various commentaries which accompanied his 
collections as also in his articles explaining his 
ideas and his work of criticism Masrah al adab (Cairo 
192b-8) he insisted on the pumordial impoitance in 
poetn of metie he freed himself from the fetters of 
rhvme but respected up to a certain point classical 
metrics at the same time mixing difleient metres in 
one and the same poem (on this question and on 
\bn Shadi s influence see S Moieh Free terse (al- 
shi'r al-hurr) m modem irabu hteratme ibu Shadi and 
his school 1926-46 in BSOiS xxx/1 (1968) 28-51) 

If he had enemies he also made fi lends and admn- 
ers who busied themselves in collecting together his 
poetn into moie oi less coherent collections Hence 
there appeared in this wa> \hsnnat (1924) al Shajak 
al bah (1926) imin it a ramn an sunar mm sjii'i al shabab 
(1925) on the initiative of H S al-Djaddawi, Shi'r al 
ui4dan (1925) on the initiative of Muh Subhi and 
al \luntalhab mm shh ibi Shadi (192b) b> '\bd al- 
Hamid Fu'ad 

\s for the dm am published bv A.bu Shadi himself 
the main ones of these are Uatan al Faia'ma (1926) 
ishi"a itazilal (1931), al Shu'la (1933) ihaj al rah' 
1 193 ^ with an introduction bv Khahl Mutran and 
otheis) igharu ibu Shadi (1933) inda' al fadjr (1934 
poems of his youth) al lanbu' (1934) Faul al'ubab 
(19351 al ha m al (ham (1935) 'iudat al ta'i (Alexandria 
1942) and Mm aUama' (New ^oik 1949) There must 
also be still furthei unpublished collections of poems 

\s well as his dm am \bu Shadi left behind some 
fifteen novels and theatrical pieces whose Pharaonic 
and \iab inspiration is comparable with that of his 
poetn and m which the use of blank verse is not 
uncommon ~<n««A nqjahat mm shi'r al ghma' (1924) 
Uafkharat Rashid (1925;, 'ibduh Bek (1926) al iliha 
(1927 a symbolist opera), lhsan (1927 an Egvptian 
diama), iidashir (1927 an opera) ikhnaton (1927 an 
opeia) Yijertiti Ma'Jiulat Ibn Tulun and al Zjbba' 
mahkat Tadmur (1927) Bint alSahra' (1927 an opera), 
lhtidar Iran' al Kays Ibn Zmdun Ji sidjmhi Bayrun ua 
Tinz and Maha (a love ston) 

It is not possible here to speak at length about 
Abu Shadi s scientific works but one should men- 
tion that he was at the same time the theoietician 
of free verse and the promoter of apiculture in Egypt 
notablv with his Tarbnat al nahl (1930) Not forget- 
ting that he was a phvsician he also wrote al Tabib 
it a Ima'mal (1928), and not forgetting either that he 
was a Muslim he explained whv he was a behev- 
ei in his Lima ana mu'mm (1937) and published in 
the veai he died al Islam al hayy, all of which had 


his Ruh al-masuruyya (1926). Finally, one should men- 
tion his verse translation of the quatrains of 'Uraar 
Khayyam and Hafiz (1931j, as well as the one of 
Shakespeare's The Tempest. 

This brief survey can only give a partial idea of 
an exceptional personality, one who was discussed and 
criticised, but also admired, and who merits particu- 

Bibliograpliy: In addition to S. Moreh's article, 
the main monographs on him are Muhammad 'Abd 
al-Ghafur, Abu' Shadi ft 1-mizan, Cairo 1933; I.A. 
Edhem, Abushady, the poet. A iritkal study with speci- 
mens of his poetry, Leipzig 1936; and Muhammad 
•Abd al-Fattah "Ibrahim. Ahmad ~ala Abu Shadi, oi- 
lman al-muntidj, Cairo 1955; See also Bustani, DM, 
iv, 373-4 (with bibliography!; and N.K. Kotsarev, 
Pnattli Egipta, Moscow 1975, 31-4 (with bib].), and 
index; Salma Khadra Jayyusi, Trends and movements 
in modern Arabic poetry, Leiden 1977, ii, 370-84. 

I Ed. i 
ABU SHAKUR BALKHI, born possibly in 
300/912-13, one of the most important Persian 

attributes to him a niathnawi in the mutakanb metre 
called the Afann-nama, completed in 336/947-8 and 
probably dedicated to the amir Nuh b. Nasr (331- 
43/943-54/. Nothing is known about his life, but allu- 
sions in his verses suggest that he was a professional 
poet and had known setbacks in life. The only sur- 
viving parts of his work are short fragments and iso- 
lated verses quoted in dictionaries, anthologies and a 
few other works. These comprise some 60 lyrical dis- 
tichs and some fragments of mathnaias in various metres, 
but above all, about 140 mutakanb distichs which must 
belong to the Afann-nama, to which one should per- 
haps add almost 175 distichs cited anonymously in the 
Tuhfat al-muluk of <Alr b. Abi Hals Isfahani (7th/ 13th 
century), which seem to be extracts from the same 
work. This last was apparently a collection of anec- 
dotes illustrating moral sentiments; maxims and moral 
' ■ r Abu 

i the e 

Shakur, who was certainly the chief hei 
Persian poets of the 4th/ 10th century of the wisdom 
literature of pre-Islamic Iran. He must have enjoyed 
a great renown in his time; ManQcihri mentions him 
as one of the ancient masters, along with RudakT and 
Shahid Balkhi. 

Bibliography: There is an edition of the frag- 
ments with a French translation, together with a 
notice on the poet and a bibliography, in G. Lazard, 
Les premiers pokes persam, Tehran-Paris 19h4, i, 94- 
126, ii, 78-127; see also J. Rypka, History of Iranian 
literature, Dordrecht 1968, index. (G. Lazardi 
ABU SHURA'A, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Siiura'a 
al-Kaysi al-Bakri, minor poet of Basra who, 
during the course of the 3rd/9th century, took part 
in the social and intellectual life of his native town, 
and hardly left it, it seems, except to make the 
Pilgrimage or to visit places very close at hand. For 
the rest, his life is poorly documented. It seems 
unlikely that he was able, as Ibn al-Mu'tazz asserts 
[Tabakat, 177-8). to praise al-Mahdl (158-69/775-85) 
during the latter's lifetime, to have reached an 
advanced age in al-Ma'mun's time and to die in the 
caliphate of al-Mutawakkil (232-47/847-61). In the first 
place, the Agham speaks of his relations with Ibrahim 
b. al-Mudabbir (d. 279/892-3 [see ibn ai.-mudabbir] ) 
at Basra, where the latter, according to his own 
words, acted as governor (it is not impossible that 
he was governor" there before 252/866, but he is 
only mentioned as tax-collector in Ahwaz in ca. 250/ 


eting with Di'bil (d. 246/860 [q.i:]) : 
no help. Moreover, al-Djahiz, so far ; 
■s him only once (Rasa'il, ed. Harun. 
lg an epigrammatic v 

Abu ShuraVs name 
would certainly figure more often if he had been 
older. Moreover, several other authors cite five fair- 
ly mediocre verses of his (see Pellat, Milieu, 166) which 
he is said to ha\e composed on al-Djahiz's death 
(255/868). Finally, his son Abu '1-Fayyad Sawwar. 
who was also a poet, went to Baghdad after 300/913, 
and it was he who indirectly furnished Abu '1-Faradj 
with most of the information about his father. All 
these pieces of information lead one to think that 
Abu Shura'a died after 255 at a considerable age. 
Although he was reputed to have written epistles 

and Abu Bakr 

judgement. As well 
generosity, he wrot 

e mainly s< 

spired by his ruinous 
me fairly coarse epi- 

e poem o 

i Ibn al-Mudabbir's 

departure and som 

verses which reflect 

the idle way of life 

led in Basr 

a at this time by the 

poets, always lying 

n wait for 

ome reward or readv 

to heap ridicule o 

ron who had disap- 

pointed them. 


n addition 

o the references given 

above, see Aghan 

, ed. Beirut 

xxii, 178-9, 429-50; 

Marzubani, Muwe 

shshah, 219; 

dem, Mu'djam, 431 ff; 

Khatrb Baghdad- 

Ta'rikh, x 

, 219-20; Mubarrad, 

Kanul, 306; Sand 

-DjahK, 195; Bustani, 

DM, iv, 383-4. 


village on the west- 

ern side of the N 

e between 

the first and second 

cataracts, in lat. 22 

22 north 

ind long 31° 40 east. 

south of As 

wan. The French dis- 

huge rock-hewn temples built b\ 

Ramses II (1304-1237 BXl.i refe 

red to it as Ipsamboul 

at the beginning of 

the 19th ce 

itury. The name Abu 

( 'lathe 

of ai 

r of 

corn") of the local Nubian designation, which is also 
known by manv other variants in the spelling, e.g. 
AbO Simbil/Sinbul/Sunbul/Sunbul. 

Abu Sinbil later became known as Farik in the 
Official Government Register, being one of the vil- 
lages within the financial jurisdiction of the Ibnm 
(Piromi, i,i. 35 miles north of Abu Sinbih district until 
1272/1855 when it became a separate administrative 
unit. In 1917 the name Farik was dropped, and the 
village was .given its former name, Abu Sinbil. Its irri- 
gated land extends over several hundreds of acres. 

temples which gave it its special artistic and religious 
significance. The temples, which represent some of 
the most spectacular examples of ancient Egyptian 
architecture, were unknown to the outside world until 
the discovery of the Smaller Temple by J.L. Burck- 
hardt in 1813, and its opening by the Italian engi- 
neer Giovanni Belzoni in 1817. 

The Great Temple of Abu Sinbil is carved in the 
rock and stands 33 m. high and 38 m. wide. The 
facade shows four colossal seated figures of Ramses 
II, two on either side of the entrance to the temple, 
each measuring 20 m. high. Ramses II dedicated this 
temple to the sun gods Amon Re of Thebes and Re- 
Horakhti of Heliopolis. 


Less than 50 vards aivav was constiucted the Smaller 
'northern) Temple which was dedicated to Queen 
Nefertan, wile of Ramses II, in homage to the god- 
dess Hathoi Its facade is decorated with six 35-toot 
statues of the Phaiaoh and his wife 

The Abu Sinbil cliff had been buried b\ laige sand 
dnits which coveied the Gieat Temple until its iedis- 
toveiv b\ Burckhaidt But the Smallei Temple, which 
had not been buned, seised the inhabitants of the 
neaibv village BilvanT Ira 5 miles horn AbQ Sinbil) 
as a refuge fiom marauding Bedouin tubes from 
Nubia Onl\ modern Aiab authors gi\e particulais 
about the Abu Sinbil temples, based on Fiench souices, 
and lepoits of the French aicheological expedition 
which undeitook the excavations at Abu Sinbil in the 

The original site was submeiged b\ the Nile in 
l%n as a lesult ol the building of the Aswan High 
Dam The two temples weie salvaged fiom the us- 
ing waters ol the Nile b\ sawing them into sections 
and le-eiecting them on top of the rock face fiom 
which the\ were onginalh, hewn 

Bibliography 'Air Pasha Mubaiak al Khitat al 
taajlkiyya al diadlda, Bulak 1305 vm 14-15, G 
Rawlmson, A history of Amunt Egypt, London 1881, 
n 318-20, EA Walhs Budge Cook's Handbook foi 
Egypt and the Sudan London 1011, 259-6b, AEP 
Weigall, 4 guide to the Antiquities of Lppei Egypt, 
London 1913 565-76, P Bov ler-Lapierre it alu, 
Preen de rhistmn d'Egypte, Pans 1932, l 160-1, S 
Maves Tlie Gnat Btl Z om London 1959 132 ff 
Muhammad Ramzi, al Ramus al dfughiafT li 1 bilad 
al \lisrma Gano 1963 n/4 230-1 \V MacQmttv, 
ibu Simbtl, London 1965, passim G Gerster, Saimg 
the aneient temples at ibu iimbfl in \ational Geogiaphu 
Magazine, cxxix/5 (1966), 694-742 

IRY Ebied; 
ABU TAGHLIB Fadl \llah al-Ghadanfar al- 
Hamdani 'Uddat u.-Dawla Hamdamd ami, of 
Mosul [see hamdanids] and son ol the ami, al-Hasan 
Nasn al-Dawla and a Km dish mothei Fatima, born 
328/940 He 


lien then 

■r grew 

old Abu Taghlib seems to have obtained tacitlv 
them except ioi Abu 1-MuzalTar Hamdan, who was 
bom of anothei mothei, authontv to depose their iathei 
and impnson him in the stionghold of Ardumusht in 
the Djabal Djudl to the north-east of Mosul This opei- 
ation was carried out with the complicitv of Fatima in 
Djumada I 356/beginning of Mav 967 and Nasn al- 
Dawla died there on 12 Rabf I 358/3 Februarv 969 
As this act of deposition had been earned out with- 
out Hamdan s agi cement and Hamdan tonti oiled the 
towns of Nislbm, Mandm and Rahba with the addi- 
tion of Rakka, seized on the death of the Hamdamd 
of Aleppo Savf al-Dawla, Abu Taghhb secured support 
horn the Buvid amir al umaia" in Baghdad and mastei 
of the caliphate Bakhtivar, and attacked Hamdan, forc- 
ing him to sunendei Rakka and evacuate Rahba 

Abu Taghhb continued the wai against Hamdan 
but the lattei now obtained Bakhtrvar's suppoit and 
re-enteied Rahba whilst teitain of Abu Taghhb s 
other biotheis now turned on him and took Hamdan s 
side But a new oftensive bv him forced Hamdan to 
fke for iduge with the Buvid in Baghdad He now 
was able to consolidate his powei in Mosul, seizing 
his biothei s possessions and endeavounng to unite 
undei his authontv the tenitones of the Hamdamd 
amiiate of Meppo held bv his cousin Savi al-Dawla s 
1 the caliph al-Muti' lillah , 

and Aleppo He extended his authontv ovei Divai 
Bakr and Mawatankm, wheie he left Savf al-Dawla's 
mother and his sister Djanula with a certain amount 
of authontv then seized Han an and Drvar Mudai 
(359-60/969-70) Recalling that his father Nasn al- 
Dawla had been amir al umara' in Baghdad whence 
he had been dislodged in 334/945 bv the Buvid 
Mu'izz al-Dawla, Bakhtivai s predecessor, AbQ Taghhb 
now dreamed ol recovering this idle in Baghdad and 
becoming the leal mastei ol the caliphate For his 
pait Bakhtivar, with whom Hamdan was now living 
was urged bv the lattei into wariaie with AbQ Taghhb 
However, Bakhtivai preiened to make an entente 
with AbQ Taghhb and to conclude an agreement with 
him confnming this last in his possessions, including 
Divai Mudar and Divai Baki, and this was sealed bv 
AbQ Taghlib s mamage with one of Bakhtivai \ daugh- 
ter It is probable that one ol the ieasons behind this 
agreement was the thieat to both paities fiom Fatmud 
ambitions Hence both ol them gave help to the 
Fatmuds' enemv, the KaimatT chief Hasan al-A'sam, 


n then 

lv with then help bneflv able 
Neveitheless, m the end Bakhtivar vielded to Hamdan's 
solicitations In 363/973 he maiched against Mosul 
and took up a position at Davr al-A'la to the north 
of the town Abu Taghlib evacuated the town and 
made a diversion southwards as far as the gates of 
Baghdad, piovoking much excitement theie He then 
retned tow aids Mosul, and Bakhtivar though numer- 
icall\ strongei entered into negotiations with Abu 
Taghlib who obtained an advantageous agreement On 
leturmng to Baghdad, and considering Abu Taghlib's 
position as over-advantageous he launched another 
expedition against Mosul Again negotiations were 
begun, Abu Taghlib agreed to pav tnbute to the Buvid, 
and ieceived from the caliph the lakab of 'Uddat al- 
Dawla 'Support ol the dvnastv' in 974 His lelations 
with Bakhtivai lemained inendlv, and he gave support 
to the lattei when the Bu\id had to lace a iebelhon 
of his Turkish mercenary troops m Ba gh dad itself 

The iebelhon of the Turkish troops had led 
Bakhtrvai to appeal also to the head of the famih,, 
Rukn al-Dawla who authonsed 'Adud al-Dawla, mlei 
maich on Baghdad, thus 

)i the ; 

med of s 


i the 

1 Mos< 

essed bv the Tuiks who \ 
thiown Bakhti\ai, had left Baghdad 'Adud al-Dawla 
expelled the Tuiks but now ieceived the total sub- 
mission ol Bakhtivai whom he forced to abdicate 
and also made an agreement with Abu Taghhb, upon 
whom depended the supph, of piovisions foi the titv, 
the treatv pieviouslv made between Abu Taghhb and 
Bakhtivai was ienewed and the Hamdamd excused 
Irom the payment of tribute Howevei, Rukn al-Dawla 
showed his opposition to 'Adud al-Dawla's treatment 
of Bakhtivar and ice ailed 'Adud al-Dawla Bakhtivai 
accordmgH iesumed powei in Baghdad But when 
Rukn al-Dawla died in 366/977, 'Adud al-Dawla, who 
had nevei i enounced his ambitions in Tiak retumed 
to Baghdad in Novembei 977 

Abu Taghhb s position now appeared firm But 
Hamdan who had alwa\s lemained in Bakhtrvar's 
entouiage persuaded the lattei to attack Mosul, and 
Bakhtivai advanced as (ar as Takrit Abu Taghhb 
acted skiliullv He piomised to aid Bakhtivai in lecov- 
enng Baghdad and getting (ree ol 'Adud al-Dawla, 
provided he would surrender to him Hamdan and 
he marched on Baghdad in concert with Bakhtivar 
But 'Adud al-Dawla defeated them near Samaira and 
captured Bakhti\ai, whilst AbQ Taghhb fled 'Adud 


iIDwli entered Mosul itself in June 078 ,nd teiused 
to negotiate in im, »n with \bu Tighlib The ht 
tei tied to Nisibin ind thence to Mmifinkin pur 
sued b\ the Buvid troops Deciding not to go to Biths 
where his sistei Djimili hid tiken refuge he enteied 
the Kurdish mount ml region ot the rigns iffluent of 
the khibui ilHisimyvi perh ips with the hope 
of shutting himself up in the Himdtnid stionghold 
of Ardumusht But in the end he decided to mike 
toi the region ot tht Tigns souices ind thi gieit 
loop ol the Fuphntes where wis the B\zmtine ubel 
Skleros with whom he hid been in cont let ind to 
whom he hid promised help lgimst the rmpernl 
tioops He wis puisued b\ \dud ilDiwlis dm e s 

of 5b8/\ugust 978 in the mount nil iegion nt lr Hisn 
Zi\id (Khuputi temtorv held bv Skleios He wis 
victorious in this ind stned toi some time it Hisn 
Zi\id He hoped toi i vutoiv b\ Skltios ovn the 


he died ,a 

j0/05l whilst the 

Mils imongtheB 

with whom 

he Ind sought lelu 

les to ii i est him fe 

b\ him Th 

s source { ed Benut 

of his whose nith 

doubts It t 

ells how \bu 1 1 irr 

fiee kivsit 

i b kulthum Ion w 

C iskel Ti 

i 240 md n 404) 

tured dm n 

g the eouise of tfl 

two gioups 

of the rivvi (Bicjji 

Ins nnsom 

llg bv BlldjlVI b 

Mosul but Skleios wi 

subsequent be iten \bu 

Tighlib n lived it \mid 

m Divn Biki hiving leiint 

tint Mmifinkin held 

eiptmed b\ the Bu\ids 

le now fled with Djimili to 

Rikki ibindonmg Di\ 

i Biki md Drvu Ribfi to 

Adud il Diwh 

The Bu\id am,, ie|e<t 

ed ittempts bv Abu Tijilib 

to negotnte with him 

nd he wis urnbk to count 

on inv help fiom his c 

lusin Abu 1 Mi' ill Sid il 

Diwh in Aleppo who 

id lust recognised the suze 

v of Adud ilDiwh H< now iuithei ibindoned 
Drvu Mudn which hid till then renmne d undei his 
contiol ind decided to mike for f itimid ten Hon md 

itself \bmdoned b\ vinous of his biotheis exposed 
to the hostility of both the Fitimid tioops ind those 

ed with the suppoit ot one of the \i lb tnbis of 
Svrn the 'Ukivl to ciptuie Rimh in Pilestme fiom 
the Tim Mutiind, b Dighfil b ilDjiiiih But he 
chshed with Fatimid tioops ind m Situ 309/end ot 
\ugust 970 he ind his lilies were dete ited ind hi 
wis hinded o\ei to Mufimdi who mstt id of deliv 
enng him to the Fatimid lommindei killed him with 
his own hind It seems tint Abu Tighlib wis kilkd 
it the instigition ot Adud il Diwh whom Mutimdj 
hid leiogmsed is suzenin m 571 (se< M idelun^ in 
J\ES K™ i1%7i 22 n 20) 

Such wis the end it the lge ot 40 of the list 
Hinidtnid of Mosul ot Nisn ilDiwhs son md ol 
the Himdimd imn ite of Mosul wheie new poweis 
were now instilled but where memoiies of the 
Himdtmds long lemvmed m the minds ot the lot il 

Billio^rap/n See toi this M Cinud H,st,,n 
di la dwastu des H amdamdes- d, Dja^ua ,1 di Svu l 
Algieis 1050 wheie the vicissitudes of Abu Tighlib s 
cueei ue set tenth in tli vi 541 72 

iM Canard) 
alSharki \lukhadram Anb poet eonsideud to 
be one of those endowed with m undulv long lite 
nl Siedjist mi A al \lu ammann ed Goldzihei 


200 M us) Dunng the D/ahdma he led the 
bngmd oi suluk [</ ] ind of a libeitine le> 
it Mecci in the tompanv ot il7ubm b 
Muttihb) ind he does not seem to h iv i lit 

mi time which lid t 
music rht authentic i 

v ot the most 

metie la ul ihvme tha 

ibuln should n 

egiidedwitheiution it 


nd given lmmediitelv 

iftei tint ot \ 

w^iaph In 



473 Ibn kutiv 

in the t 

2 57 idem i 
348 9 Buhi 
Hamasa n 77 8 2i8 Ibn il Kilbi C iskel n 2< 
Mubimd Kami! 40 7 100 4i0 Ibn Durr 
Hid a/ j!7 \ala,d id Bev in 070 kush idji 
Maraud Bighdid 1954 207 200 \sk^ 
Sinaatmn 300 Miizubmi \lu i ash shah 7i 
244 idem \lu diam 140 50 Bighdidr Mia 
ed Bulik in 420 Ibn Hidju Isala No 20 
\ikut Buldur, n 154 Muitidi Imah ed 1 <•)' 
i lSi Wihhibi \la,adj, i 105 4 Znikh n j. 

3 Bh.heie HIA 318 Fd 

i \n ai Halabi giimmiinn ot the 4th/ 11" 
stcd lbove ill m le\ie o 

Shi I 



iphv l 

Ask n Muki im in khuzist 
toi Bighdid wheie he studud undei \bu \mi il 
Zihid md Abu Biki ilSuh Thin he moved to 

Ueppo whose lulei Sivf ilDiwli wis ittr icting 

tint \bu lliwib found himself competing with the 
,nmmiiun Ibn khahwivh [</ ] who hid followed 
the Mine mistiis it Bighdid is himself md who hid 
become tutoi to Sivf il Diwh s son Abu 1 Tiv\ib 
wis killed in the misswie b\ the Bvzmtmes when 
\lippo wis ciptuied in 551/002 His most f imous 
pupil wis Ibn ilkanh to whom Abu 1 \h il 
Mi mi piesented Ills Rnalat al Qhiipan giving then 
infoimitionon \bu 1 T i^ib s winks nnnv of which 

id M \\m lFidl Ibnhim C nro 10,5 A Shadja, 
aldun ed M \bd il Dj iw id C uio 1057 A al 
Ibdal ind A al Muthanna ed 1 inukhi Dinnscus 1000 
A alltba ed 1 mukhi Dimiscus 1%1 ind A al 
Udad still unpublished In legnd to the A al Final 
ated bv ilSuvuti m his \lujiii l 447 this seems to 
hive been leist 


Bibliography Biockelmann, S I, 190, Kahhala, 
Mu'ajam, vi, 210, 'Izz al-Din al-Tanukhi in MMIA, 
xxix 175-83 (G Troupeau) 


and : 

of t 

4th/ 10th century a name of Harat in Khur. 
He was the pupil of Abu Mansur al-Azhan and Abu 
Ahmad al-'Askail, whose woiks he tiansmitted Aftei 
residing at Shiraz, wheie he fiequented the cncle of 
the vizier the Sahib Ibn "Abbad [qv], he went off 
to Cairo Theie he taught in the Nilometer mosque 
(Djami' al Mikyas) and, in company with the tiadi- 
tionist 'Abd al-Ghani b SaTd al-Misn and the gram- 
marian 'Ali b Sulavman al-Antakf, he held lectures 
at the House of Knowledge {Dar al 'Ilm) He was 
subsequentlv accused of preventing the rising of the 
Nile b V casting spells on it, condemned to death b V 
the cahph al-Hakim and executed in 399/1009 His 
biographeis onlv provide the name of one of his 
pupils, that of Abu Sahl al-Harawi, and thev attub- 
ute no woiks to him, howevei, a commentary bv 
him, on the Mu'allaka of Imru' al-kays, has come 

Bibliography Brockelmann, S I, 36, Sezgin, 6/iS, 
ii, 52, Yakut, Irshad, u, 42b Ibn Khallikan, Wajayat, 
i, 372, tr de Slane, i, 337, Suvuti, Bughva, 213 
(G Troupeau) 
ABU L-WALID al-BADII [see al-badjI] 
ABU 'l-YUMN ^l-'ULAYMI [see mitdjir al-din1 
ABU ZA'BAL, an ancient village in Lower 
Egypt <« 15 miles north of Cairo Its onginal name 
was al-Kusayr, under which designation it is men- 
tioned bv Ibn Mammati (d 60b/ 1209) m his Kitab 
Kawanin in It became known as Abu Za'bal 
from the end of the Mamluk period, the fn st l ecord 
of this name being found in a deed of xiakj granted 
by Khavir Bev al-DjarkasI, Ottoman governor of Egypt 
923-8/1517-21, dated 10th Radjab 92b It had a pop- 
ulation of approximately 2.000 people towards the 
end of the 19th century 

In 1827 Muhammad 'All founded a School of 
Medicine in Abu Za'bal, which was chosen because 
of its convenient location near the bai racks of his 
army The School was attached to the largest mili- 
tary hospital in Egvpt, which had been built in Abu 
Za'bal in 1825 Muhammad 'Ali appointed the 
Frenchman Clot Bev (then Physician and Surgeon-in- 
Chief of the Egyptian aimyi as its first director In 
order to overcome the difficulty posed by the lan- 
guage barrier between the students and the Fiench 
and Italian professors, Clot Bey appointed a team of 
interpreter who were also entiusted with the tians- 
lation into Arabic of the necessary medical textbooks 
The first of these translations al-haid al-sanh ft 'ilm 
al-tashrlh, was printed at the press of the Medical 
School of Abu Za'bal (also founded by Muhammad 
•Air) in 1248/1832 (the fust book to be printed in 
Abu Za'bal) 

To the Abu Za'bal School ot Medicine weie later 
added the School of Phaimacy (1830), the School oi 
Vetennaiv Medicine (1831) and the School of 
Obstetucs (1832) The Medical School was tiansterred 
in 1837 to its present site at Kasi al-'Avni (Canol, 
a palace built in 870/1466 by Ahmad b al-'Avni, 
grandson of the Sultan Khushkadam 

The aiea aiound Abu Za'bal was the scene oi 
considerable military activity during the Napoleonic 
occupation, Abu Za'bal itself being twice attacked 
by the Fiench tioops When Napoleon's tioops 
demanded an impost foi the upkeep of the military 
from the people of Abu Za'bal on the 2i Safai 1213/ 

result the French sacked the village and set it on 
fire Five months later the French attacked Abu Za'bal 
again and seized all the cattle and the beasts of bur- 
den (on 30 Radjab 1213/11 January 1799). Al- 
Djabartl also iecords that Abu Za'bal was looted on 
6 Djumada I 1207/23 December 1792 by Murad 
Bey and his Mamluk soldieis, who killed about 25 
of the villageis, and arrested and imprisoned the 
shaykhi of Abu Za'bal 

Today Abu Za'bal is well-known foi the large prison 
situated there 

Bibliography 'Abd al-Rahman al-Djabartr, 
'Ad^a'ib al a thai fi V taiafrm ua 'l-akhbdr, Bulak 
1297/1880, u, 239-40, m, 13, 14, 38; Muhammad 
Amln al-KhandjT, Munfoam al 'umran fi 'l-mustadrak 
'aid mu'djam al buldan [of Yakut al-Rumf], Cairo 
1325/1907, i, 109, Ahmad 'Izzat 'Abd al-Kanm, 
Ta'rikh al Ta'Umfi 'air Muhammad 'All, Cairo 1938, 
251-316, Naguib Mahfouz Pasha, The history of med- 
ical education in Egypt, London 1947, 14-16; Djamal 
al-Dm al-Shayyal, Ta'rikh al-Tard^ama wa 'l-haraka 
althakafiyya ft 'asr Muhammad 'All, Cairo 1951, 
passim, Abu 'l-FutOh Ridwan, Ta'rikh Matba'at 
Bulak, Cano 1953, 354-8, Muhammad Ramzi, al- 
hamm aldfughraft hi Mad al Misnyya, ii/ 1, Cairo 
1954-5, 31 (R.Y. Ebied) 

ABU ZAKARIYYA' ax-FARRA' [see al-farra']. 
ABU ZAYD U.-KURASHI, Muhammad b. Am 
•l-Khattab, adlb of the end of the 3rd/9th or of 
the beginning of the 4th/ 10th century, and known 

of the 

ash'ar al- 

'\iab (ed Bulak 1308/1890) No personal deU 
about the authoi can be derived from this collection, 
and the only ielevant data aie two isnads, one (p. 13) 
going back to al-Haytham b 'A.dr (d. ca. 206/821 
[qo]) through two intermediaries, and the other 
(p 14) going back to Ibn al-A'rabr (d 231/846 [q.v]) 
thiough one intermediary, these isnads would thus 
allow us to date the Djamhata approximately to the 
end of the 3rd century The mention (p. 165) of the 
SaAaA of al-Djawhari (d ca 398/1107-8 [q.v]) is 
probably a reader's note mcoiporated in the text by 
a copyist Another problem is raised by the references 
to a certain Mufaddal, falsely identified (p. 1) with 
al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi (d ca 170/786 [q.v]), for this 
cannot be a case here of the authoi of the Mufad- 
daliyyilt Biockelmann surmised that Abu Zayd al- 
Kurashl and al-Mufaddal might be two pseudonyms 
lefemng to Abu Zayd al-Ansan (d 215/831 [q.v]) 
and to the Kufan anthologist, but this hypothesis 
hardly seems tenable A J Arberry, for his part (The 
\eoen odes, London 1957, 2i) prudently suggests, but 
without insisting upon this, an identification of Abu 
Zayd with 'Umai b Shabba (d 2b2/875-6 [q.v]). 

After an mtroducUon containing observanons on the 
value of poetry tor the philological point ot view and 
on Muhammad's inteiest in it, a companson between 
the language of the Kur'an and that ot the poets a 
ludgment on the merits ot these last and some fiag- 
ments attributed to Adam, Satan the angels the d]inn 
etc , the Diamhara compnses 49 kasida% wntten by 49 
poets of the D/ahiliyya and the beginnings ot Islam 
These poems are divided into 7 gioups each of which 
should comprise 7 poets, but 'Antara mentioned in the 
intioduction as one ot the 7 of the second group fig- 
uies in the end (in the printed edn though not in all 
the mss ) amongst the authoi s of the mu'allakat so that 
this particular gioup compnses 8 poems ind the fol- 
lowing one 6 only Abu Zayd chose the following ter- 
rmnologv mu'allakat, mu^amharat muntalayat mudhahhabat/ 

L-kURASHl - \B\AD 

mudhbahat mmathi mashubat and mulhamal He ceitamh, 


s lacking in any critical spirit but his Djamliara which 

21 Ma\ 1951) 


estmg \ -mints and also the ad\antage of grouping togeth- 

Egvptian th 

ei for the fust time the mu'dlakat [</ 1 ] md of ieflectmg 

■\b\ad attempte 

he public s tiste at a time when the ma at had gath- 

ered togethei a considei lble numbei of pot tic produc 

tre of the \oun 

lassify those which would ultimateh constitute the Aiabic 

lumamties and on the whole the classic ll ideal 

Bibho^iaphy Ibn Rashik '1 mda index 

turning point i 

Baghdad] hliKana ed C aim i 33 F Hommel in 

'Abbas II Hilm 

■iita du M timqis In/on d,s Orientals 387- 

408 Noldeke in ZD\K, xhx 200-3 M Nallino 

S\Kun Diiectc 

in RSO xm/4 11032) 334-41 Brockclminn S I 

his tcachei m 

38-1, Bhchcie HLA index A Tiabulsi La ui 

hque poetiqut dn iiahe\ Damiscus 1055 28-30 DM 

Saiah Bt.nha. 

IV 331 (CH PeiXVII 

ABU ZAYD al-SIRAFI [see vkhbar \l-sin w \- 

eian \iabic wi 


1 jui 

M al-'Ir^ki was best known \bu Zui'a th 

was bom in Cano on7 Dhu l-Hijja 762/14 Octobe 
1361 His mothei was the daughtei ol i Mamluk oil 
cci Foi a time his tathei was the kadi of Medm. 
Abu Zui'a studied in Cano D imascus Mecca in 

He began his careei as > mudarn, teaching hadith m 


, In 

iro Appointed 

summoned b\ Sultan Tat. 
Shafi'i grand kadi of Cano— the foiemost judicial 
in the Mamluk empiic The stuct and honest 
nei in which he dischaiged his functions as clue 
istrate won him the enmity of povveiful Mamluk 
who piessuied latais successoi Busbav nit 
missing him from the oftce in 82V 1421 a 
tenuie of baieh fouiteen months Abu An'a d 
27 Sha'ban 826/5 August 1423 a few month 

s disrr 

lampant and when piomi 


• high judicnl appointmcn 

s had t, 

is ordm; 


and consideiable 
*as peisuaded to 

ot the office His contempoianes weie unanimous m 
the piaise of his chaiactei learning and command ol 
the Aiabic language He left a numbei ot woiks on 
hadith and junspiudence which weie mostK corn- 
subjects and left a compilation of obitunies loi the 
\eirs 762-43 AH mow lost) an anthology of inec- 
dotes about hypocrites (ifhhai al mudalhunl a com- 
mentary on an utd^u^a i\ersihed tiact) on algcbia and 
some scatteied \eise 

Biblw^raph) Sakhawi al Dau' al /ami' i 336 
44 Ibn Taghribndi ISudjum u 514 516 563 578 
Suvuti Hum al muhadara fi akhhai \hs, ta 1 hahna 
Cairo 1321 n 116 Biockelmann II 66-7 'Unnr 
Rida kahhala Wu'diam al mu'alhfin i 270-1 

I entitled 77« > 
te Nitional T 

l these and othei 

e ph%. 1h< 
nd it joined 

t Aribic talking film 


hlwznipln alHil 

al xx 1 1 \pr 



xi ll Nov 1012) 

1 June 1 

Muhammid 1 

\mui Mu'all 

ifal n C 

131-40 161-2 . 

13 fl 232 3 

2s6 11 


276-7 285-6 200 

a 30 3-4 N 



, theatn in Zp/rf n 

£StUS \ni 

1035 6) 



Fatima al-i usut Dhibawl Cano 

1053 27-31 


Muhammad iu 

ah al 'irabi al hadill 

ill Nadjm a 
Benut 1056 




415 446 440-50 

) M Landau 



< theahi and an, ma 


1058 7 



: by ' 

)72i Muhammid Mmdui 

<h C mo 1063 40-2 TawfTk al-Hakim 

t Cano nd [1064] 140-3 (Italian ti 

elfioie La pngfom ddla tila Rome 1 

Muhammad Kam ll al-Din 

1070 f 

! 85 i 

j'ld \b\ad D,u,di Ah 

in Cano 1070 I atinn Rushdi hifahi ft I 

a I umma C mo 1071 28-30 Mahmud I 

iyeva, Tisyaca i odin god Arabskogo teyalra, Moscow 

1977, 164-8, 171, 177, 200, 209, 228, 262. 

(J.M. Landau) 

al-ABYARI, Shaykh 'Abd al-HadT Nadja b. 
Ridwan b. Nadja b. Muhammad, a leading Egyptian 
author and grammarian who was born in 
1236/1821 in Abyar in the Gharbiyya province of 
Lower Egypt. He was brought up in Abyar where he 
received his early education from his father and in 
one of the kuttah of the town. He studied at al-Azhar 
and later became a teacher there. IsmaTl Pasha en- 
trusted him with the instruction of his children, and 
TawfTk Pasha appointed him imam and mufti of his 
entourage, a post which he held until his death on 
18 Dhu 1-Ka'da 1305/28 July 1888. He belonged to 
the ShafiT madhhab. 

Al-Abyan is credited with the authorship of more 
than 40 books on various subjects, including gram- 
mar, Islamic mysticism, fikh and hadith. He corre- 
sponded with a number of leading scholars, including 
Ibrahim al-Ahdab and Nasif al-YazidjT. The collec- 
tion of his correspondence with Ibrahim al-Ahdab in 
Beirut and with others on literary and Unguis ' 

, al-\Ya 
published in Caii 

afi \ 


\ dtspu 
een Ahmad Faris al-Shidyak 
and Sulayman al-Hann al-TunisF led to an adjudi- 
cation of the questions at issue by al-Abyari, which 
judgement appeared in print in Cairo in 1279/1862 
under the title al-.VadJm al-thakib. A number of his 
works remain unpublished. 

Bibliography: 'All Pasha Mubarak, al-Khitat 
at-taufikiyya al-djadida, viii, Bulak 1305/1888, 29; 
E. Zakhkhura, Mi, 'at al-'asi ft ta'rikh wa-rusiim akabir 
al-ndjal bi-Mip, i, Cairo 1897, 239-40; Hasan al- 
Sandubl, A'yan al-bayan, Cairo 1914, 222-3J; DjurdjT 
Zaydan, Tarad^im mashahir al-ihark fi 'l-kam al-tau' 
'ashar, ii, Cairo 1903, 144-5; SarkTs, Mu'djam al- 
matbu'at al-'arabiyya wa 1-mu'armba, Cairo 1928, 358- 
61; al-Ziriklr, al-A'lam, iv, 322-3; Zakr Muhammad 
Mudjahid, al-A'lam al-sharkiyyafi 'l-mi'a al-ra'bi'a 'ashra 
al-hidfi'ma, ii, Cairo 1950,"l38-9; Kahhala, Mu'§am 
al-mu'alhfin, vi, 203-4. (R.Y. Ebied) 


ACCIDENT [see 'arad]. 
ACQUISITION [see kasb]. 
ACRIDOIDS [see djarad]. 
ACROBAT [see djanbaz]. 
ACT, ACTION [see "amal, fi'l]. 
ADAGE Jsee mathal]. 

ADARRAK, the name of a family of Berber 
"physicians", whose ancestor, Abu 'Abd Allah 
Muhammad (d. 1070/1658-60) left the Sus and set- 
tled at Fas; he must have used completely empirical 
methods, but nevertheless obtained significant results. 
Ibn Shakrun [q.r. in Suppl.] was the pupil of a cer- 
tain Ahmad b. Muhammad Adarrak, who was prob- 
ably the son of the above-mentioned person, but the 
best-known member of the family was this Ahmad's 
son, Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Ahmad lb. 
ca. 1077/1666, d. 28 Safar 1159/22 March 1746), 
who was attached to Mawlay IsmaTl (1082- 
1139/lb72 1 727 1 \bd al Wahhab had also teceived 
a tiaditional education and had a certain talent as 
a \ersiher In actuality apart from a lew poems of 
an ethico philosophic natuie a lasida in praise of the 
saints buried at Meknes ( Manama ji madh >alihi 

some pieces having a certain connection with med 
icine these comprise first of all r commentary on 

the Nuzha of al-Antakf and two urdjuzas, one com- 
plementing that of Ibn Sina, the other on the sub- 
ject of smallpox (these works apparently lost); then 
a kaslda of 31 verses on the fine qualities of mint 
(na'na'), which exists in ms. (Rabat D 158 and D 
1131; partial tr. in Renaud, Medecine, 104-5; Lakhdar, 
189); and finally, an urdjuza of 179 verses on syphilis 
(habb al-Ifrandj), based largely on al-Antakfs Nuzha 
and on the risala of Ibn Shakrun on sarsaparilla (fi 
'l-'ushba al-hindiyva), text published and tr. by Renaud 
and Colin, Mai franc, Arabic text 25-32, tr. 81-94. 

Another Adarrak called Ahmad is also cited as 
physician to Sidi Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah (1171- 

Bibliography: Ibn Zaydan, Ithaf a'lam al-nas, 
Rabat 1347-52/1929-33, v. 400-7; Kadirl, .Nashr 
al-mathSni, lith. Fas 1310, i, 226, ii, 251; Kattam, 
Salwat al-anfas, lith. Fas 1316/1898, ii, 34; Akansus, 
al-$avsh al-'aramram, lith. Fas 1336/1918, 94 ff.; 
Levi-Provencal, Chorfa, 310-11; H.PJ. Renaud, 
Medecine el medecins marocaim, in AIEO Alger, iii 
(1937), 99-106; idem and G.S. Colin, Document* 
marocains pour semir a Vhistoire du "mal franc", Paris 
1935, 31-5; M. Lakhdar, La vie litteraue au Maroc, 
Rabat 1971, 187-90 and bibl. cited there. 

.-'ADAWl, Muhammad Has 



ihaykh of the Ahmadi mosque in Tama, born on 5 
Ramadan 1277/18 March 1861 in the village of Bam 
'Adi, near Manfalut in the Upper Egyptian province 

After the completion of his studies at al-Azhar [q.v.] 
in 1305/1887-8, when he was granted the degree of 
'alim [see 'ulama'], and a short period of teaching at 
that institution, he was appointed Director of al-Azhar 
Library which was established and organised at his 
initiative. His commitment to the cause of reform in 
al-Azhar gave his further career its content and sig- 
nificance when, in the various high administrative 
offices he held within this institution — the most notable 
of which were the offices of mudir al-Azhar and of the 
Religious Institutes attached to it, mufattish al-awwal 
and wakll al-Azhar — as well as in the period in which 
he held the office of ihaykh of the Ahmadr mosque 
in Tanta, he was able to give inspiration and direc- 
tion to the reformist efforts (cf. Ahmad ShafTk, 
MudhakkiratT fi nisf kam, Cairo 1936, ii/2. 137 f„ 140, 
182, 233). He continued to do so after his resigna- 
tion from all his administrative functions following a 
dispute with the Egyptian Sultan Husayn Kamil in 
1915 (see 'Abd al-Muta'al al-SaTdT, ' Ta'rikh al-islah fi 
'l-Azhar wa-safahat min al-d}ihad fi 'l-iilah, Cairo n.d., 
142 ff.). 

From the latter year onwards, he committed him- 
self mainly to private teaching and to the writing of 
a variety of books and tracts, of which some forty- 
were published, largely pertaining to legal issues and 
to tamwwuf [q.v.]. He was an active member of the 
Sharkawiyya branch of the Khalwatiyya [q.v.] and 
among the principal disciples of its founder Ahmad 
b. Sharkawi al-KhalifT ( 1 834-98). He died in Muharram 
1355/April 1936. 

Bibliography In addition to the references in 
the aiticle see the biographies by Ilvas Zakhkhura, 
Mu at al asr fi ta rikh na rusum akabir ridjal 
\l»r Cairo 1897 ii 455 Khavi al-Din al-Ziriklr, 
al Mam Cano 1954 9 \i 326 Muhammad 
■\bduh al Hidjadji \lm a lam al Sa'id fi 'l-karn al- 
rabi ashr al hidjn Cairo 1969 93 112, and Zakr 
Muhammad Mudjahid al 4 lam al-sharkiyya fi 'I- 


e found appended to sevenl of il 
citions To thtse must be idded 
■ml li nwihyalhat al Djam, al \hmadi 

i Tint i 

mented b\ him it the Ahmidi mosque when he 

Samu alDjanab al Ala al Ml, da\ u ~a~l \lu a~am 
Abbas Hilmi al Thani li I Djami ua 1 Ma had al 
ihmadi sans li 2 Curo 1312/1913 4 29 t 

'ADI b ARTAT 4lF«™ Abu \Uthia otli 
nl in the seivite ot the Umiwids who gov 
Bis! i between 40/718 md ll)l/7->(l 


■canted t. 



Although his mothei tongue u is F 
Pish twin wis i elided is i mistei ot 
lingu igt his wide reiding ind powe 
embling him to clothe his ideis in i 
stvle Neveitheless ilthough he took nc 
in public iffms ind lived in unwoidlv li 
show thit he wis well icqunntcd with 

he c 

ented h 

Jipinese \\ n 

1 the Gieit \\ ir His enK trigic e\pei 
-n him i listing hitred ot British impein 
ch no doubt his suppoit toi the knsi 
nmed At heirt he wis l fervent nitio 
he phced n 


ind w 
c He 


ibandoned the chs 



il Aztzinphceof\izidb 

the order to inest ill the sons ot il Muhilhb He 

managed to get hold of al Mutiddil Hibib Maiw m 

ind \ izid but the httei escaped and ieturned to 

the lttick Adi then laised the tioops ot Bisn ind 

had a tiench dug iound the town to pi event the 

iebels horn bieaking in but these memoes had no 

effect In the event \ izid minted to get posses 

sion of Basra without much difhc ultv ind oideied 

the inest ot Adi who wis killed it \\ isit m 102/ 

820 1 b\ Mu'awiva b \ izid Theie is first of ill 

ittnbuted to this govemoi s name x c mil e\ci\ ited 

it Bisi i in ordei to bung i sitistactoiv supplv of 

dunking w itei the \ahr Adi ind secondlv m epi 

demic which bioke out in 100/ 7 19 the ta tin Adi 

Bibliography Djinr Dman 241 Naka id index 

Dnhiz Bayan index Ibn Kuti\ba Uaan/ index 

Tahan index Biladhun Futiik 77 340 159 300 

70 Ibn il Kalbi C iskel Tib 130 and n 118 

\a"kubi Hist n 362 370 373 idem Buldan tr 

Wiet 04 124 Mubimd hanul index Mis udi 

\lumdj v 453 4 457 = ^2206 2209 idem Tanbih 

index khatib Bighd idi Ta nlh xn 106 Ibn 

al Athn v 31 42 53 64 \ ikut i 641 iv 

841 Ibn Abi lHidid MmA i 301 Cietini 

Chronogiaphia 1205 1230 1244 124P 1200 S il 

Ah in <suma vn (1052) 78 Pell it \hhai index 

Zmkli vi h (Ed ) 

ADIB PiSHAWARl Srnio Ahm\d Peisnn poet 

wis bom <« 1P44 in the distnct ot Pishmn (Peshiwn) 

in noithwest Indn to i chn ot nomadic «i)«/s who 

triced then spintuil line ige back to Shihib al Din 

Suhnwaidi While he was still i bov his tathei md 

most of his mile iehtives were killed in fighting ignnst 

the Bntish government He himselt esc iped to Kibul 

ind itter spending several \eus in Gh lzmn Hint 

and Turbit i Shavkh Djim settled in Mishhid where 

he studied undei i numbei of distinguished divines 

Foi two \e lis he wis in Sabziw ir it the It rt of the 

fimous Mulla Hidi Sibziwan During his st iv m 

Mishhad he bee ime known is Adib i Hindi the 

Indnn schohi In 1884 he moved to Tehnn wheie 

he spent the iest of his life ind wis honouied bv 

Nasn il-Din Shui He died in 1030 His wntings 

include i dman of 4 200 Peisnn and 370 Ai ibic 

verses i mathna a poem in the mutakanb metie the 

A «>><?; nama dedicited to the Geiman Knsei ind 

describing the events of the 1914 18 w n two philoso 

phica essi\s 1 commentarv on the Ta nUi i Bayhaki 

ind in incomplete Persnn ti insi ition ot Avicenms 

hitah al hhamt 

Bibliography Adib s Dm an w is edited bv Ah 
Abd il Risuh Tehnn 1933 His edition ot the 
Ta nlh i BayhaLi w is published in Tehnn in 1889 

rt t turns in Slid Niffsis edition 3 vols Tehnn 
1040 53 The haysai nama Ins nevei been pub 
' ' ' " phicil mtoimition "' " ' 





1950 1 2 J Rvpki Iramsiht 1 
Leipzig 1959 156 7 ibid History 
atuu Doidiecht 19b8 374 5 



I m 


ung da 

964 34 5 

(LP Elwell Suttoni 

ADIVAR Abd *l H^kk Adnw modem Turkish 

Abdulh\k Adn\n Adiwr Turkish author seholai 

md politicnn 1 181:2 1955i He was bom in Gelibolu 

iGallipohj while his fithei Ahmed Baha l who c ime 

thne He studied medicine it the Umveisitv ot 1st mbul 


Upon gi lduation he 


tnbuted t. 

ith the Himidnn poll 

, Dea: 

■I the Flcultv e: 


ot Union ind Piogiess iCUP) he contributed sub 
stantnllv to le oiganismg the Red Crescent ind the 
Depaitment ot Heilth In 1017 he mimed bv pioxv 
the piominent wntei klnhde Edib [q ] Elected i 
deputv in the post Aimistice Ottomm Pailnment Dr 
Adnin (is he wis known until 1040 when he took 
famih mine Adiv il i left Istinbul secretlv with his 

wife ] 

oidei t 

and c 

;t and deport 

bv the Bntish and joined the Nition 

in Ankui (Apnl 19201 wheie he sened as Mimstc 

of He llth ind of the Intenoi and as Deputv Speakc 

of Pailnment Litei he |oined dissident 

foimei membeis ot the CUP with whom he found 

ed the Piogiessive Republic xn Pun (Ttialhptru, 

D,,imhumut Fnlasi [q ]) which repiesented the 

mun opposition to Mustifl Kemal Pishi (1924) In 

the summer of 192b i Unionist conspiracy to issis 

smite Mustita kcmil wis discoveied ind seveial 

people were irrcsted Di 




absence as he had been in Europe for some months 
Although he was acquitted he and his wife did not 
return to Turkey until 1939 Thev lived in England 
and later in France where he worked as lecturer at 
the Ecole de Langues Onentales \ i\ antes in Pans 
together with Jean Denv (1929-39) 

When Hasan 'All \udjel (\ucel) the reforming 
Minister of Education (1938-4t» decided that a Turkish 
edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam should be pub- 
lished he appointed Adnan Adivir its thief editor 
(1940) the latter orgimsed the secretinat of the Islam 
■insiklopedm and successfully launched ind directed it 
as in independent deputy (1950-4) He died in Istanbul 
on 1 July 1955 

Admn Adivars main work is his book on the his- 
tory of science in Turkey prepared dunng his exile 
m Fnnce La sarnie ihe^ les Turn ottoman-: (Pins 1939) 
which he revised ind enlaiged in the second edition 
in Turkish Osmanh Turklmnde ihm (Istanbul 1943) 
where lor the first time ill the extensive dita on the 
subject ne put systematic ally together <\part from an 
essay on Faust {Faust tahhl tecrubesi Istanbul 1939) and 
a study oi the conflict oi religion and science in his 
tory, Tarth boyunca dim r< din (2 vols Istanbul 1944) 
his remaining work consists oi essivs and articles on 
problems of geneial culture history science and pol- 
itics which he published in daily papers some oi these 
have been put together in Bilgi Cumhunyeti haberleii 
(1945) Dur dusun (1950) and Hakikat pemideh emek 
lemeler (1954) 

Bibliography lent ufuklar special number August 
1955 Halide Edib Adivar Doktor ibdulhak idnan 
idnai Istanbul 195b Tahn Alangu 100 unlu Turk 
buyugu u Istanbul 1974 1259-65 (Fahir Iz) 
'ADJMAN the smallest oi the seven shavkh- 
doms oi Trucial 'Uman which now comprise the 
United Arab Emirates [al lmarat al'habma al 
Muttahida [qi below]) The shavkhdom pioper meas- 
ures about 100 square miles in extent and there are 
two small enclaves Masfut and Manama in the inte- 
rior The total population is around 5 000 The lead- 
ing tribal elements are the karatisa Hamirat and Al 
Bu Dhanavn sections oi the Al Bu Khurayban branch 
of the Na'irn (or Nu'avm) which is ilso to be iound 
m the Buravmi Oasis and its vicinity The ruling 
shaylh iiom the h.aratisa section is Rashid b Humivd 
who succeeded in 1347/1928-9 

Throughout the 13th/ 19th century 'Adjman was 
little more than a client state of the neighbouring 
K.asimi shavkhdom oi Shardja (al-Shanka \qi~\) It 
subscribed independently however to the various 
engigements concluded between the Trucial Shavkhs 
and the Bntish government dunng the century irom 
the General Treaty oi Peace in 1235/1820 to the 
Exclusive Agreements oi 1309/1892 Eirlv in the 
century as a consequence oi Sa'Qdi penetration oi 
the area the Al Bu Khuiavban oi 'Adjman like most 
oi their fellow Na'im were converted to the Wahhabi 

'Adjman s economy until recent years depended 
wholly upon fishing and subsistence agncultuie It is 
now sustained pnmanlv bv grants fiom the wealthier 
members of the UAE notably Abu Dhabi (Zabi) and 
bv concessionary payments iiom the Occidental Oil 
Companv ior exploratory rights in 'Adjman territory 
ind waters (JB Kelli) 

ADMIRAL [see kapudan] 

ADVENTURER [see kazak] 

AFAWlH (pi oi ajuah sing fuh) ire spices 
aromatic substances which are added to food 
and beverages in order to increase pleasant flavoui 

and piomote digestion In geneial they are vegetable 
products which are active through their contents of 
volatile oils or pungent substances The classification 
according to the individual constituents of plants 
(fruits and seeds blossoms and buds peel roots 

in prictice reihsed anywhere It is possible that Abu 
Hamfa al-Dinawan (end 3rd/9th centurv) has this 
in mind when he savs that al ajuah fall under vir- 
ious classes and tvpes (asnaf ua anna') ind then 
quotes a verse eich of Dhu 1-Rumma and of Djamil 
[il-'Udhn] iccording to which there is a distinc- 
tion between ajiiah al nan? and ajuah al bukul (Kitab 
al Nabat The book oj plants pirt oi the monograph 
section ed B Lewin Wiesbaden 1974 200 i no 
757) An unsystematic list oi iood spices imong 
which are included the most common like salt (mdh) 
is to be iound in Ibn Kutayba 'Uyun al akhbar in 
Cairo 1348/1930 29b-9 under the heading masalih 
al ta'am where masalih must have the plain mein- 
mg oi spices iood-flavourings In Aiabic the mean- 
ing of afauih is not sharply marked off irom 'iti tib 
scents and 'akkar (plur 'akakir ukkar) drugs [see 
'attar] The lexicographers call al ajuah what is 
added to scents and al taiiabil what is added to food 
(see Lane s v juh) 

Specific monographs on al afauih do not seem to 
be known These substances are treated in their appro- 
priate places in works on botany phirmacognostics 
medicine knowledge of commodities encvclopiedias 
and other writings A list which is to i certain extent 
representitive ior the 4th/ 10th centurv is to be iound 
in il-Mas'udi Murudi i 3b7 containing 25 main 
kinds of spices 1 sunbul spikenard 2 karanful clove 
3 sandal sindalwood 4 dj.aa^buaaa nutmeg 5 uard 
rose b sahkha cassn 7 zamab (meimng doubtiul cf 
Meverhof s edition oi Maimomdes Shaih c 



kirfa i 

i kind 

oi sonchus? cf Ibn al-Baytar al Djami' Bula 
tr Lecleic no 1775) 10 kakulla cardamom 11 hbaba 
cubeb 12 halbuima small cardamom 13 manshim 
carpobalsam 14 Jaghira xanthoxvlum 15 mahlab 
moiello 15 uars Flemmingia ihodocarpa 17 kust 
costus 18 ajar (al tib) Strombus lentiginosus 19 
birank Embeha Ribes 20 dam lentisk gum 21 ladhan 
ladanum, 22 may'a aromatic gum oi the stoiax tree 
2i kanbil Mallotus philippinensis 24 kasab al dhanra 
cahmus 25 ^abada civet — Notable is the iact that 
one oi the oldest and most utilised spices peppei (Jul 
ful) with its ea 700 different kinds does not appeal 

In the section on knowledge oi commodities in his 
handbook on mercintile science Shavkh Abu 1-Fadl 
Dja'iir al-Dimashki (probablv 6th/ 12th century) enu- 
meiates under the term iakat (plur askat strictly 
speaking reiuse ) a list oi spices which is quite dii 
ierent iiom that of al-Mas'udi (hitab al Mara ila 
mahasin al tidfara ilkh Cano 1318/1900 21-4) under 
the smill spices (al iakat al saghui he mentions onlv 
the rhubarb (ram and) and leaves the others out as 
being less impoitant but under the gieat spices 
(al sakat al kabir) he ieckons 1 ml indigo 2 bakkam 
sapanwood 3 fulfill pepper 4 luban irankmcense 5 
mastaka gum mastic b darsini al ta'am food-cinnamon 
7 al vellow ginger 8 ^anqjabil ginger 9 zurunbad 
ledowary root 10 khulandj_an galingale 11 kust cos- 
tus 12 ladhan ladinum 13 iMdaa^at kinds of 
mvrobalan (see concerning this list E Wiedemann 
iujsatzt zur arahsihen \\ issemihajhgevhahte ed \\ 
Fischer Hildesheim 1970 n 115 H Ritter m hi 
mi [1917] 17 i) 


Scattered or unsystematically-a 
the knowledge of spices is to b 
expected, in the encyclopaedia; 


ents already 

ippear in al-Kh"arazmi's Mafatih al-'i 
Vloten, Leiden 1895) under medicam 

turn (ed. van 
nts (169-80), 

irab, the entire twelfth volume of \ 

n, Nihayat al- 
vhich (Cairo 

356/1937) is devoted to this subject; sc 

ents (tlb), per- 

• (bak 



), perfumes made of 
tures (rmdud), distillates (mustaktarat), oils (adhan) and 
certain perfumes (naduhat). Among these rubrics we 
find also descriptions of some of the spices already 
mentioned, such as sandalwood (39-42), spikenard 
(43 f.), cloves (45-8), costus (49-51), etc. All this is 
mixed up with detailed statements about other mate- 
rials which can be counted among spices only with 
reservations or in no way at all. As in mediaeval 
Europe, ground spices were often adulterated, espe- 
cially in times of distress. Here we only recall the 
original work of Djawban (ca. 615/1218), Kilab al- 
Mukhtarfl kashf al-asrar iva-hatk al-astar, which allegedly 
informs traders about deceitful devices in commerce 
and trade; it was printed several times in the Orient 
and urgently deserves a critical edition Inow in prepa- 
ration by S. Wild). The section on adulterations of 
spices and perfumes was translated into German by 
E. Wiedemann (op. at., i, 1970, 679-82). 

Since there is hardly any spice which was not at 
the same time used as medicament, it is no wonder 
that the most comprehensive material on spices is 
to be found in the pharmacopoeias. These are essen- 
tially based on the Materia medka (\>h\ iaTpiKiji of 
Dioscorides [see diyuskuridis] . This work, translat- 
ed into Arabic at an early period, lived on in the 
Islamic world in ever-new compilations, expanded by 
a great number of drugs which the Arabs had come 

rial is to be found on the one hand in pharma- 
cognostic and pharmaceutical monographs, the 
development of which came to a certain conclusion 
with Ibn al-Baytar's great compilation, and on the 
other hand in the pharmaceutical sections of com- 
pendia on general medicine [see tibb]. It should, 
however, be remembered that in these works spices 
are entered and described as medicines in the first 
place, not as condiments. 

Together with cambric textiles, spices were con- 
sidered as the most fashionable luxury; both prod- 
ones (Mez, Renaissance, 452 ff.J. In Egypt, where for 
a long time torn had offered the best chances for 

Crusades. In the later Middle Ages, the spice trade, 
and the pepper trade in particular, was mainly in 
the hands of Egyptians and Venetians. A good sur- 
vey on the spice trade under the Ayyubids and 
Mamluks is to be found in G. Wiet, Les marchands 

henne, serie vii (1955), 81-147, with a rich bibliogra- 
phy. However, the author does not deal with particular 
spices, but with their general trade. Under the pro- 
tection of the sultans this trade was carried out by 
important bodies of merchants, who forwarded the 
spices from India and South-East Asia to Europe by 
way of Egypt through the Red Sea or by way of 
Syria through the Persian Gulf. About these trading 
companies and their monopoly we have some detailed 
information, especially about the wealthy KarimT 
[q.P.], who controlled the spice trade between the 

Yemen and Egypt. The "spice-wars" with the 
European ports in the Mediterranean, started by the 
Ayyubids and continued by the Mamluks and the 
Ottoman Turks, were waged on both sides with great 
ruthlessness. Internal policy was tarried out, just as 
rigorously, especially by the Mamluks: in 832/1429 
Barsbay founded a state monopoly of pepper and 
three years later he forced the wholesale merchants 
to buy from him for 80 dinars a himl the pepper 
which' they had sold to him earlier for 50 dinars. 
Even so, Kansawh al-Ghawri not only maintained 
this monopoly system, but imposed additional heavy 
taxes on the merchants. Hopes of cutting out Egyptian 
middlemen were the decisive inducement for the 
Spanish and the Portuguese to search for a direct 
sea-route to India; but after the conquest of the 
Moluccas in 1607, the Dutch snatched the monop- 
oly of the spice trade away from the Portuguese. 
Bibliography: W. Heyd. Histmre du commerce du 
Levant au Moyen-Age, ii, Leipzig 1886 (new impr. 
Amsterdam 1959), 563-676; S.Y. Labib, Handels- 
gesclmhte Agyptens im Spatmittelalter [1171-1517), 
Wiesbaden 1965 (solid investigation with valuable 
evidence, see index); L. Kroeber, ^ui Geschichte, 
Heikunft und Physiologic der H'urz- und Duftstoffe, Munich 
" " " " ■ " - ■ F ] uck j ger , Pharmakognosie des 




with Bibl 

/" Ma 

958; The legac 
at 243; Of the pharma- 
tic and medical works, the following selec- 
av be mentioned: Ibn Sina, al-Kanunfi 1-tibb, 
k 1294, 243-470; Blrum, A! al-Saydala, ed. 
Hakim Muh. SaTd, Karachi 1973"; Maimo- 
Sharh asma' al-'ukkar. L'n glossaire de mah'ere 
nedicale, ed. M. Meyerhof, Cairo 1940, index; Ibn 

)1, partial tr. L. Leclert in .Koikes et 
•tscrits de la Bibliotheque 

Paris 1877; : 

, 1883. 

AFDAL al-DIN TURKA, more frequently referred 
to as Kh"adja Afdal-i Sadr, was a famous theolo- 
gian in the reign of the Timurid Shahrukh Mirza 
[q.f.], and a member of an originally turco-phone 
family of Isfahan, whence the appelation Turka. In 
845/1441, when Shahrukh appointed his own grand- 
son, Muhammad b. Bavsonkor as governor of a part 
of Trak-i 'Adjami lal-Djibal), Afdal al-Dln Turka was 
among the learned courtiers of this young prince. But 
later when, in consequence of Muhammad's revolt, 
Shahrukh came to Isfahan, Afdal al-Dln together with 
a number of other leading figures, were arrested as 
Muhammad's accomplices and put to death by the 
order of Shahrukh with no further inquiry (Ramadan 
850/November 1446). Afdal al-Dln is responsible for 
a partial translation of Shahrastanfs Kitab al-Milal wa 
'l-nihal, in which contrary to the original author, he 
himself to expose only the h 


refute thes. 

for Mirza Shahrukh, 

the book was dedicated to him. Among other famous 
dignitaries of the Turka family we know of another 
Afdal al-Din Turka (d. 991/1583), a grandson of our 
Kh"adja Afdal al-Dm, and also a famous theologian 
of the Safawid period who held for a time the office 
of kadi and mudarns, at Kazwln, under the Safawid 
Shah Tahmasp I. 



Katib, Ta'rikh-i dfadid-i lazd. ed. I. Afshar, Tehran 
1966, 241-2; Abu Bakr-i Tihrani, Kitab-i 
Diyarbakriyya, ed. Necati Lugal and Faruk Siimer, 
Ankara 1962, 285-8; 'Abd al-Razzak Samarkand:, 
Matla'-i sa'davn, ii, 1946, 862-3; Hasan-i Rumlu, 
Ahsan al-tawarikh, Tehran 1970, 260; Mudarris-i 
Khiyabani, Rayhanat al-adab, Tehran 1326/1947, 
i, 412-3; Djalalf-yi Na'TnT, ed., Tardjuma-yi al-Milal 
wa 1-mhal, Tehran 1335/1956, 34-57 cf. Iskandar 
Beg Munshi, 'Alamarayi 'Abbasi, index. 

(A.H. Zarrinkoob) 
al-'AFIFI, 'Abd al-Wahhab b. 'Abd al-Salam b. 
Ahmad b. HidjazI, an Egyptian mystic belonging 
to the Shadhiliyya [q.v.] order, after whom one of its 
branches is named al-'AiTfryya. He was born in Minyat 
'AiTf in the present-day MinOfiyya province in the last 
quarter of the 17th century. After a period of study 
at al-Azhar under a number of notable scholars like 
the Malik! mufti Salim b. Ahmad al-Nafrawi, and 
Ahmad b. Mustafa al-Sikandaranl al-Sabbagh, he 
taught the SahJh of Muslim at the madrasa al-ashrafiyya 
and confined himself to an ascetic way of life based 
upon the precepts of the Shadhiliyya order. He had 
been initiated into this tanka [//.v.] by the son of the 
founder of the Moroccan Tayyibiyya [q.v.], the 
Wazzani" shanfi Mawla Ahmad al-Tihami al-Tawwati 
(d. 1715), from whom he had also received the khilafa 
[q.v.]. In addition he held an idfazat khilafa of the 
Khalwatiyya order issued to him by Mustafa Kamal 
al-Dm al-Bakri [q.v.]. 

His contacts with the Mamluk amirs who used to 
come and visit him in his house in Kasr al-Shawk 
and the generous way in which he gave away to his 
muridun most of what was presented to him as pious 
donations caused his circle of adepts to increase and 

When he died on 12 Safar 1172/15 October 1758 
he was buried close to the mosque of Kayit Bay in 
a grave which was swept away by a torrent in the 
year 1178/1764-5. After this event his body was 
re-interred at a much higher site in the same area 
where a domed shrine was constructed over his tomb 
together with a number of adjacent buildings at the 
expense of Muhammad katkhuda Abaza a Mamluk 
amu and onetime katkhuda [q i ] of Muhammad Be\ 
Abu 1 Dhahab [qi] As reported b\ 'Abd al-Rahman 
alDjabaitl '4dja ib al athar Bulak 1297 i 220 1 and 
i\ 163 the \eirlv mail lid about which he mikes 
highh deiogatory lemaiks was not celebi ited until 
after this event At the end of the 19th century it 
had become one of the larger popular man lids in 
Cairo (cf J\\ McPherson The moulids of Egypt Cano 
1941 50 174 Murray s Handbook of Eppt 1888 209) 
and lasted for eight da\s (cf All Mubarak Uutat \ 
50 f xvi 73| According to McPherson 174 the 
man lid was not celebrated an\ more b\ 1940 but in 
the fifties celebiations were held igam (cf Mad}allat 
al Islam na I Tasaixixuf i (Cano 1958) no 6 82) 

Al'AffiT has left no writings of his own but his 
teachings have been summarised bv one of his disci 
pies 'Abd al Rahman b Sulayman al Ghuiavm in 
Risalat al Sihila and they mirror Shadhili teaching as 
formulated by Ahmad Zanuk The latter s ixa^ifa [q i ] 
known as Safinat al ^adja [li man ila llah iltaa^a] wis 
incorporated into the tanka s liturgy and was adopted 
as part of the daily oflue prescribed for the tanka s 
members to whom two of al Zanuk s tieatises Risalat 
al Usui and Rualat al Vmmahat became standaid read 
ing it a latei penod tow aids the end of the 19th 

Follow e 

if the 'Afffiwa oidei ha\e been cnticised 

on various grounds for wearing yellow headgear in 
imitation of al-Zubayr b. 'Awwam [q.v.], who, accord- 
ing to one tradition, wore a yellow turban on the 
day of the battle of Badr. In defence of headgear of 
this colour, a small treatise was published by the 
order, written by Ibrahim al-SadjInl under the title 
al-Aman al-akbar fi 'ayn man ankara libs al-asfar. 

Two branches of "the al-'Affiiyya tanka were active 
in Egypt in 1958 (cf Muhammad Mahmud 'Alwan, 
al-Tasawwuf al-islami, rhalatuhu wa-mabadi'uhu, madivuhu 
wa-hadimhu, Cairo 1958, 72, 74). 

Bibliography: The biographies by 'Alt Mubarak, 
Khitat. xvi, 72 f; al-Hasan b. Muhammad al-Kuhin, 
Tabakat al-Shddhiliyva al-kubm, Cairo 1347/1928- 
9, 157 f; and Muhammad al-Bashir Zafir, al- 
laivakit al-thamina fi a'yan 'Slim al-Madina, Cairo 
1324-5/1906-7, are essentially reproduced from 
'Abd al-Rahman al-Djabarti, 'Adja'ib al-athar, i, 
220 f. A short biography may be found in 
Muhammad Khalrl al-Muradr, Silk al-durai fi a'yan 
al-karn al-thani 'ashar, Istanbul/Bulak 1291- 
1301/1874-83. iii, 143 f, which was utilised by 
Yusuf b. Isma'Tl al-Nabaham, l^ami' karamat al- 
awliya', Cairo 1329/ 1911, ii, 139. On the con- 
struction of the mosque of al-'AfTft in the second 
half of the 19th century, see 'Alt Mubarak, Klutat, 
v, 51. Information about descendants of al-'Afift 
and 'ulama' buried in the precincts of the mosque 
may be found in Abu '1-Hasan Nur al-Dm 'Air 
b. Ahmad al-SakhawT, Tuhfat al-ahbab wa-bughyat 
al-tullab fi 'l-khitat wa 'l-mazarat wa 1-taiaqjim 'wa 
'l-bika' al-mubaiakat, Cairo 1937, 54. The treatises 
by Ahmad al-Zarruk, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Ghuraynl 
and Ibrahim al-Sadjini, referred to in this article 
were published by 'Afffi al-Wakkad in a collec- 
tion under the title Hidayat al-sa'il ila madjmu' al- 
tasa'il, Cairo 1316. The order's chain of trans- 
mission of the wazifa and the sanad [q.v.], which 
are given in the treatise by 'Abd al-Rahman al- 
Ghuraynl referred to in this article, figure also in 
'Abd al-Kadir Zaki, al-Nqfha al-'aliya ft awiad al- 
Shadhiliyya. Cairo 1321, 220 f. (photomechanical 
reprint: Tarabulus (Libya) 1971). 

practice intended for the members of the 'Afifiyya 
order was written by one of its khalifas. Sayyid 
'Abd al-Nabi Muhammad Khadir, al-Irshadat al- 
dimna, al-Minya n.d. [1970]. Prayer manuals of 
al-'A.frfiyya are Fu'ad Ramadan, Maajmu'at ahzab, 
Cairo n.d.; and Ahmad Hasan (ed.), Madjmu'at 
aixrad wa-ahzab li 'l-sada al-Shadhiliyya, Cairo 
1351/1932-3. (F. de Jong) 

AFLIMUN, Fulaymun, IflImun, the Greek 
ihetoncian and sophist Antonius Polemon (ca. 88- 
1 44 AD.) of Laodicea (near modern Defiizli [] in 
western Turkey). He lived most of his life in Smyrna, 
and was the author of a book on physiognomy, which 
has been preserved, apart from one single Greek quo- 
tation, in an Arabic translation only. The translator is 
not known. Polemon's book (A) AfUmunfi 'l-firdsa) pres- 
ents the characteriological physiognomy, in contrast to 
the branch of physiognomy which aims at medical mor- 
phoscopy [see firasa]. It was believed that characteri- 
ological physiognomy provided an insight into someone's 
character by means of a skilful interpretation of his 
physical appearance (al-istidlal hi 1-khulk al-zahir 'alii 7- 
khulk al-bahn). Polemon's book is divided into 70 chap- 
ters. Ch. 1 treats the characteristics of the human eye, 
and ch. 2 the characteristics of animals from which, 
by analogy, conclusions can be drawn about human 
nature; these constitute about half of the book. Then 


follow chs 3-50 on the deficient paits of the body, 
chs 51 -5 on the difkient nations of the world, chs 
36-40 on the coloui of the parts oi the bodv, chs 
41-8 on the giowth ol han on the parts ot the bod\ 
<hs fO-50 on the mo\ements of the body chs 51- 
66 on se\eial outspoken ehaiactei types, and chs 67- 
70 on se\eial other topics connected with foietellmg 
someone s destmv The book appeals to be authen- 

n the 

\ Git 

thus mention is made of Oedipus led Hoflmann 111 
7), Gyiene (ibid 111 1 H, L\dia and Phrvgia [ibid 
139 13| Egypt Macedonia, Phoenu la, Ciliua and 
Stvthia (ibid 2 57 14-230, 2l The eves ot the Roman 
Empeior Hadnan ot whom Polemon was a tavounte 
aie desenbed Itbid 140 4) Pe.lemon's opponent 
Favonnus, is onh too well lecogmsable in the anonv- 
mousandmalKiousdeseiiptiononp lbl 8fl Allusion 

141, 1 fl 

Polemon does not give a theoietual mtioduetion 
to his method He used matenals fiom the 
Physiognomuon of Ps Anstotle and gave his book a 

lanes and avoiding a monote.nousK stientifie tieat- 
ment ot his sub]ee t (Stegemann 1345-7) Polemon s 
name is mentioned bv al-Djahiz id 255/81)8 [,/ e ] i 
in his Hmauan, ed 'AM Haiiin, Cane) 1038 m 

146 260-75 




a Fuasat al hamam (Fihmt, ed Flugel, 314) 
Mention of Polemon is also made by Ibn Hazm 
I 413/1(122 [,/c]) m his Tcaa al hamama led DK 
Petiof Leiden 1014 30) The quotation bv Ibn Hazm 
is onl) a faint echo of Polemon ed Hoffmann 160 
1-4 An aneedote about Polemon and Hippociates fa 
tiude anaehiomsm) in Ps Anstotole, S»; al asiai (cf 
ed Foeister n, 187-00) tound its wav into Ibn al- 
Kiftr id 646/1248 \qi] u Ta'nUi al Hukama' , ed 
Lippeit Leipzig 1003, 01 I 12-02 1 2 and into Ibn 
Abr Usavbi'a (d 668/1270 [</<]) '[uin al anba , ed 
Muller Komgsbeig 1884 i, 27-8 

Polemon s beiok was widelv used and epitomised 
\n Arabiused shoit veision is the edition oi MR 
al-Tabbakh Aleppo 1020 The charactenstits e>t the 
several nations of the Hellenistic world (< tl Hoffman 
237-0 ed al-Tabbakh, 4b) aie applied to peoples of 
the Islamic woild Anothei shoit version is MS Gotha 
85 (5) see bibhogiaphvj, which lacks the specific Gieek 
ehaiactenstics but is less adapted to Islamic taste than 
the Aleppo version \n evaluation ot the texts wi it- 
taken so tai Polemon s book was piobablv a pnmaiv 
souice of al-Dimashki (d 727/1527 [</<"] i A al Snasa 
fl 'dm alftrasa Id Bioekelmann S II 161) and Ibn 
aMktani (d 740/1348 [e/i], 4nis al mdsa fl 'ilm al 
Jimsa iMS Pans BN, \iab 27621 Finisa was, and 

still v 

a popuk 

nships and the slave Hade The 
■xact impact, diiectlv or indiiectiv, ot Polemon's woik 
m the numeious tracts on phvsiognomv of latei times 
annot now easilv be discerned 

Bibhogiaphi On Polemon in geneial see the 
ait Polemon (bv W Stegemanni in Paulv-Wissowa 
xxi/2 cols 1320-57 and F Sezgm, GAS, m 
352-3 On Polemon's position in the Aiabic fuasa 
tiadition seel Fahd U diunation aiabi, Strasbouig 
1066, 384-6 and Y Mouiad La /ihuwgnomu 
aiabi , Pans 1030, 44-6, with the hteiatuie 

cited theie Polemon s book was edited bv G 
Hoflmann, in R Foeister Sinptoits phsiognomonui 
(naai tl Latim Leipzig 1803 l, 03-204 i= MS Leiden 
Or 108 (1)) The onlv Gieek quotation of Polemon 
preserved is given in ibid, i p LXXYI A Ps- 
Polemome tieatise is mentioned in ibid n 147-60 
1= MS Gotha Arab 85 )5i) Othti MSS ot tiea- 
tises going undei the name of Polemon aie men- 
tioned bv Fahd, op at 384-6, Ullmann M,di Z in 
06, Foeistti Sinpt phis, i, p LXXXYII (identical 
with Hadjdji Khalifa ed Blugel vn 207 and l?i 
with MS Nmuosmamve, Diftn no 2388) and M R 
al-Tabbakh in his cdn , mtiod p 2 The Gieek 
physiognomic on ascribed to Polemon in idiam tan 
ae Histonat Libn Mill, Rome 1545, 11 70-01 is not 
authentic as has been demonstiated bv R Foeistei 
in Dt Pohmoim Pfnsmgnomonuis dissntatio Kiel 1886, 

10 fl Ijj W.TKAM) 

AFRAG i^l-Mxnsur^ an 8th/ 14th eentuiv 
Mannid ioval camp-town (whence its name), 
commanding Ceuta horn the heights west of the penin- 
sula on which this old Moi ocean mow Spam-" 

c lies 


subuiban development in the noith-east the lin 
its west wall stops shoit of the Ceuta-Punta Blanc a 
oast load iGaneteia de la Plava Btmtez) and fiom 
south-west to noith-east the tiapezoid site is bisected 
lengthways bv tilt Ganeteia de Ton ones Moie 
than half a kilometei of the west wall, including the 
original gates Bab Fas, 

eis has 

influene e 
existence to that of Ceuta, 

had acquned glowing etc 
rtance and become the giea 

V thir 

ing on e 
deallv s 

t Isla 

; Militanlv 

lgly pieeanous foot-hold in 
Spam it had ships, haibouis and a seafanng popula- 
tion equipped tor wai bv land and sea in good weath- 
ei its ships could iapidlv cross to Algetiras 
its fortifications weie foimidable and on its land- 
ward side impiegnable Howevei because it could 
easilv withstand assault and siege from the mainland, 
it had long enjoved a piofitable measuie e>i inde- 
pendence and at times undei the 'Azafids [</ 1 ] escaped 
Mailmd eontiol altogethei \ccoidinglv, when in 

lollowed bv internal dissension the Mannid sultan Abu 
Sa'rd decided to asseit his authontv there once and 
ten all Among measuie s to achieve this end weie deci- 
i Subuib \aliabad al 



fiom the west and to 
to what had doubtless 
hei siege camp Like a similai toundation built bv a 
dvnastie predecessoi outside Tlemcen it was given the 
name al-Mansuia Abu Sa'id is credited with the con- 
stitution oi a palace there with ad|acent mosque as 
well as othei buildings Most of the wall and foitifi- 
cations, howevei, seem to have been the woik of Abu 
l-Hasan (031-52/1531-51) In the 0th/ 1 5th e entury 
Ahag was legaided as a subuib of Ceuta Much of 
the place was still standing in the 18th century 

Bib/ioniapln B Pavon Maldonado, irh 
hispanomusulman in Ceuta , Tttitan in iuadnnos de 
la ilhambia vi (1070), 72-6 JD Latham Tin 
stiattgn position and dtftnu of Ctuta in tht latei 
Muslim Pawd, in Oiuntaha Hispanua ed JM 
Banal, i/l, Leiden 1074, 454 and passim (also 


in hlamn Quarterly xv (1971) 195 7 and pa mm) 
al Ansan Ikktiw, at akhbar ed E Levi Provencal 
with title Descrip tion musulmane au \i Steele m 
Hespms \u (1931) 145 7b ed Ibn Tawit in 
Tetuan (1959) ed A Ben Minsour Ribit 1969 
passim Spanish tr bv J \alhe Bermejo in 4/ 
indalus xxvn (1962) 398 442) 

(JD LvTH4M) 

AGAHI poetical name of Mi hammad Rida Mirab 
b Er Nhaz Bek Khiwin histornn poet and 
translator born 10 Dhu 1 Ka da 1224/17 December 
1809 in the township Kivat nen Khiwa m Kh aiazm 

He belonged to Uzbek tribe of "iuz and to in aus 
tociatic family whose members weie hereditary mirabs 
(in the Khanite of Khiwi there weie four high ofli 
uals with the title mirab members of the khan s coun 
cil consisting of 34 'amaldan) His uncle wis Shir 
Muhammad Mirab with the poetical name Mu nis 
[q ] 1 poet trinshtoi and histornn Agahi studied 
in a madtasa ind espeuillv undei his uncle whom he 
repeatedly calls his ustad After the death of Mu nis 
in 1244/1829 he received the title and the post oi 
his uncle (Agahi Riyad al daixla MS of the Leningrad 
Brinch of the Institute of Oriental Studies oi the 
Acidemv of Sciences oi the USSR E 6 i 334a) As 
a mirab he supervised the lingation system in the coun 
try (1 special interest in irrigation is noticeable in his 
histoncal woiki) but also as other high officials he 
usually accompanied the khans of Khiwa in their mil 
itarv campaigns In 1255/1839 he wis ordeied bv 
Allah Kuh Khan to complete the history oi the Khanate 
of Khiwa Fndaus al Mai written bv Mums which 
had remained unfinished after his deith (see Fndaus 
al ikbal MS oi the Leningrad Branch of the Institute 
of Oriental Studies C 571 f 445 1 b) Having com 
pleted this work carrying it to the deith oi Muhammad 
Rahim Khan 1240/1825 Agahi proceeded with sep 
ante histones oi Allah Kuh Khin and his successors 
thus becoming a kind oi official histonogripher oi the 
Khanate of Khiwa (formally such a post did not exist 
in the khanate) In 12b8/1851 he resigned from the 
post of mirab because of an illness (see his D)ami al 
wah'at i sultam MS of the Leningrad Branch oi the 
Institute of Oriental Studies E 6 f 488a-b) and ded 
lcited all his time to literary woik until his death in 
1291/1874 shortly liter the Russian conquest oi Khiwi 
(see Muhammad \ usuf Bek Biyani, Shad}ara yi 
S w arazmshahi, MS. of the Institute of Oriental Studies 
in Tashkent No. 9596, f. 4b). 

His literary production in Caghatay was very con- 
siderable. Besides the continuation of the Firdaws al- 
ikbal of Mu'nis he wrote five other historical works, 
continuing one after the other till 1289/1872: (1) 
Riyad al-dawla, history of Allah-Kuli Khan (1240- 
58/1825-42) and the first two years of the reign of 
Rahim-Kuli Khan (1258-9/1843-4); (2) Zybdat al- 
tawdrikh, history of Rahim-Kulr Khan (1258-62/1843- 
6): (3) J^ami al-waki'at-i sultam, history of Muhammad 
Amin Khan (1262-71/1846-55), <Abd Allah Khan 
(1271/1855) and Kutlugh Murad Khan (1271-2/1855- 
6); (4) Gulshan-i dawlat, history of Sayyid Muhammad 
Khan (1272-81/1856-64); and (5) Shahid-i ikbal, his- 
tory of the first eight years of the reign of Sayyid 
Muhammad Rahim Khan II (1281-9/1864-72). 
Except for the Firdaws al-ikbal and the greater part 
of the Riyad al-dawla, all of them are contemporary 
chronicles arranged in annalistic form, with their 
main subdivisions being the years of reign of respec- 
tive khans. AgahT's accounts are based on his own 
observations as well as reports of other eyewitness- 
es, and, in some cases, on official documents. These 

chiomcles aie the most outstanding work of late 
Cential Asian histonographv in regard to the minute 
ness of iccount and the quantitv of facts which thev 
comprise (Barthold) His Tuiki diman entitled Tauidh 
al ashikm includes munlv gha^ah but ilso kasidas 
mathnavii% mukhammasat etc he wrote also some poems 
(mostly gha^als) in Persian 

Agahi was ilso a piolific translitoi At the begin 
ning of his literary cireer he continued the tiansla 
tion into Cighitav on the Raadat al saja bv 
Miikh ind [qc] begun bv Mums (Agahi translat 
ed the second half of vol n vol in and allegedly 
vol mi) and later transhted a number of other 
Persian woiks Ta nkh i ajahan a usha yi hadin bv 
Muhimmid Mahdi Khan Dutra i hadin bv the same 
authoi the 3id vol of Raudat al saja yi hasm bv 
RidaKuh Khan the Gulistan bv Sa di lumf it a 
^ulaykka bv Djami Hajt paykai bv Nizami (i prose 
tianslation) Shah ua gada bv Hilah ^ubdat al hikayat 
bv Muhimmid Wanth the Kabus noma the ikhlak 
i Muhsim bv Husavn KashifT and the Mijtah al tahbin 
bv Mahmud Ghizhduwani (cf Storev i/2 973) (theie 
exist MSS of ill ibove mentioned tianslations see 
Bibhogiaphv) In the preface to his dinar, he men 
tions also several other translations mide bv him 




itlv bv Sharif 
il Din \azdi] Salaman ua ibtal bv Djami the 
Bahamian bv Djami [the memoirs of] WasifT (cf 
Storev Biegel 1123 6) Tadhkira yi \lukim hham 
Tabakat i Uba, Shah, the Hash! bihisht by Amir 
Khusraw ind ilso a tharh to the Data il al khayrat 
from Ottoman Turkish 

Bibliography \ \ Birtol d htonya kul turnoy 
Jiizm Turkestana (1927) in Winemya n/1 285 6 
PP Ivinov in Uatenahpo istoru turkmen , Turkmenu 
n Moscow Leningrad 1938 23 7 K Mumrov 
Agahi [in Uzbek] Tashkent 1959 idem Munis 
igahi ua Bayanimng tarikh, atharlan [in Uzbek] 
Tashkent 1961 R Midjidi Agahi linkasi [in Uzbek] 
Tashkent 1963 J Eckmann in Philologiae tuiacae 
jundanunta n 389 90 H F Hoiman Turkish 
literature section m Utrecht 1969 i/2 48 52 (with 
additional reieiences) On the MSS of his ongi 
nal historical works see besides the above men 
tioned souices L\ Dmitnve\a it alu Opuamye 
tyurkskikh rukopuey Instituta narodov -Lzn i Moscow 
1965, 106-18 (Nos. 97, 98, 100-2, 105-7, 110); 
Sobraniye vostocnikh rukopisey Akademii nauk Uzbekskoy 
SSR, Tashkent, i, 83-4, vii, 33-7. The MS. in the 
Istanbul University Library TY 82 (the only one 
known outside the Soviet Union) contains Firdaws 
al-ikbal, Riyad al-dawla and 2jibdat al-lawankh. 
Russian translations of extracts from historical 
works: V.V. Bartol'd (1910), in Socineniya, ii/2, 400- 
13 (epitomised translation from Shahid-i ikbal); 
Material! po istorii karakalpakov, Moscow-Leningrad 
1935, 125-43; Maknali po istorii turkmen i Turkmenii, 
ii, Moscow-Leningrad 1938, 384-638. MSS. of the 
dlwan: see Sobraniye vostocnikh rukopisey Akademii nauk 
Uzbekskoy SSR, vii, 128-9; separate poems: see ibid., 
ii, 358, v, 125, vii, index. The Diwan was pub- 
lished lithographically in Khiwa in 1300/1882 and 
1323/1905 and in modern Cyrillic transcription in 
1960 in Tashkent (partial edition only) On the 
MSS. of his translations of Persian historical works 
see Storey-Bregel, 374, 375, 479, 910, 913, Sobraniye 
ukopisey Akademii nauk Uzbekskoy SSR, i 

, 107, • 


AGHA HASHAR KASHMIRI (1879-1935), the 


was Agha Muhammad Shah and Hashar his takhallus, 
while his nisba alludes to the country of origin of his 
father. The latter came from Kashmir, and settled in 
Benares as a merchant. Here Agha Hashar was born 
and educated, until in 1897 he ran away from home 
and made for Bombay. He feared his father's wrath 
for his misuse of money entrusted to him; and his 
appetite for the new Urdu drama form, which was 
flourishing in Bombay, had been whetted by 

of a 



. He 

jrked a 

playwright for various companies in Be 
sequently in several provincial cz 
Hyderabad and Madras, writing os 
Many of them were extremely succes 
him a fine reputation, and also com 

i, however, he quickly dissipated. He later worked 

in film: 


and « 

field. 1 

r Lahore 

language raised it to its highest point. The form was 
hardly challenged until after the 1939-45 War. 
Common elements in the form were: the use of poetry 
and rhymed prose, often rhetorical to the point of 

the main one, as in Shakespeare; and historical or 
heroic themes, based on either Islamic and Indian 
stories or Shakespeare and other English dramatists, 
whose plays were freely adapted, with changes in loca- 
tions and names of characters. Social themes were 
also employed. Violence and death were common on 
stage, as in Sohrab-o-Rmtum 11929, publ. Lahore 1959): 
yet adaptations of Shakespeare's tragedies might be 
given happy endings — thus Safed Khwun (1907, publ. 
Lahore 19.54), based on King Lear. 

Bibliography: For accounts of earlier Urdu 
drama, see Muhammad Sadiq, History of Urdu lit- 
erature, London 1964, 393-9; Ram Babu Saksena, 
History of Urdu literature, Allahabad 1927, 346-67; 
J.A. Haywood, Urdu drama — origins and early develop- 
ment, in Iran and Islam — in memory oj lladimir Minorsh, 
ed. C.E. Bosworth, Edinburgh 1971, 293-302; 
Accounts of Agha Hashar and his dramatic art are 
to be found in Wakkar 'Azlm, Agha Hashar aivr un 
ke drarne. Lahore 1956; and idem, Urdu drama — 
ta'nkh-o-tankid, Lahore 1957. For the texts of the 
plays, those published by Urdu Markaz, Lahore, 
are recommended. Other and earlier editions are 

published in the author's lifetime without his author- 
ity. They differ substantially from Agha Hashar's 
manuscripts, many of which are in the Nawab of 
RampQr's library. Of the Urdu Markaz series, apart 
from the two mentioned in the text, the following 
may be noted: Sard-i-haws based on Shakespeare's 
King John (19.54);" Asir-i-hirs, based on Sheridan's 
Pizam, (1954); Khwubsurat bald (1954); and Pallia pivdr 
or Balwa mangal (19.55). (J.A. Haywood! 

AGHAOGHLU, Ahmed (originally Ahmed 
Acjjayef, later Achaoghlu Ahmed and after 1934 
Ahmet Agaoglu), Turkish writer and journalist (1869- 
1939). Born in Shusha, a town in the Karabagh [q.v] 
region of Adharbaydjan, he was educated in his home 
town and Tiflis (Tbilisi) and later studied political 
science in Paris. In 1894 he returned home, where 
he collaborated with progressive and nationalist intel- 
lectuals like Husayn-Zade 'Air, Isma'Tl Gaspirali 
(Gasprinski) [a.r.] and 'All Merdan Topnbashi and 
contributed to various papers. After the restoration 

of the Constitution in Turkey in 1908, he went to 
Istanbul, joined the Committee of Union and 
Progress (CUP) and became a leader writer of the 
French daily Jeune tun. Together with Diya Gokalp, 
Yusuf Akcura and Mehmed Emm (Yurdakul) he 

ment [Turkaduk) which developed, with the founda- 
tion in June 1911 of the nationalist association 
Turkish Hearth [Turk Odjaghi ) and its organ Turk 
yurdu, into an influential current in Turkish intel- 
lectual life after 1912. In 1913 Aghaoghlu was 
appointed professor of Turkish history in Istanbul 

ous papers. Elected deputy to Parliament and a 
member of the executive board lMerkez-i 'Umiimi) of 
the CUP, in 1917 he accompanied the Turkish expe- 
ditionary force to the Caucasus as a political offi- 
cer. On his return to Istanbul he was arrested by 
the British and exiled to Malta with other leading 
CUP members. Freed from Malta in July 1921, he 
joined the Nationalists in Ankara and was appoint- 
ed director general of the Press. Elected to the 
Grand National Assembly, he contributed at the 
same time to the semi-official daily Hakimiyyet-i mil- 
liyye and taught at the newly-established Faculty of 
Law in Ankara. He was one of the founders of the 
short-lived Liberal Party [Serbest Firka) of August 1930 
and following its abolition in November of the sam 

tired f 


, the 

Istanbul Faculty o 

He died in Istanbul on 19 May 1939. 

Essentially a journalist and politician, Aghaoghlu is 
the author of the following major works: (1) Uc 
medenirtct ("Three civilisations") Istanbul 1927, 2nd ed, 
in Roman script Uc medeniyet, Istanbul 1972; i2) Serbest 

1930; (3i Dei-let ve fert ("State and individual"); and 
posthumously, (4) Serbest Firka hatiralan ("Reminiscences 
of the Liberal Party"). Istanbul 1949. Aghaoghlu's 
innumerable articles published in various dailies have 
not been published in book form. 

Bibliography: Samet Agaoglu (his son), Babamdan 
liatnalar, Istanbul 1940 (contains the author's reminis- 
cences of his father, Aghaoghlu's own incomplete 
memoirs and impressions of a number of writers 
on A.A.J; idem, Babamin arkadaslan 1 ("My father's 
friends"), Istanbul 1969. (Fahjr Iz) 

AGRICULTURE [see filaha]. 
AGUEDAL [see agdal]. 
AHABISH [see habash, habasha]. 
al-AHDAB [see ibrahIm al-ahdab]. 
AHMAD al-HIBA, a religious leader of 
southern Morocco, and ephemeral pretender to 
the Sharifian throne, known above all as al-Hiba. He 
was born in Ramadan 1293 or 1294/September- 
October 1876 or 1877, the fourth son of the famous 
Shaykh Ma' al-'Aynayn [q.v.]. He was brought up 
and educated in his father's bosom, and his natural 
talents and temperament gave his teachers high lit- 
erary hopes of him. 

When his father died at Tiznit in Shawwal 
1 328/November 1910, he succeeded him at the head 
of the muridun of the order and was then at the peak 
of his responsibilities. However, when there was 
announced the signing of the Protectorate Treaty 
between France and sultan Mawlay al-Hafiz [q.v.], fol- 
lowed by the rumour of the latter's death and of the 
murder of the 'ulama' of Fas by the French, he pro- 
claimed himself sultan, organised his own makhzan [q.i\] 
and launched throughout the Sus, and then through 
all Morocco, appeals for resistance. Soon the tribes of 


the South (except for the ports) rallied to him, and 

Mawlay Yusuf [q.v] could arrive, he appointed fresh 
officials with high responsibilities in the regions which 
had recognised him. He then used the way via TTzf 
n'Ma'shQ and followed the road to Marrakesh in an 
imperial procession. When he arrived before the south- 
ern capital, he met with hostility from the high polit- 
ical leaders, but was received with joy by the people 
of the Hawz [q.v.]. The new sultan entered Marrakesh 
on Sunday, 5 Ramadan 1330/18 August 1912, occu- 
pied the kasaba and installed himself in the palace of 
the 'Alawis. He had to face grave troubles immedi- 
ately. Profiting by the great unrest which had seized 
people's hearts and minds, the 'asakir troops, the float- 
ing population of the city and the hungry hordes which 
had followed the new amir from Taroudannt, launched 
themselves into sacking the shops and imposing all 

Al-Hiba had secured the handing-over to himself 
of the few French residents, including the vice-consul 
of France, who had attempted to flee the city. In an 
endeavour to save their lives, Gen. Lyautey's troops 
got the ordei to go b\ fenced marches to Manakesh 
Ahmad al-Hiba sent out to conhont them about 5 000 
men, who were crushed on b Septembei at Sidi Bu 
'Uthman b\ Col Mangin s column m every wa\ 

In front of the tapid French adsance al-Hiba and 
his remaining suppoi ters the blue men quickl\ e\ ac- 
uated the cit\ which the\ had occupied thiee weeks 
presioush and fled into the Atlas puisued b\ all those 
who has suffered tiom their extortions and insolent 
behauoui Col Mangin entered Manakesh on 7 
September 1912 with an enthusiastic welcome from 
the Jewish commumtv the majoirtv of the Muslim 
population sullen and silent Sultan Mawla \usuf was 
then proclaimed in an atmospheie of geneial relief 
b\ the great religious and political leaders of the cit\ 
and of the sunounding region wearied b\ the dis- 
orders and insecurity 

Al-Hiba withdiew hist of all to base whence he 
ieigned ovei the Sus o\er nearl\ eight months 
aftei having refused nomination as the sultan s khalifa 
o\ei all the south of Morocco He was then expelled 
from his capital b\ the Shantian mahallas [q , ] sent 
against him fiom Manakesh and finall\ continual- 
1\ defeated but ilwavs iemaining proud he died at 
Tizmt in digmtv on 18 oi 24 Ramadan 1W/17 or 
23 June 1919 

Bibliography Ladie\t de Licharnere Giandtui 
et decadence de Mohammad al-Hiba in Bulhtm de la 
Societi de Geographic d'Alger et de I'Afriqui du \W (1912) 
No. 65; 'Abbas b. Ibrahim al-Marrakushi all'lam 
bi-man halla Marrakush, i, Fas 1355/1936, 289-303 
Gen. Lyautey, Rapport general sur la situation du 
Protectorat du Maroc du 31 Jmlkt 1914 Rabat ND 
13-15; F. Weisgerber, Au semi du Uawi modtmt 
Rabat 1947, chs. xxii-xxiv; G. Deseidun Manakeih 
des origines a 1912, Rabat 1959 l 548-9 MM 
al-Susi, al-Ma'sul, Rabat 1380/1960 i\ 101-246 
(very full and lively account of the pietender and 
his adventures). (G De\erdunj 

AHMAD b. ISA b. Zayd b. 'Ali b al-Husv>n 
b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, .Abu 'Abd Allah Zavdi leadei 
and scholar; was born on 2 Muharram 157/22 
November 773 in Kufa. His father Tsa b Za\d 
who was supported by many Zaydis as their candi- 
date for the imamate, had gone into hiding in the 
houses of the Kufan Zaydi traditionist al-Hasan b 
Salih b. Hayy [q.v.] after the failure of the revolt of 

Ibrahim b. 'Abd Allah [q.v.] in 145/762-3. After the 
death of his father in 166/783 and of al-Hasan in 
167/783-4, Ahmad and his brother Zayd were brought 
to the caliph al-Mahdr, who took charge of their 
upbringing. He permitted them to reside in Medina, 
where Zayd died. Ahmad remained there until he 
was denounced to the caliph Harun al-Rashrd, it being 
alleged that the Zaydis were gathering around him. 
On the order of the caliph, he and another 'Alid, al- 
Kasim b. 'All b. 'Uraar, were brought to Baghdad 
and put under the custody of al-Fadl b. al-Rabf . 
They escaped, however, and Ahmad b. Tsa, accord- 
ing to al-Safadi, led a revolt in 'Abbadan in 185/801, 
but soon fled and went into hiding in Basra. This 
date for Ahmad's escape and concealment would agree 
well with the report of al-Tabari (iii, 651) that 
Thumama b. Asbras was imprisoned by Harun in 
186/802 "because he had been lying in the matter 
of Ahmad b. Tsa" and the report of al-Djahshiyari 
{al-wuzara\ ed. Mustafa al-Sakka', Cairo 1357/1938, 
243) that the Barmakid Yahya b. Khalid, when he 
fell into disgrace in the same year, was accused of 
having sent 70,000 dinars to Ahmad in Basra. Al- 
Ya'kubi's account (Ta'nkh 512) that Ahmad was seized 
and imprisoned in al-Rafika in 188-804 appears mis- 
taken and the date ma> iefer meieh to the capture 

Ahmad reported in the same account According to 
one report \hmad was discoveied in Kufa in the 
time of the caliph al-Mutawakkil but left free because 

■ blind 

i on 2i Ran 

fan 247/1 

Lake his father Ahmad was consideied b\ mam 
Kufan Zavdis as the most suitable candidate foi the 
linimate though he lefused after his initial failuie to 
become invohed in an\ i e\ olutionarv activity He was 
also accepted b\ his followers as an authoritative teacher 
in iehgious matteis His doctnne was collected b\ some 
Zavdi transmitters who had access to him in partic 
ulai b\ the toiemost Kufan Zavdi scholai of the 
3rd/9th century Muhammad b Mansur al-Muiadi (d 
ta 290/903) whose K \mati ihmad b 'ha (with iddi- 
tions fiom the tiansmission of other Za\di authorities) 
is extant in manuscript His fikh doctrine was based 
primarily on the traditions transmitted b\ Abu Khalid 
il-Wasiti from Zayd b 'All [qi] and b\ Abu 1-Djarud 
fiom Muhimmad al-Bakii though he occasionally also 
idled on other ti iditions or taught on his own luthor- 
it\ He thus represented a more stneth Zaydi (Djaiudi) 
outlook consideung onl\ the hadith of the ihl al Batt 

dance with the view of the Batuwa [qi] accepted 
the hadith tiansmitted b\ the Muslim community at 
laige Concerning the imamate howesei he stood 
close to the Batnyya apparently admitting the legiti- 
mac\ oi the caliphate of Abu Bakr and 'Umar In 
theology he upheld the majoiitv views of the earl\ 
Kufan Zavdiwa He suppoi ted piedestmation and the 
cieation of the acts of men b\ God versus human 
free will held the Muslim sinner to be an unbehc\- 
ei b\ ingiatitude (kafir m'ma) though not a polytheist 
[muihnk), and iefused to take a definite position con- 
In the first of these doctrines he sharph differed from 
his contempoiary al-Kasim b Ibiahim [?i] whose 
positions were closer to Mu'tazih views 

His iehgious doctrine became one of the four 
madhhabs to which the Kufan Zavdis adheied in the 
4th/llth centun Some Za\dis are said to have 
iestncted the imamate to his descendants His popu- 


larrtv anion? the Shr'a is alio i diet ted l>\ the fact 
that the leadet ot the Zand} tebelhon [see '\li B 

his giandson 

Bibliagraph \bu 1-Faiadj al-Isfahanl Makatil 
alTalibmin, ed \hmad Sakr C aim 1368/1440 
420-5, 614-27 al-Tanukhf al Farad} ba'd al shidda 
Canol«7/l')58 l 120 t \\>u Nu<a\m al-Isfahanl 
Dhikr akhba) Isfahan ed S Dedenng Leiden 1031 
i 80 (the account seems to rest at least parttallv 
on a contusion with anothei <\lid) al Safadr (7/ 
Uuju mi ed Ihsarr <\bbas Wiesbaden 1069 271 
t Ibn 'Inaba 'bmdal al tahb ed Muh Hasan \1 
al-Tahqam al-Nadjat 1380/1 Obi 288-00 \\ 
Madelung Da Imam al Qiisirn ibn Ibrahim Bcilm 
1065 80-3 and index ii \hmad b Tsa b Zaid 


AHMAD b MUHAMMAD or IVUhmud called 
Mu'In \l-FukarV Tiansoxaman authoi of an 
important work on the lelrgious leadeis and saints ot 
Bukhaia the hitah I UuIIazada oi Kitab i Ma'arat I 
Bukhara in which the cemetenes of the utv and then 

m the book is 814/1411-12 the author must have 
h\ed in the reigns of Timui and Shah-Rukh [see 
timurids] From the numbei ol extant manuscripts 
the work was obvrouslv popular m Central \sia 
Extiacts from it were hrst given bv Barthold Turkman 
i ipokhu Unngohkago nuihntnya l, Ttkih 166-72 and 
a hthogiaph appealed at New Bukhara m 1322/1004 
Of secondary source;, see Baithold, Turktstan En? 
tr 58, Storev, i 05 3, O Pntsak 1/ 1 Buihan m hi, 
vxx 11052) 05-6 (the critical text oi the K i UuIIazada 
mentioned heie as being in pieparation as a Gottnigcn 
thesis nevei in (act matenalisedl 

Bibliography Given in the aiticle iEd ) 

b,rkI, in Suppl] 

AHMAD PASHA KUfiUK ( the small ) d 1046/ 
1636 Ottoman mrlrtarv commandei who took 
a piominent part in the revrval ol the Ottoman 
empne undei Muiad I\ 1 1033-40/1623-401 Of 
\lbanran orrgm he began as a soldiei and be< amc 
commandant of the Tuikmen troops He became gov- 
einor of Damascus tor the hrst time in 1038/1620 
but was soon tec ailed b\ the Porte to become gov- 
ernor of Kutahva The sultan then chained him with 
suppressmg the ie\olt of Il\as Pasha who was rav- 
aging \natoIia and he raprdlv aehreved success here 
and brought the rebel back a pusoner to Istanbul 
(1042/1632) He then became governor of Damascus 
agam, with the < harge of pacrf\mg the Diuzc toun- 
tr\, and whilst passing through the region of \leppo 
suppiessed the endemic state of revolt of the nomads 

built in Damascus in the fust half of the 17th c en- 
tun (it is known toda\ as the mosque of al-'Assall) 
The pacification of Lebanon was hardlv finished 
when he ]oined the foices campaigning against Peisia 
as commandei of the Ottoman vanguard and he dis- 
tinguished himself above all at the time of the great 
battle ot Tabriz In the following vear Murad I\ 
tntiusted to him the defence ot al-Mawsil wheie he 
found a glonous death m battle against the Peisian 
tioops (20 Rabf II 1046/21 Septembei 1636) He 

It seems that during his Lebanese expedition ■Vhmad 
Pasha showed his ustnl sevent\ so much so that 
umembiance of the \eai of Kucuk' lemained 
stamped on the populai memorv in Mount Lebanon 
Indeed, the Porte did not hesitate on futuie occasions 
inotabh m 1214/1700) to lemind the Diuzes ot this 
harshness The terrible legacv ol feai left behind in 
the local consciousness is probabb, the origin ot the 
Lebanese legend ot Kucuk \hmad Pasha is rep- 
resented as a polished tiaitoi who engineered the rum 
ot lus benefactor and then seized his possessions The 
legend i elates m eflect that ■Mimad Pasha was an 
orphan bi ought up bv Fakhi al-Dm II who appoinred 
him tax-collectoi tor southern Lebanon but since he 
committed v inous financial defalcations he had to 
leave his service and then sought Fakhr al-Din s imn 
b\ accusing him at the Porte of wanting to make 
himself independent toi which he was rew aided bv 
the wealth ol the Ma'ns 

Bihtm!>,ul>h\ There is a long fanlv confused 
biographv in Muhibbr, Khulasat al athar Cairo 1862 
i 385-8 who togethei with SamT Bev \Kamus al 
a'lam Istanbul 1888 i 707) emphasises hrs courage 
and ficlehu to Murad I\ Extracts horn the text 
ot the (i akfma ot Ahmad Pasha are m the Zahrrrwa 
at Damascus, No 8518 (hrstorvl contarnrng m par- 
ticular the description of Fakhr al-Drn s possessrons 
see \ \bdel Nour Etudi sm dun mtn d, uaq)-. du 
\\I it du \UI wdn dis uilauh di Damai it di 
Stnda, Sor bonne thesis 1076 For a detarled account 
ol \hmad Pashas death see Na'iraa Ta rikh 
Istanbul 1866 rn 201-2 On hrs official career, see 
\on Hammer Hntnut Parrs 1838 rx 275-6 On 
the vear of Kucuk see Chebli, Fakhi al Din II 
Ua'n Beirut 10 36 186 IT One ot the oldest ver- 

i Tsa al-MaTut Ta'nkh al ami) Fakhi al Dm 

al Ua'm 


who lived and worked r 
8th/ 14th centurv Little 
that he travelled from 


Ahmad Pasha easilv managed to mastei the lev ok 
of Fakhr al-Dm II [qi], whom he took captrve 
(1043/1633-4) \s a reward tor hrs manv servrces 
Murad I\ appomted him to the vizierate wrth three 
/ugAs and bestowed upon hrm, bv a fitmtin ot 
1046/1636 the whole of Fakhr al-Dln's wealth whrch 
mcluded numeious buildings in Savda, one of which 
was the khan for rice in the quarter near the port in 
the northwestern sector of the town (and not the khan each ch 
of the French as often stated, including b\ P Schwarz tatron e 
in EI' art sidoM \hmad Pasha used these revenues tron I, 
for a uakf rn favour of the Holv C rtres rn Arabra and a class 
a tekini whrch he had built in the southern part ot wrthout 
Damascus outstde the Bab \llah on the prlgnmage I commer 


He h 


rectlv rdentilted b\ Blochet as Ahmad b Muhammad 
RumF al-Hanaff (Hadjdjr Khalrta rv 582i arrd bv 
Massrgnon as Sultan-r Walads grandson \hmad Pasha 
Ahmad s most popular work the Daka'ik al haka'ik 
ts drvrded rn 80 chapters each openrng wrth an tna 
or hadith whrch serves as a starting potnt for the dis- 
cussion of some aspect ot Sufi doctrine Mawlana 
Djalal al-Dm Rrrnn [</;] rs quoted frequentlv, and 
each chapter rs concluded bv a short inathnaa I rn imi- 
tation of Mawlana Lrke hrs later srmrlar c omposr- 
tron I mm a/ Kitab (727/1327) rt rs a first mstance of 
cxpoundrng Mawlana s teachmgs 

f the Math 



more practical turn in al Daka'ik ft I tank a lengthy 
mathnaui in 12 chapters on the relation between munhid 
and mund Although Ahmad describes himself as a 
follower of Mawlana from his exposition of Sufi 
pra\is he does not appear as a Mawlawi in the strut 
sense of the woid Rathei Ahmad s works indicate 
that Sufi life in the 8th/ 14th centurv did not ha\e 
to be organised along the formal lines of the later 
gieat oideis 

One instance of lyrical poetrv ( 1 ghtKal) occurs in 
a Mathnawi manuscript in Edinbuigh Hukk Fthe 
Robertson Dtariptiu catalog no 281) 

Bibliography ACM Hamtr in unknoun 

\ lav. lam poet Ihmad i Runu in Studia Iranua m 

(1974) 229-49 (ACM BUmer) 

AHMADI a town about 30 years old some 20 

km south of Kuwayt City Dining the early days of 

exploration for oil in Kuwavt the Kuwait Oil 

Company (KOC ) then owned in equal shares by the 

Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (later lenamed British 

Petroleum) and by the Gulf Oil Corpoiation of the 

United States established its base t imp at Magwa 

(al-Makwa) not tai north-west of the ndge known as 

Dhahr (al-Zahr) which with an elev Uion of la 120 

In 1350/1938 KOC discovered oil south of the ridge 
at Burgan (Burkan) destined to become one of the 
largest oil field;, in the world The involvement of 
Britain and later the United States in the Second 
World War delayed the first export of oil until 
1305/1940 KOC gradualh moved its field head- 
quarteis to the deseit area of the ndge which was 
renamed Ahmadi (in Arabic tl- Ahmadi) in honour ol 
Shaykh Ahmad Al Djabn VI Sabah then the Ruler 
of Kuwayt Oil from Burgan and other fields includ- 
ing one called Ahmadi is brought to a tank farm on 
the ndge whence it flows by giavity to the nearby 
toast for shipment from the teiminal of Mina' al- 
Ahmadi The company built at Ahmadi a planned 
community with many amenities designed especially 
tot the comfort and pleasure of the expatuate staff 
(Bntish Americans etc ) With the passage of time 
Kuwaytis in increasing numbeis received the training 
necessarv to quahfv them for highei positions in the 
company The government also inaugurated and 
expanded in stages its participation in the ownership 
of KOC, culminating in a complete takeover in 
1394/1975 with the original owners being letained 
to lend a hand in the operations The town and the 
indigenous parts of the state have thus moved towards 
full integration 

Ahmadi town is also the seat of the Ahmadi 
Governoiate tmuhafa^a) \s Kuwayt endeavours to 
diversify its economy in order to escape undue depend- 
ence on the export of oil and natural gas emphasis 
is placed on industrialisation The laigest industrial 
aiea in the state is now Shuaiba (al-Shu'ayba) on the 
toast of the Governoiate south of Mina' al Ahmadi 
with huge plants for generating electncitv distilling 
sea watei, and manufacturing petrochemicals 

Bibliography In addition to the general bibli- 
ography for kuwvrr i,ee al'Arabi Kuwayt Shawwal 
1395 and Rabi" II 1390 Uaajallat Duasat al Rhalidj 
Kuwayt Radjab 1390 77k hunaiti Digest Kuwayt 
Jan -Sept 1970 (G Rent7 

al-AHMAR [see uu l-h^n ^l-ahm^r in 
Suppl ] 

AHMED, FAKIH oi Ahmed Fvkih early An- 
atolian Turkish poet whose identity and date are 
controversial He is accepted to be the author of the 

< arkh namt a poem of about eightv couplets in kasida 
form which is found in the \laajma' al na^a'ir com- 
piled in the early lbth centurv by Hadjdji Kemal 
of Egirdir It was first published by M Fu'ad 
Koprulu as a specimen of early 13th century Tuikish 
verse Unatolischt Dithler in da Stldschuktn at u \hmtd 
Fakih inAC>4 n (1920) 20-38) Mecdut Mansuroglu 
who edits d the work in transcription, modified the 
text of the 10th century manuscript adapting it to 
the linguistic characteristics of the 13th centuiy 
Recent research by T Gandjei [\otts on the attribu 
twn and dak of tht ' ( arhnama in 'btudi preottomam e 
Ottoman! itti del Comegno di \apoli Naples 197b 101- 
4| shows that there has been a confusion among 
several Fakih Ahmeds and Ahmed Fakihs mentioned 
in the souices and that the (arkh namt attubuted 
to one of these cannot linguistically be dated ear- 
hei than the late 14th century The (arkh namt 
which is written in the literary language of early 
Anatolian (Ottoman) Tuikish iepeats some of the 
leitmotin of diwan poetry life is short all the signs 
indicate that the end is near none even prophets 
and kings tan escape death consider the day of 
Judgement and repent etc (Foi a paraphrase in 
modern Turkish and evaluation of the poem see 
Fahir Iz Eski tuik edebiyatmda na-im n Istanbul 1907 

Bibliography A Bombaci Slorta delta letttiatura 

tuna Milan 1909 270 (Fahir Iz) 

AHRAR Kh \di\ 'Ub«d Allah b M^hmid 

N^sir al-Din 800-95/ 1404-90) a shaykh of the 

Nakshbandi older undei whose auspices it became 

firmly rooted in Central Asia and spread also to 

elfective ruler of much of Transoxama for foui 
decades He was born in Ramadan 800/March 1404 
in the village of Baghistan neai Tashkent into a 
family already renowned for its religious and schol- 
arly interests It was his mateinal uncle Ibrahim 
Shashi who fust assumed the task of educating him 
and who sent him to pursue his studies in Samarkand 
Because of illness and lack of inclination on his part 
Ahiai soon abandoned his studies in Samarkand 

more than two pages of Arabic grammai 
Throughout his life indeed he manifested a ceitain 
disdain for foimal religious learning assigning moie 
importance to the enactment of the Shan'a and the 
practise of Sufism At the age of 24 Ahrai went to 
Herat and it was evidently there that his active 
inteiest m Sufism was awakened He associated with 
numeious shaykhi of the city without howevei offei- 
ing his foimal allegiance to any of them The mas- 
ter to whom he gave his devotion was instead ra'kOb 
Carkhi (d 851/1447) one of the pnncipal succes- 
sor of Baha' al-Din Nakshband eponymous founder 
of the Nakshbandi order who had left Bukhara aftei 
the death of his master to settle fust in Badakhshan 
and then m the remote province of Caghamyan 
Ahrai had already had some dealings in Samarkand 
with another Nakshbandi shaykh Kh adja Hasan 
'Attai son-in-law of Baha' al-Din Nakshband but 
'Attai had seen little sign in him of spiritual talent 
and advised him instead to learn the martial arts 
Returning fiom Caghamyan to Tashkent in about 
835/1431 Ahrai established himself as chief Sufi 
shaykh of the city 

855/1451 when he extended to the Timund prince 
Abu Sa'id assistance that proved decisive in enabling 
him to capture the Timund capital of Samarkand 

it found ii 


Ahrar, Abu Sa'Id, defeated in 
'Abd Allah Mirza, fled northward to Tashkent, and 
in the course of his flight dreamed of the celebrated 
saint, Ahmad Yasawi [g.v.]. YasawT introduced him 

gle. Describing the figure he had dreamed of to the 
people of Tashkent, Abu SaTd was told that it was 
none other than Klfadja 'Ubayd .Allah Ahrar. Ahrar 
was at the time absent from Tashkent, and it was at 
the small town of Parkent (Farkat) outside the city 
that Abu SaTd went to meet him. Ahrar consented 

enforce the Shari'a and to alleviate the lot of the peo- 
ple. In the ensuing battle, 'Abd Allah Mirza was 
defeated, and Abu SaTd entered Samarkand, soon to 
be followed by Ahrar. Abu SaTd's battle against 'Abd 
.Allah Mirza had been won, in reality, bv his Uzbek 
auxiliaries, commanded by Abu '1-Khayr Khan; it is 
said that thev had intervened at the request of Ahrar, 
but this is uncertain. In any event, Abu SaTd felt 
himself to be in the debt of Ahrar and even, accord- 
ing to the chronicler 'Abd al-Razzak Samarkand!, 
"regarded himself as being under his orders". Ahrar 's 
domination of Samarkand became complete in 81)1/ 
1457 when Abu SaTd transferred his capital to Herat. 
It survived the death of that prince in 874/1409, this 
death occurring in the course of a disastrous cam- 
paign undertaken with Ahrar's ad\ice; Abu SaTd's 
son. Sultan Ahmad, proved even more devoted to 
than his' father had been. 


of Samarkand in 855/1451, 



f the 

858/1454; his success in 865/1460 in persuading Abu 
SaTd to abolish the tamgha in Bukhara and Samar- 
kand, and to promise the abolition of it and all 
other non-skar'i imposts throughout his realm; his medi- 
ation between Abu SaTd and a rebellious prince, 
Muhammad Djukl, at Shahrukhiyya in the years 
865/1461 and 867/1463; and his arbitration of three 
conflicting claims for the possession of Tashkent in 

Ahrar expounded the reasons for his political activ- 
ity in a number of explicit utterances, which make 
it clear that he sought ascendancy over rulers in 
" >n of 

the Shm 

the u 

. He 


. Hen 


pen the people and their ruling lords 
checking violence and oppression, 
lelpless, and have no recourse against 

t God's 

the people" (Mir 'Abd ; 
ms. Institut Vostokovedeniya, Uzbek Academy o 
Sciences, Tashkent 3735, f. 131b). His sense of polit 
ical mission is also apparent from the following utter 
ance: "if we acted only as shaykh in this age, n< 
other shaykh would find a murld. But another tasl 
has been assigned to us, to protect the Muslims Iron 
the evil of oppressors, and for the sake of this w< 
must traffic with kings and conquer their souls, thu 
achieving the purpose of the Muslims" (Fakhr al 
Din 'Alf SaiT, Rashahat 'am al-hayat, Tashken 
1329/1911, 3151. 

In fulfilling this role, Ahrar was aided bv the 



ted him 

to bestc 

and char- 



lay, indeed, have been the largest landowner in 
Transoxania of his time. Documents survive indi- 
cating that he owned 30 orchards, 64 villages with 
their surrounding lands and irrigation canals, and 
scores of commercial establishments and artisan work- 
shops in different cities (O.D. Cekhovic, SamaikaiMie 
dokiimenti XV-XV1 w., Moscow 1974). Some of this 
worked partly by slaves of Indian origin, 
used for the upkeep of NakshbandT khanakahs, 
but it is evident that in many cases the purchase 
of land by Kh"adja Ahrar was purely nominal; the 
property remained in the effective ownership of the 
sellers, who benefited from the security and pres- 
tige bestowed by the name of Ahrar. 

In addition to thus establishing, in his own per- 
son, NakshbandT supremacy in Transoxania, Ahrar 
extended the influence of tlie order to other regions. 
One of his principal followers, Muhammad Kadi, 
travelled to the Mughal rulers of Farghana and 
obtained their adhesion to the NakshbandT order, 

both spiritual and temporal rule by NakshbandT 
W'ddjas in Eastern Turkestan (see Muhammad 
Haydar Dughlat, Ta'nkJi-i Rashidl, ms. British 
Museum or. 157, f. 67b). Others undertook to trav- 

of example we can mention Mawlana 'All Kurd! 
of KazwTn and Shaykh 'Ayan Kazarum. who intro- 
duced the Nakshbandiyya to western and southern 
Iran before it was swept away by the Safavids 
(Muhammad b. Husayn b. 'Alid Allah KazwinT, 
Sihil-nama-yi M" Sdjagan-i Xakshband, ms. Istanbul, 
Laleli 1381, f. 13a. FT. 10a-14a of this work con- 
tain a complete list of the muilds of Ahra 


of the 

NakshbandT order to Turkey by ; 
Ahrar, Molla 'Abd Allah Ilahr, since whose time 
the NakshbandT order has maintained an uninter- 
rupted presence among the Turks (see Kasim Kufrah, 
Molla Ilahi ve kendisinden somaki Xakjbendire muhiti, 
in Tuik Dili ve Edebiyati Deigisi, iii [October 1948], 

Ahrar died in Rabf al-Awwal 895 /February 1490, 
and a decade later Tmiurid rule in Transoxania came 
to an end. Muhammad Shaybam, the Uzbek con- 
queror of Transoxania, showed himself hostile to the 
sons of Ahrar, confiscating much of the property they 
had inherited from their father, and putting to death 
Kh u adja Muhammad Yahya, his second and favourite 
son. However, Muhammad ShaybanT's nephew, 
'Ubayd Allah Khan, restored the major part of their 
lands and took pride in the coincidence of his name 
with that of the great Ahrar. In general, the posthu- 
mous repute and influence of the kit' adja were great, 
and the various branches of the NakshbandT order 
that descended from him played a major role in the 
history of Central Asia down to the Russian conquest. 
Bibliography: Materials on the life of Ahrar 
are unusually copious. A complete bibliography- 
is given in Hamid Algar, The origins of the Naqsh- 
bandi ordei, ii (forthcoming], which contains a full 
discussion of the career of Ahrar. Here the fol- 
lowing primary sources— all of them in 
Persian— will be mentioned: Mir 'Abd al-Awwal 
NishapurT, Mawiu'St, ms. Institut Vostokovedeniya, 
Uzbek Academy of Sciences, Tashkent 3735; Fakhr 
al-Din 'AIT Salt, Rashahat 'ayn al-hayat, Tashkent 

Muhammad Kadi, 



330 and Miivhm Shavkh Manahb i Kh adja 
hrar ms Institut \ ostokovedemya Uzbek 
cademy oi Sciences Tashkent 4730 There is 
i \hrar in most of the Timund chron 

220 ( 


and i 

long e 

f him i 

\bd i 

Rahman Djami s \afahat al uns pp 406 13 of the 
edition published in Tehran in 13ab/1957 bv 
Mahdi Tawhidipui) Most hter manuals of 
Nakshbandi biography ilso contain accounts of 
Ahnr geneially based on the Rashahat see for 
example Muhammad Amin ll Kuidi al Maaahib 
al iarmadnta fi manahb al \akshbandma Cano 
1329/1911 155 72 \verse to formal learning 
Ahrai did not leave minv writings there survive 
fiom him however a comment uy on a quatrain 
of obscuie meaning attributed 
\bi 1 khayr Sharh i haura tua ( 
Zhukovskn as an appendix t 
Muhammad b alMunavvwars 
Petersbuig 1899 489 93 1 

i Saic 

tied Risa/a > 

d Faiar, 

d be fo 

and Soviet collections the (ormer has been trans 
lated into both Ottoman and C aghatiy Turkish) 
Some oi his correspondence has also been pre 
served m Soviet collections paitry in autogiaph 
see ioi example ms Institut \ ostokovedemva 
Tajik \cademy oi Sciences Dushanbe 548 The 
blanches ot the Nakshbindivva descending from 
Kh idja \hrir are enumeiated in karrnl al Din 
alHann Tihan uasa ll al haka ik ms Istanbul 
Ibiahim Efendi fl a4a 41b Scholarlv writing 
is been do 

tnelv in Russi 




devoted to \hrar in \ \ Bartold s c lug 
■o mma reprinted in Soarurma Moscow 
(2) 121 4 205 17 Eng tr \ ind T 
.\ in Foui studits on the luston of Central 
Leiden 1958 117 18 lbb 77 ind a num 

onomic aspects oi \hiai 


Ma aanmilhi 




i o 

hhodjia i/hi 

Uhku I biks 

ll PoetS 

hi Tashken 

25 49 7 \ 



i alujmkh 

Khodja ilh 



Tashkent U 


ad OD C 

Samarl andsl it 











AHRUN (\hrun) b 
piesbvtei and phvsuiin who lived in Al 
probabK in the 7 th centurv ind belong 
Paulus oi \igina to the last gieat medical 
pioduced b\ the Alexindnan School A satin 
ot al Hakam b \bdal [q ] in which a tr 
of \bd al-Mahk b Bishi b Maiwan governor a 
Basra is advised to hive the ofiensive smell of his 
breath ind nose cuied b\ Ahiun before presenting 
himself to the amir (Dj ihrz Haymian i Cano 1949 
50 247 14 = 249 8 = 250 2 Ibn Kutavba I tun 
Cairo 19j0 iv b2 -ighani Cano 1928 n 424) pos 
siblv offers a terminus post qutm toi the period in 
which \hiun lived 'Abd al Malik b Bishr was gov 
ernoi under i azid II m 102/720 1 iTaban n 1433 


\hiun (piobablv = 
nedical compendiui 
insisting of 30 boo 

App <c 

gedK c 

josios [Tht Chronograph of 

Bar Htbratus ti Budge 

ilso M Meverhoi in hi vi 

lated the w 

al Kunnash and to have added two more books The 
miormation on this piocedure is however defective 
and inconsistent [see Fihnst 297 Ibn Djuldjul Tubal at 
ed F Sawid bl kiiti Hulama ed Lippert 80 
Ibn \bi Usaybi a Lyunalanba i 109 Said Tabalat 
ed Cheikho 88 Barhebraeus Duual ed Silham 
157) The data are the more unceitam because it is 
not known when Masai djuwayh was living \ccoiding 
to Ibn Djuldjul he is said to have translated \hrun s 
work under the caliphs Mam m (b4 5/b84 5) or 'Umar 
b Abd al 'Aziz b Marwan (99 101/717 20) accord 
ing to otheis he belongs to the 2nd/8th or 3rd/9th 

In anv case the Kunnash must have been highlv 
ippieciated [Kunnash fadil afdal al kanarush al kadima 
Kiiti Hulama 324) although it was verv badlv 
ananged and diflicult to consult even ior special 
ists according to the judgement oi Abu Sihl Bishi 
b lakub al Sidjzi i4th/10th centurv) Foi exam 
pie the twentv kinds oi headaches (suda c ) are said 
to ha\e been brought together in one place while 
their causes symptoms and treatments aie discussed 
separately m vanous places The subject matter could 
thus onlv be mastered bv lengthv leadings (see 
Dietnch Mtduinalia arabica Gottingen 19bb \iabic 
text b ft I M Madjusi (Kitab al Malah i Bulak 
1294 4 f) remaiks that the woik is bad and with 
out value especially for those who had not lead 
Hunavn b Ishiks translation— which thus also did 

rved in complete 

The Kunnash h is 
nanuscnpt 1 

V quot 

in al Razi s Haul Thev have been bi ought 
together bv Ullmann Dn \hdion im Islam 88 1 
ind bv Sezgm G4S m 167 i Thev can certainlv 
be enlaiged thiough systematic reseaich see eg 
Maimonides Sharh asma al ukl ar ed Meveihoi 
Cano 1940 no 247 Ibn al Khitib Kitab amal man 
iabb h man habb ed Mana C \ azquez de Benito 
Salamanca 1972 89 lj> 135 140 \ judgment 
on the woik will onlv be permitted attei all the 
quotations attainable have been compiled svstemat 
lcillv with the greatest possible completeness Razi 
more than once quotes an abstract from the Kunnash 
under the title al Fa ll It could not be verified 
whether the al iduiia al katila mentioned bv S 
Munadjdjid in RI\U v 1 19591 278 is indeed a 
work oi \hrun but Munadjdjid considers the attn 
bution as doubttul 

Bibliography -aven in the aiticle See furthei 

Ullmann and Sezgin and foi the older literature 

L Lecleic Histoire d, la mtduint arabi i 187b 

77 81 _ \\ Dietrich) 

'A'ISHA KANDISHA a female diver 

selv letened to as a d^innnta la temale djirmi [qi]) 

an afnta [see ifrit] or a ghula [see ghul] bv the 

peoples ot northern Morocco Uestermarck classi 

lies her as one ot the individual spirits whose 

chai ictenstits are moie explicitly elaborated than 

those of the run oi the mill djinn \lthough there is 

some difteience of belief in hei attnbutes A isha 

Kandisha is said generally to appeal as either a 

wondrous beauty oi an old wnnkled hag with elon 

gated nipples pendulous bieists and long finger 

In h 


ss She it thought to be 
and quick-tempered — 
strike those who have 

offended her Hei 


ned t. 

-he is 

into her 

\is_hi kandisha i 
less elaborated dimm 
the eirth or undei i 

toi ,1 she is 
claim that 

1\ ledress is to 

to the Peisnn newsp ipei 

such is the Uhtar ol Istmbul 

betoie giving 

md Milkam khms Afl 

nm published m London H( 

1 w is one ol the outspoken 

opponents ol the 1890 Pe,s,m 

an led to i tn 

md to live m 

the Sh ih ind his sh irp 

ntKism ol Nisir J Din nude 

e Moroccm lit 

tht httei so mgr\ tint 

while kicking tht ground 

The Himidishi 

md ( hewing his lips 

le Sh,h slid \n\ont who 

estiblishes (oirespondenc 

with \kikhm 1 willdemol 

ol Sidi \li h 

ish his house enei his 

heid \\ ilm Diwhtibidi 

Hamdush one of th< saints whom the\ \enei ite 
the Djebel Zirhun This giotto is visited b\ \ 
kmdishis followers especi ilh bv women who 
anxious lor (hildien oi loi lehet horn menstiu il c la: 
ind othei gv n lecological ( ompl nnts Su< h wot 
sme ii henm on then uling bock ind nuke i pr 
lse [ ai [q in Suppl]) to sacrifice i ( hicken oi ( 
1 of their compl unt Dunng 

1 pilgnn 

the gi 


wild t 

ind ( 

Vishi Kandi 

with other lem lie spirits in Noith \lri( a ind t 
Middle East Westeimatik his lehted her woiship 
that ol \stnte The H imadisha cl urn tint she w 
bi ought north horn the Sudan b\ one of then sain 
Sidi \hmid Dghughi 

Bihhoyapfa E\ Westermank Ritual and bit 
in Mnmuo I ondon 192b \ Ciapmzino 1 
Hamadsha a study in \lowuan it/mopnihiatn Beiktl 
197a idem Mnhnmnud and Da un in \ C i ipanzii 
ind \ Gamson leds i Case studits in spirit pa s. 
sion New_ioik 1177 \ Crvpanzanoi 

AKA KHAN KIRMANl Mirzv '\bu \l Husn 
) known as Ba!dsin (ta 1270 1 314/185j %i 





familv ol Kiimtn H, 
entuie 1 si mm histor 
logic nituril philosoph 


md ! 

r the 

1 Istahin 


is Mulh Djifir Hidjdji \ki Sadik md Smid 
Djawid kiibahi He ilso le irned some raiglish 
Fieiuh Tuikish and Old and Middle Peisnn In 
12<W1880 he assumed i position in the kirm m 
Revenue Ofhte \lter ippioximiUlv time veils how 
e\er he suddenh ibindoned his job md sec nth lett 

operite with the Nasii alDawh the oppiessive gov 

e Shih 

■.up hea 

IDj m 

il Dm 

•Ugh mi md he 
ultima ol Ink Beciust ot these inti Sh m u mints 
the Iiinim government uigcd the Tuikish authontie 
to txtriditc \ki khan and his close issoe i .t. s t. 
Inn This development coincided with the 1893- 
\imeman tiniest in Tuikev md \k , KJim w, 

ment w is then toie made th it Tuikev should txih ingi 
\ki khm and his fnends toi the lebtlhous -Xmieman 

n had fl 

a the 

N isir il Din Sh Ui 
\lgham Mirzi Rid i kiimim this incident "expe 
dited the piocess of \kt khm s e\ti idition Fin ilh 
in Salar 1 314/Julv 18% \k i khm togethei with 
two h lends Ruhi md Hisin Khm khibu il Mulk 
ueie beheided in Tabnz while Muhmimid \h 

\ki khan has been letogmsed as i distinguished 

intellectual c ilibre thin othei contempoiaiies suth is 
Malkam khm Uhund Z ida ind Mustashu ilDiwh 
Tabuzi loi one thing Ins linguistic abilitv piovaded 

sotnl political and philosophic, il thought Despite his 
he was inti religious md quite 

hostile to nnm ti 
\ka khm and 1. 

night Bib 


tud\ Fir nth 
undei the Jesuits Bee mse ol tht trouble that 
Nasn ilDiwh cieated loi him he togethei with 
close fnend Sh evkh \hm id Ruhi went to in 
m 1303/188a but he could not st i\ theie lo, the 
same re ison He md Ruhi theiefoie iltei spending 
a lew months m Mashh id proceeded to Istmbul 
tow aids the end of 1303/188b Soon tfterwnds thev 
both went to Cyprus ind euh man led i daughtei 

ind consideied ill iehgious sects to be useless [Fuidun 
\dimivvit \ndishahan Mi, a Ua hhan himiam 
lehian 1%7 Mil In his thinking lit wis influenced 
b\ Euiopem thinkeis suth as \ oltaue Spentei 
Roussem Montesquieu and Guizot 

ton, ind suggested i new methodologv loi Peisnn 

. silvei md gold lie the means of txchmge 
ne [ibid 2a7 8) 

Bibho^apln \k i khm knmini Hasht 


(1924) 406 12 idem 4 ma yi sikandan [Tankh I 
Iran) Tehian 190b Abdul Hadi Ham Europtan 
and Asian influences on the Persian Rtiolutwn of 190b 
in Asian Affairs N S vi (June 1975) 155 b4 


■ea oj c 

1 Persi, 

, the 1906 R,i 
VII Kongrtsscs fur Arabistik und Islamuissenschaft 
Gottm^en 1 1 bis 22 August 1974 Gottingen 
1976 189 207 Fmdun \damiv\at Ideuluji yi 
nahdat i mashrutiyyat l Tehian 1976 idem Fikr 
i dimukrasm idjtima'i dat nahdat i mashrutiyyat i Iran 
Tehran 1975 idem Sih maktub i Mir^a Fath Ah 
sih maktub la sad khataba )i \lir a Aka Khan in 
Yaghma xix (19b6) 362 7 425 8 idem Andishaha 
yi Mir^a Fath 'All Akhund Zada Tehran 1970 M 
Mu'in Farhangi jarsi v Tehian 1966 under 
"Aka Khan Muhammad Taki Malik al Shu'ara 
Bahai Sabkshinasi m Tehran 1958 Ahmad 
Kasrawi Ta nkh i mashruta yi Iran Tehian 1965 
Mahdi Malik Zada Ta nkh i mkilab i mashrutiyyat 
i ban i Tehran 1949 Nazim al Islam Kirmani 
Ta nkh i Bidan u Iiamyan l/l 3 and Mukaddima 
Tehran 1967 Nikki R keddie Th, origins ij th, 
religious radical alliance in Iran in Past & Presint A 
Journal oj Histoncal Studies xxxiv (1966) 70 80 

iv/4 (1962) 265 95 idem Rthgion and rebellion in 
Iran th Tobacco Protest oj 1891 1892 London 
1966 EG Biowne Press and poetry oj modern Persia 
Cambridge 1914 idem 77k Persian Rtiolutwn of 
1901 1909 Cambndge 1910 idem Materials for 
tht study oj tht Babi religion Cambndge 1918 Nasr 
Allah Fathi Ta'nkh i shanjirnan i Iran kitabi ki 
muntasab k Mir^a Aka Khan Kmnam ast in 

Main ii/9(1967) 33 7 IsmtilRain Andaman 
ha yi sun dar mkilab i mashrutiyyat i Iran Tehran 
1966 Khinbaba Mushar Uu allifin i kutub i capi 
yi farsi la Arab: ill Tehian 1962 nos 754 b 
Hamid Algar Mir^a Malkum Khan a biographual 
study oj Iranian modernism Berkele\ 1973 BastanT 
Parizi Talash i ma'ash Tehran 1968 khan Malik 
Sasani Siyasatgaran 1 daura yi Kaajar l Tehran 
1959 Mi Amin al Dawla Khatirat i siyasi Tehran 
1962 Muhammad kazwim Wafayat i mu'a inn 
in lad^ar in/10 (1947) 12 25 Said NafTsi Duktur 
'Ah Akbar Khan \ajisi \a^im al Atibba in lad^ar 
11/4(1946) 52 60 J Moner Sar^asht i Ha^di 
Baba vi hjaham tr Mirza Habib Isfahani 
Calcutta 1924 Mangol Bavat Phihpp Tht ton 
cepts oj reh^im and gnernment in the thought oj 
Mir a Aqa Khan Kirmani a mnettenth century 
Persian re olutionary in IJUES v (1974) 381 400 
Muhammad Gulbun \ladjara yi katl i Mir^a Aka 
Khan Kirmani Shaykh Ahmad Ruht la Mir a Hasan 
Khan Khabir al \lulk in laghma xxiv/4 (1971) 
See also azadi in Suppl 

I Abdul Hadi Haiei) 

AKA NADIAFI rUDjoji Shaikh Muhammad 

Taki Isfahani (1845 1931) membei of a sen pow 

erfullv established clencal famih of Isfahan and him 

self an influential and wealthy religious authontv in 








also a powf 
Nadjaf and studied jikh and usul under Shit: 
others Aftei his fathers death in 1883 \ka NadjafT 
was widely recognised as a leligious leader in Isfahan 
he led the prayers in congiegation in the Shah 
mosque and peifoimed judicial duties at home 
Despite the governmental injunction he went as fai 
as to execute the judgements which he himself passed 
on crul and criminal cases Man\ books on pia\ers 
ethics jikh and othei Islamic subjects have been 
ascnbed to him and weie published at his own 
expense but it is believed that the\ were not in 
realm written bv himself (Mahdi Bamdad Sharh r 
hall ndjal i Iran in Tehian 1968 327) Since he 
was a wealthv landowner he naturally had much 
in common with the feudal governor of Isfahan Zill 
al Sultan thev often worked together although at 
times this co opeiation was replaced b\ hostility 
conspnacv and struggle 

\ka Nadjafl has been held responsible for two 
major disorders in Isfahan and \azd in which many 
people were murdered on the accusations of Babism 
and lrieligiositv once in 1890 and another time in 
1902 both of which resulted in \ka NadjafTs ban 
ishment to Tehian He along with many other peo 
pie protested against the Tobacco Concession of 1890 
being givtn to a Bntish company he also favouied 
the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1906 In both 
cases \ka NadjafT appears less as a genuine lover of 
freedom than as an opportunist who hoped to inciease 
his piestige wealth and influence in the light of those 

wealth Ua Nadjafl declared as unbelievers and even 
at times had murdered those who opposed him or 
who weie critical of him iMahdi Malik Zada Ta nkh i 
mkilab i mashrutmat i Iran i Tehran 1949 16b) More 
over b\ 1911 Aka Nadjafl and his sons hxd made 
a volte face and wished to place then extensive landed 
piopertv under foreign protection (Cd 5b5b Persia 
No 1 (1911) G Baiclav to E Grev Feb 2s 1911 
London 1911 CHI p 30; 

Bibliography \bdul Hadi Hani Shi ism and ton 
stitutwnahsm in Iran a study oj the role played by the 
Pirsian residents of Iraq in Iranian politics Leiden 1977 
idem Why did the I lama participate in the Persian 
reiolution if 1905 1909> in It I xvn (197b) 127 54 
Hasan Djabni Ansan Ta nkh i Isfahan la Ray la 
hamayi&ahan Tehian 1943 \gha Buzurg Tihruii 
Tabakat a lam al Shi'a i Nadjaf 1954 \ahva 
Dawlatabadi Ta nkh i mu'asir ya hayat i lahya l 
Tehian 1957 Ahmad Kasrawi Ta'nkh i masjiruta 
yi Iran Tehian 1965 idem Ta nkh i hidjdahsala yi 
Adharbaydjan Tehran 1961 Nur Allah Damshwar 
•Alawi Tankh i mashruta yi Iran a djunbish i 
uatanparastan i Isfahan la Bakhtiyan Tehian 1956 
Nazim al Islam Knmam Ta nkh i bidan yi Iramyan 
Intiod i n Tehran 1967 1970 Muhammad Hasan 
Khan I'timad al Saltana Rujiama yi khatirat Tehran 
1971 Abd al Samad khal atban Sharh i mukh 
tasar i ^indigam yi sipahsalar i A'^am Muhammad It ah 
Tunukabum Tehran 1949 Ahmad Tafnshi 


i Ruoia 

akhbar , 


mmad Kazim khurasam [q I ] Aka NidjafT 
was not known as being devoted to the welfare and 
prospentv of the Muslims in general and the Iranians 
in paititulai Rather he has often been leferred to 
as a gram hoardei a venal power hungrv iehgious 
leadei a usuiper of other people s property and an 
unjust judge After his pnmarv education undei his 

< Tehran 1972 ; 
nd np GR Garthwaite Vie Bakhtiyan Khans 
tht goiemment of ban and tht Bntish 1846 1911 in 
IJMES m (1972) 24-44 Abbas Mirza Mulkara 
Sharh i hal Tehran 1946 Abd Allah MustawfT 
Sharh i _indigam yi man i Tehran n d Muhammad 
'Mi Say\ah Khatirat i Haa^d} Sayyah ya daura yi 
khaufva iiahshat Tehran 1967 Mahdikuh Hidavat 
Khatirat ta khatarat Tehran 1965 Mas'ud Mirza 


Zill al-Sultan, Ta'nkh-i sarguzasht-i Mas'udi, Tehran 
1907; Muhammad Hirz al-Din, Met an] al-r'ugal, ii, 
Nadjaf 1964; <AlT Wa'iz Khiyabani, Kitab-i 'ulamu- 
'i mu'Siiim, Tehran 1946; Muhammad 'All 
Mudarris, Ravhanat al-adab, i, lii, 1967; Husayn 
Sa'adat Nun, ^// al-Sultan, Tehran 1968; Hamid 
Algar, Religion and state in Iran 1785-191)6: the ink 
of the Ulama in the Qajai period, Berkeley 1969; E.G. 
Browne, The Persian revolution of 1905-1909, 
Cambridge 1910; Firuz Kazemzadeh, Russia and 
Britain inPeisia, 1864-1914, New Haven 1968; Nikki 
R. Keddie, Religion and rebellion in Iran: the tobaeeo 
pwtcst of 1891-1892, London 1966; A.K..S. Lambton, 
Persian political societies 1906-11, in St. Antony's Papers. 
No. 16, London 1963, 41-89. 

AKAGUNDUZ, Turkish writer and novelist (1886- 
19581 whose original name was Husayn 'Awm. In 
his writings he used the pen-name Ems 'Awm which 
he later changed to Akagunduz. The son of an army 

Salonica, and was educated at the Kuleli military 
high school and the War College IMekteb, haibivre), 
which he left because of ill health, being sent to 
Paris for treatment where, for three years, he attend- 
ed the courses of the Academy of Fine Arts and the 
Faculty of Law. Back in Salonica, he volunteered 
for the Action Army [Haieket oldusu) which was sent 
to quell the mutiny of 13 April 1909 ij 1 / Mart wak'asi\ 
in Istanbul. He was active as a journalist until 1919, 
when, because of his enthusiastic support of the 
Nationalists in Anatolia, he was arrested by the British 
and deported to Malta. Freed b\ the Nationalist gov- 
ernment, he settled in Ankara 'where he combined 
the functions of a Member of Parliament with his 
career as a writer. He died in Ankara on 7 November 

Akagunduz started his career in Salonica in close 
relationship with his friend 'Omer Seyf el-Din, as a 
poet, short story writer and playwright. But he is pri- 

e thunderbolt", 1934), ! 

located imusha). As regards ownership of the fore- 
lore and new land formed by natural processes, this 

Bibliography: Mustafa Ahmad al-Zarka', al- 
and bihliography~there cited; for examples of how 

• R.Y. Ebied and M.J.L. Yoi 



.Y. Ebied and M.J.L. Yoin 

AKBAR b. AWRANGZlB, Mughal prince 

mother dying when he was an infant, he was 

affectionately brought up by Awrangzib [//.;'. 

ihadji, the Maratha ruler 1 1680-9i, and thci 
vhere he died in 1116/1704; until 
Awrangzib continued to feel some anxiety 


Bibliotiiaphy. Muhammad Hashim KhalT Khan, 
Munlakhah al-lubdb. ii, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1860-74; 
Ard-dasht of Shahzada Muhammad Akbar to the 
Emperor Awrangzib, Royal Asiatic Society London, 
MS. No. 173;' Adab-i ''alam«iu, numerous mss.; 
see V.J.A. Fl>nn, Adab-i 'alamgm, an English tians- 

Ph.D. t 

i Nat: 


1974, i 

AKHBAR al-SIN wa l-HIND, the 

China and India which have, for v; 

); Uve 

I "The- : 

mother", 1933) and Yayla kirj i"The girl of the pi; 
1940). Akagundliz'.s unsophisticated novels and shorl 
stories, written in an unpolished style with no claim 
to literary value, which were immensely popular in 
the 20s and early 30s, treat, with a certain elemenl 
of realism, mainly of sentimental or tragic theme.' 
among ordinary people. 

Bibliography: feni yayinlar, February 196C 
(complete list of works; Behcet Necatigil, Edebmt- 
tinuzda isunlei sozlugu\ Istanbul 1975.' 

'AKAR (A.I, a legal term denoting "immovable 
property", such as houses, shops and land, as opposed 
to ma I mankul ("movable property"). As .such, 'akd: 
is identical with "realty" or "real property". All 
property which is 'akar is non-fungible (klim), bul 

■tkar is deemed also to be the , 

>s Ind, 

1 de la Chun 

11, which was in its turn translated into English and 
tion regarding the origin of the text, Renaudot was 

the copy made bv the translator himself i was sub- 
sequently found in the Bibliotheque Rovale and print- 
ed through the good offices of Langles; it was, 

years later, accompanied b\ a new annotated trans- 
lation and an introduction, under the title Relations 
des voyages Jaits par les Aiabes et Its Peisam dans llnde 
el Chine dans le IX' sihle de I'm ihietienne (Paris 1845, 
2 vols.). In 1922 G. Ferrand produced a neu trans- 


Zmd Hasan ( trs 916) as vol vn ot the (lassi/uts de 
lOmnt Finally in 1948 J Sauvaget publish d in 
Pans the text a translation of and a laush lorn 
mentirv on no I is Ahbai as Sin ») 1 Hmd Relation 
di la Chmt et de I Indi reditu en 8j1 

Independenth of the reactions provoked b\ 
Reniudot s version (see Sauvaget p xvi) the anon\m 
it\ of the first ot these narratives his given rise to 
discussions and hypotheses Quitiemeie in 74(1839) 
22 5) thought rather unwiseh to attnbute it to al 
Mas udi [qi] Remand on the basis of the name 
ot Sulavman al Tadjn which is quoted in the text 

s> 12 of the Sauvaget edition) thought tint this hst 
wis the author G Feinnd adopting this point of 
view entitled his woik lotaoi du maithand arabt 
Sulaiman and \ Mmoiskv Hudud al alam index) is 
seen to follow him deliberately in speaking onlv ot 

Suhvmin the Merchant It is true tint these 
authois can chim support irom in important author 
itv since Ibn il Fakih reters Buldan 1 1 tr H Masse 
14) to Suhvman il Tidjir in i context other thin 
the narntrve in which his mmt appened Howevei 
H \.ule {Catha-i and tht tay thithtr London 18bb pp 
cncm) ind ifter him P Pelhot (in 7 ' ouns, Pao xxi 
(1922) 4012 xxu 1923) 116) hive drawn itten 
tion to the fict thit this Suhvmin was ippirentlv 
onlv in informint among others who remimed 

tigunng it the beginning of the sequel 
v Abu Zivd who savs thit his 

akhbai , 

i IHma 

even if the 

the contents oi tht work liter tuthois have consid 
ered them is i title notiblv il Biium who in his 
^ibadh ft akhbar al Sin (ed Kienkow in \l\IH xm 
(1935) 388) claims to borrow a iict irom the Kitab 
ikhbai al Sin md there is no reison not to adopt 
this solution 

The inonvmous nirntive is cilled al Kttab al anal 
bv Abu Zivd who gives the precise dite oi 237/851 
On the other hind that oi the kitab al tham is not 
so pieciselv known but we possess some iniormition 
on the luthoi of this sequel thinks to al Mis udi 
who incidentally commits in enoi in calling him 
probiblv midveitentlv Abu Zivd Muhammad b 
\ izid il Sn ifi although he himself savs thit his 
surname is alHisin The luthoi of the Murudj 
declnes (i 321 = t) 351) that he met Abu Zivd at 
Basra where he was icsident in 303/915 lb and 
thit he leceived intoimition from him in iealitv 
•\bu Zivd must hive supplied him with the text oi 
the two mintives which were put to extensive 
use in the Murudj often distoited bv al Mis udi s zeal 
for elegance 

Texts I and II ire quite dissimihi both lie cleirlv 
recollections oi joumevs in exotit hnds but if the 
first is t haractei lsed bv the quilitv of the observi 
tions of the luthoi oi of the meithints who give 
him the infoimation ind piobiblv constitutes the most 
ancient account of China tht second later bv ibout 
70 vens seems less idiible While tht first narrative 
without pretension oi inv sort is in general exict 
and spontineous thit oi Abu Zivd whuh had itself 
been moi cover commissioned is more hboured gives 
muth space to sulois stones and to marvels ind 
betnvs the tendencv resisted howevei bv il Djihiz 
to intioduce iables into this foim of adab 

Othei luthois than il Mas udi hive exploited 

xxix) and it is istomshing thit onlv one ms of it 
his suivived It is howevei not impossible thit paits 
ot it were detached and pissed into the oril domain 
which would explain whv at a tairlv earlv dite the 
texts ceised to be copied although these texts were 
onginallv intended for a hteiate public 

Bibliot;raphi Pre 1948 references ippear in 

Sauvigets woik See furthei I Krackovskiv 

irabskaya sfo^iajice'.kaya htemtura Moscow Lemngrid 

1957 141 2 A Miquel La %tographu humaine du 

mondi mmttlman Pans 1973 116 2b and index 

(Ch Pellat 

AKHBARIYYA in Ithna Ashan Shi ism me ins 

those who relv primiiilv on the traditions 

akhbar of the Imams as a source ot religious knowl 

edge in contrast to the Usuliyva [q ] who admit a 

larger share of speculative reason in the principles 

{usul oi theologv and icligious hw Opposing tradi 

tionahst and ntionahst currents were apparent in the 

Ithna Ashan Shi a irom its beginnings in the 2nd/8th 

centuiv In the Buwavhid ige the three leading schol 

us alMufidld 413/1022) al-Murtidi d 43b/1044) 

and the Shavkh al Tusi (d 4b0/10b7) in conironta 

tion with the tndition ilist school oi Kumm put the 

utionilist Usuli doctune on a firm basis bv adopt 

ing Mu'tazih theological principles and elaborating a 

distinctive Ithna 'Ashan methodology oi jurisprudence 

(« ul alfilh) Akhbai ma ind Usuliyva aie fust men 

tioned as antagonistic factions bv Abd al Djahl al 

kazwim an Ithna Ashan scholar oi Ravx writing 

ta 5b5/U70 who chir 

: the 1- 

and r 

\khbai al Si 


I Hind (i 

tting i 


Akhbni opposition to the piedominant Usuh tiend 
rem lined latent dunng the following centunes until 
Mulli Muhammad Amin b Muhammad Shani al 
Astarabidi (d 1033/1624) encouraged bv his teacher 
Mirz! Muhammad b All al Astarabadi (d 1028/ 
1619j ai troubled the Akhban position in his A al 
ban a id al madanma and thus became the founder 
oi the latei Akhban school He pioposed to restore 
the eailv Akhbni doctrine which had remained undis 
puted until the time oi al Kulavm (d 328/929) and 
vigorously criticised the innovations of the three 
famous scholars of the Buwavhid age and even moie 
so ot the All urn al Hilli (d 726/1325) the Shahid 
alAwwal Muhammad b Makki al Will (d 
786/1384) ind the Shahid al Tham Zavn al Din al 

\mih (d 9bb/1558) in the uml aljilh ind theolo 
gy The basic theses which he amimed against the 
Usuh position included the doctune that the akhbai 
oi the Imam% take precedence ovei the appaient mean 
ing oi the Kur an the hadith oi the Piophet and rea 
son since the Imam:, are their divinelv appointed 
interpreters The apparent meaning oi the akhbar 
whuh were accepted as sound (iahih) bv the eailv 
Ithni Ashan commumtv piovide customarv cei 
taintv [\akin adi] not meielv probability Uatm) as 
the Usuh muditahids maintained 4.11 alhbar cont lined 
in the ioui canonic il collections oi the Ithni 

Ashanyva belong to the category oi iahih The cit 
egones besided sahih and da if weik which the 

Allami al Hilh in imitation of Sunm practice intro 
duced with iegard to the reliability oi the transmit 
teis ire melevant Also consensus \id i ma') which has 
been handled too laxly bv the mutfjiahid^ is valid onlv 
li the inclusion oi the Imam is ibsolutelv ceitiin ind 
thus does not piovide a source oi the law sepa 
rate irom the akhbar Idjtihad leading to mere ^ann 
ind talhd le following the opinions of a mudjtahid 


are forbidden Ever) 
akhbar oi the Imams 
no more than a knowledge oi Arabic and the spe- 
cific teiminologv of the Imams \s needed Ii in appai- 

b\ the methods prescubed bv the Imams tauakkuf 
abstention fiom a decision is obligator 

The Akhbm school flourished dunng the following 
two centimes Muhammad Amin al-Astarabadi s 
teaching wis expresslv endorsed bv the eldei al- 
Madjlisi Muhammad Taki (d 1070/1660) and adopt- 
ed b\ Mulla Muhsin Fa\d al-kasham id ta 
1091/1680) both inclining to Sufism and philosophv 
An influential champion of \khb in doctrine was al- 
Hun al-'\mih [q ] (d 1104/1693) author oi a \ast 
collection of akhhai oi the Imams Tafsil itam'il al 
shi'a da alikam al shan'a who stnttlv jdheied to and 
lefined Akhban methodologv iefrainmg howevei 
fiom an\ polemics against the mudftaluds His con- 
temporarv 'Abd 'Ah b Dium'a al-'Aiusi al-Huwavzi 
authoi of the km'an commentary *<ur al thikala)n 
also staunchK suppoited Akhban views Al- 
Astaiabadis veibal attacks on the Usuh muditahids 
were lesumed b\ 'Abd Allah b Hadjdj S ihh al- 
Samahidji al-Bahiani (d 1135/1723) who in his 
Mum at almumamm fi aa^uibat su'alat al shinkh last,, 
expounded some foit\ points of conflict between the 
Akhbans and the mudfta/uds and bv the Muhaddith 
'Abd 'Ah b Ahmad al-Dni7i al B ihram id 
1177/1703-4) in his Una ma'ahm al shi'a Among the 
moie moderate suppoiteis oi Akhban positions ucie 
'Abd Allah b al-Hadjdj Muhammad d- Turn il- 
Bushiawi (d 1071/1066) authoi ol al Uafiya fi mill 
aljikh the Savvid Ni'nnt Allah al-Djazi'in al- 
Shushtan (d 1112/1700) and \ usuf b Ahmad al- 
Bahram id 1186/1773) biother of the pievioush 
mentioned 'Abd 'Ah b Ahmad and author of the 
Lulu' at al Bahiatn and ol the extensive and populai 
Jikh woik alHadaik al nadna The lattei onginallv 
upheld pure Akhba ' • • 

een the 

shndenng the muditahids and splitting 
the Shi'a 

In the second hall of the 12th/18th tentuiv Usuli 
dot tune was lorceiulK lestated b\ Muhammad Baku 
al-Bihbiham yd 1208/1793-41 in his al Id,tihad ita I 
akhba) and othti uoiks He went so lai as to 
denounce the Akhbans as mlidels and w is able to 
bieak then dominant position in kaibala' The list 
piominent repiesentative oi the Akhbanvva the 
Muhaddith Muhammad b 'Abd al-Nibi an-Nisabtni 
al- Akhban authoi ol a A Mum at al mm tad fi mi/at 
al idihhad tounteied with polemical vitupciation and 
cm sing oi the muditahids He gained the fivour ol 
the kadjai Shah Fath 'Ah Shah foi some time but 
having been denounced b\ the Shavkh Dja'fn kashil 
al-Ghita' [qi] was eventuallv exiled to Tiak and 
in 1233/1818 was killed bv a mob m al-Kazima\n 
Theieafter the Akhbany\a rapidh declined The onlv 
Akhban tommumtv known to have survived to the 
piesent is in the legion ol khurr imshahi ind 

Bibliography ' Abd al-Djahl al-kizwim al-Razi 
A al \akd ed Djalal al-Din Uimawi ma'ruf 
bi-Muhaddith Tehian 1331/1952 2 250 291 
301 304 492 Muhammad Amin al-Astaiabadi 
ul Fan a' id al madanma Tehian 1321/1904 
Muhammad al-Dizluh Faiuk al hal k printed 
together with Dja'fai kashil al-Ghita' al Hakk 
al miibin, Tehian 1319/1901, al-khansan, 


dat al djan 

nat ed 

A Isma'ihvan kumm 



i 120- 

39 & Scarcia Intumo allt 
Lull pnsso th Imamitt di 


a in RSO 

958) 211-50 A Falatun 


~itnlfti Sihi 

i am dtr 

Sulit ant* Sihntin Piohlmu 

I nltruuhu 

g in F 

shihift Hunt, (aikil ed 

E Graf Leide 





Mir Muhammad 'Askari 


al official 

and co 

mmander He came from 

v of the S 

khwai [qi] in khuiasan, 

s bom in Ir 

dia He 

was m the semce ofPnnce 


gzib fiom t 

te verv 1 

eginmng When Auiangzib 

lelt th 

the thione in 1008/1058 


khan was 

left n 

chaige of the titv oi 

Dm la 

abid Subs 

he was piomoted to the 

lank c 

f 1 500/1 000 ind 

vas made fan.dfdar [qi] of 

the D, 

db In 109 

/1081 1 

of Di 

held t 

us post till his death in 


096-7 hav 

piomoted to the lank of 

4 000/ 

1 000 


oik called 

the 11 a 

^hmfxhis coiams'a 

veiv l 

terestmg 1 

ut on o 

casions a highlv-colouied 

t ol the v 

if Awiangz 


erv flattei 

ng pictu 

e of Awiangzib and con- 
not found m the official 


the 'Alan 

'\kil khan was devoted 

to literal's puisu 

ts and 


behind a 

Dm an 

nd a numbei of mathnaiu 

Biblmiiapht ' \kil khan Razi Haki'at i 'alam^m 
ed Zafai Hasan Aligaih 1945 (see Stoiev i 584- 
5) Muhammad kazim ' Alamt>irnama Bibl Ind 
Calcutta 1805-73 Saki Musta'id khan Ma'athu i 
'ataman Bibl Ind Calcutta 1871 Shah Nawaz 
khan Maathir al uniara' n Bibl Ind Calcutta 
1888 M Athar Ah Thi Mughal iwhilih undo 

bas Mah 

r of 

, Haz 


lopment of Egvptia 
le 20th tentmv In 
:oi polemicist an 
89 he did not con 

long influence of English 

•ridge Mac 


and Darwin . 
ideas of Lessing Sc hopenhauei and Nietzsche among 
the Geiman philosopher It was eailv in the 1910s 
that al-'Akkad met Ibrahim al-Mazim and the two 
men formed a fnm fuendship based both on a love 
of poetiv (especiallv that oi the English Romantics 
lound in such uoiks as Palgiave s Tht (,oldin Trtamn) 
and on a distaste for the conventions of the neo- 
classical school of Egvptian poets pel sonified bv 
Ahmad Shawki and Hadz Ibiahim \l-'Akkad wrote 
the Introduction to al-Mazim s hist collection ol 
poetiv 1 191 3) and published two collections of his 
' ide lak,at al sabah (1910) and 

hadi aUahna (1917) The 
e also shaied b> a thud w 

, 'Abd al Rahmai 

Shukn, the best poet of the group. These three ai 
often referred to as the "Diwan School", but th; 
is somewhat of a misnomer in that al-'Akkad an 
al-Mazim alone were the authors of al-Dlwdn, a bli, 
tering piece of criticism in which al-Mazim accuse 
Hafiz Ibrahim of madness and confusion while a 
'Akkad attacked Shawki's occasional poetry in th 
most caustic of terms. The three men seemed t 
have shared a common view of the nature and ro! 
of poetry, but it was al-'Akkad who provided muc 
of the critical impetus for which the group is pr 
marily remembered. 

At the conclusion of the First World War, al-'Akkad 
became closely associated with Sa'd Zaghlul, the leader 
of the Wafd, and began to write articles for the party's 
newspaper, at Balagh Many ol these articles on liter- 
ature aesthetics, religion and historv were later col- 
lected into book form undei such titles as Murad^a'at 
fi I adab wa ljunun and Mutata'at fi I kutub wa I 
ha\at During the regime ol IsmS'il Sidki in the early 
1930s when the constitution was resoked al-'Akkad s 
fervent convictions led him to undertake the consid- 
erable risk of publishing a work criticising the ruling 
authorities, al Hukm at mutlak fi 'I karri at 'ishnn for 
which he was imprisoned for nine months This decade 
also saw the appearance of three more \olumes of 
his poetry (Uah al arba'in Hadmat al kaianan and 
'Abu sabil) the nosel Sara and a senes of biogra- 
phies on famous figures from the early history of 
Islam These latter works seem to form part of a 
trend in the 1930s whereby Egyptian intellectuals 
(including Taha Husasn and Muhammad Husasn 
Haykal) turned their attentions to religious biograph- 
ical themes 

In 1938, al-'Akkad abandoned the Wafd Party and 
joined the breakaway Sa'dist group led by Ahma> 
Mahir and al-Nukrashi Howes er the self-reliance an. 
outspokenness which had sersed his purpose as 
\ounger man seem to hase turned progressisel 
to scepticism arrogance and extreme consersatisn 
He left the Sa'dist gioup and became essentialh 
one-man party In the literary sphere he not onl 
vigorously opposed the new free serse poetrv which 
began to emerge following the Second World Wai 
but also changed his mind about the possibilities 
oi blank serse in Arabic something which he had 
encouraged Shukn to expenment with in the eai' 
part of their careers He joined a numbei of other 
consersatise critics in opposing committed litera- 
ture, in fact as David Semah notes {Four Egvptian 
literary cntus Leiden 1974 25) he seemed unwilling 
to accept any kind of criticism of his own views or 
to tolerate the idea that some of his eaiher theories 
had been superseded 

Al-'Akkad s contributions to ueati\e literatuie tend 
to be of interest moie for historical reasons than 
their intrinsic literary ment He composed a large 
number of personal poems as well as some occasional 
and translated a number of woiks from English 

■ Must; 

. Badav 

irabu poetry, Cambridge 1975 109 ft) 
Sara the psychological insights into the relationship 
of the two losers may ha\e been on a new lesel of 
sophistication when compared with presious works in 
this genre but the element of doubt and questioning 
which persades the work (si\ of the chapters hase 
questions as their title) reduces it to an almost ab- 
stract analytical plane Seseral commentators hase also 
pointed out that the attitude to women found in this 
work is more than a little autobiographical (Ahmad 
Haykal al Uab al kasasi aa 7 masrahi Cairo 1971 lb4 

Hilary Kilpatrick, The modern Egyptian novel, London 
1974, 32; 'Abd al-Hayy Diyab, al-Mar'a ft havat al- 
'Akkad, Cairo 1969, 100 IT.). 

The views of al-'Akkad on aesthetics and poetic 
theory propounded so forcibly in many of his works 
are also clearly sisible in his writings on other poets, 
both ancient and modern. While he wrote numer- 
ous articles on ancient poets during the 1920s (such 
as on Imru "1-Kays, Abu Nuwas, Bashshar b. Burd 
and al-Mutanabbi), it is his study of Ibn al-Rumi 
published in book form in 1931, Ibn al-RUml, hayd- 
tuhu min shi'rihi, which is widely regarded as his best 
literary study and especially as the one which per- 
mits al-'Akkad to use his own theories on psychol- 
ogy, race and poetics in an analysis of this somewhat 
neglected poet Al-'Akkad s intioduction of such objec- 
tise cntena often based on non-literary information 
into the analysis of literature led to new insights into 
the Arabic poetic tradition of ancient times How- 
es er it also tended to place more emphasis on the 
wnter than the work of literature and it was left to 
the ne\t generation (and especially Muhammad 
Mandur) to restore importance to the work itself in 
literary analysis while fusing into the cutical process 
the best elements of the theories which al-'Akkad 
had des eloped 

In 1960 he was awarded the State Appreciation 
Prize for his contribution to Egvptian literature Shawki 
Dayfswork Ma'a I 'Akkad (Ikia> Series no 259 Cairo 
19b4) shows a picture of the aged bachelor browsing 

p 65) He died in 1964 

Bibliography (in addition to those works already 
cited in the te\t of the article) Shawki Dayf, al 
Adab al'aiabi al mu'asir ft Uisr Cairo 1961 136 
'Abd al-Hayy Diyab 'Abbas al 'Akkad nakid 
Cairo 1965 Mounah Khoun Poetn and the mak 
ins, of modern Egypt Leiden 1971 passim S Moreh 
Modern Arabic poetn 1800 1970 Leiden 1976 pas- 
sim Nadas Safian Egypt in search of political idm 
titi Cambridge Mass 1961 AMR Zubaydi 
Al'ikkad i mtual theories rtith spinal refennu to his 
relationship with the Diwan school and to the influence 

Edinburgh PhD thesis 196b unpublished idem 
Tin Diwan School in J4L i (1970) 36 Salma 
Khadra Jayyusi Trends and mo ements in modern 
Arabic poetn Leiden 1977 i 153-4 163-75 

iR Allen) 
AKKAR (\) pi akara (abstract ikaia) literally 
tillei culm ator of the ground a word of Aramaic 
ongin (see Fiaenkel Die aramaischen Fremduorter im 
Arabischen 128-9; boi rowed into Aiabic apparent- 
ly in the post-Islamic period (it does not appear in 
the Kur'an) and applied to the peasantry of Ara- 
maean stock in Syria and 'Irak accordingls the 
term had m Arabic eses like the name habat a 
pejoratise sense (see LA 1 s 85-6) Some of these 
peasants weie sharecioppers who cultisated lands of 
wealthy landlords for one-si\th oi one-sesenth share 
of the produce and on mukasama [q ] terms of con- 
tract (cf Abu^usuf alKharaaj Bulak 1884 52 Ibn 
Hawkal Sural al ard ed Kramers 218) Following 
the Arab conquest of the Fertile Crescent the akara 
paid the lowest amount of poll-tax [dri^a) at the 
late of 12 dirhams per head per annum (Baladhun 
Futuh 271) 

Social and economic conditions detenoiated for 
the akara dunng the 'Abbasid penod One finds them 
as itinerant farm labourers mosing from sillage to 
village in seaich of work and working on estates 



of land tor the- highest biddei among landlords 
(Sabi Huzara ed \medioz 259i Thev also worked 
on lands owned bv Christian monasteries (Shabushti 
al Diyarat 214-15) In a typical story wc lead ot a 
certain akkar who was employed bv a nch man of 
Babi a is a domestic servant possibly out of tann- 
ine; season His work included husking rue grind- 
ing it in * mill turned b\ an o\ ind making biead 
for his master (Djahiz Bulhala Cano 19b3, 129) 
Djahiz has evidently iecorded in the storv of the 
ahlar and his employer the tale of the toiling labour- 
er and the hard task-mastei of this epoch Djahiz 


which r 


of organised social grouping of th< alar a headed by 
a revered Shaylh (cf Hawaiian v 32l The mral 
population of the Sawad ol Tiak at least seems 

3rd/9th century and perhaps until later, cf the 
anecdote of al-Mu'tasim and the old habali peas 
ant of the Saw ad in Mas'udi Uuiudj vn 113-4 = 
ij 279b 

Bibliography In addition to leferences given 
in the article, see also Tanukhi al Farad} ba'd al 
ihidda Cano 1903 1 125-6 Tha'ahbi Thimar al 
lulub Cairo 1908 195 al-Sabi The historical remains 
of Hilal al Sabi, Leiden 1904 91 21b 254 al- 
Nawbakhti Firak al Shi'a Istanbul 1931 bl Lane 
Lexicon i 70-1 M \J Beg igntultural and imga 
tional labourers in Ihi sonal and nonomu lift of 'Iraq 
during thi imayyad and ' Ibbasid taliphates in /( 
(Januarv 1973) 15 22 iM A. J Beg) 

al-AKSARAYI Karim al-Din Mahmud b 
Muhammad lnstoiian of Anatolia undei the Saldjuks 
and Il-Khamds The date of his bnth is unknown 
but it seems that he died at an advanced age in the 
720/1320s \s an oftioal in the Il-khanid service 
he was attached to the letmue of Mudjn al-Dm Amu 
Shah (the lepresentative of the Mongol fiscal depart- 
ment in Saldjuk \natoha and then na'ib from 1281 
to 1291) until the latter s death in 1302 Ghazan 
Khan then appointed him na ji or mtendant of the 
an taj in the Saldjuk temtones and an uncertain date 
he acted as military commandant \kutual [sec kotwai]i 
of <\ksarav his natal town He en|oved a pimlcgcd 
view of the events of his time and in 723/1323 put 
togethei in Peisian his chiomcle the Mmamarat al 
akhbar wa minayarat al akhyar which is togethei with 
Ibn Bibis work one ot the essential souues tor 
Anatolian histon in the penod of Mongol domina- 
tion This penod forms the sub]ect of the fourth and 
last chaptei of the work the most important one 
since it takes up three-quaiters of the book and cov 
ers some 75 \ears contemporaiv with al-Aksaiavi 
himself The chronicle is known onh in two manu- 
scripts (Avasofvi 3143 copie d in 734/1334 and 
\emcami 827 copied in 745/1345 both now in the 
Sulevmamve Librarv in Istanbul and was haidlv 
used b\ sub-sequent histoiians with the exceptions 
of Kadf <\hmad of Nigde il4th centuiv) and the 
Ottoman compiler Munedjdjim Bashi (d 1702) until 
it was rediscoveied bv Turkish histoiians at the end 
of the 19th century In his preface to his cntical and 
annotated edition of the text Osman Tuian convevs 
all the infoimation known about the author and 
gives an account of pievious studies on the latter and 
his book 

Bibliography \luarmret it ahbar \logollar 
^amarurida Turkiyt Seltuklan tanln Mukaddime 
ve hasivelerle tashih ve nesieden Dr Osman 
Turan Ankara 1944 Fikret Isiltan Die Stltsihuhn 

GenhuhU dts Akurayi Leipzig 1943 (summaiv 

tianslation in German ot the fourth chaptei of 

the historvi (J-L Balcjue-Grammont) 

AKUNITUN (Gieek axovttov) appears frequentlv 

in \nbic medical wntings as a prrticulailv deadlv 

poison originating from a plant root it c in denote 

a substance either (4.1 trom the Mediterranean legion 

■r (B) fi 

r India Svnonvms foi 
khanil aldhi'b katil al n 

bish This 

(B) \kumtun thus well e 
lem ot <\iabic botanical h 
of the actual plint iett 

ind of it 

i\) Mediterranean regi 
son in Greek wntings remedies are given bv Nicandei 
in his iltxipharmaia (95 lines 11-73) Theophiastos 
describes two types (a) aKOVtxov with a piawn-shaped 
mot lb) 9n>.\)cpovov or axopTUOV able to one scoi- 
pion bite {HP 9 lb 4 and 9 18 2) Cf Paulus of A.egina 
(Eng ti F <\dams London 1844-8 III 28) Dioscondes 

in much the same terms (i) = (b) above with svn- 
onvms 7tccpScx>.iaYXTi<; xauuapov 9nta)cpovov koivok- 

>.VjkoicTOVOV (I\ 78) When Dioscondes was trans- 
lated into Arabic the possibility of regional vanation 
in species was not always considered some Gieek 
names were tiansliteiated but in time most were given 
standaid equivalents in Arabic In the Julia Amcia 
MS bth centuiy maiginal notes in Aiabic explain 
aicovtxov (i) as al umtun and Ihaml al mmr (n) as Ihaml 
aldhi'b If bbbl 

The Aiabic veision of these sections i Bodleian MS 
Hvde 34) gives is svnonvms for in nabbal and khanil 
al mmr if 123a marginal note) fsabbal occurs also in 
the Tajsu to Dioscondes b\ Ibn Djuldjul (Madrid 
Biblioteca Nacioml MS 4981 f 7a) in Ibn Djuldjul s 
Sitppltmtnt to Dioscondes (MS Hvde 34 f 198b) nab 
bal is mentioned as a poisonous plant whose antidote 
is builan abruz [imaranthus tntolor L i Ct FJ Simonet 

Madnd 1888 395 

(B) India Bish although sometimes consideied a 
svnonvm foi akumtun refers to a far more poison- 
ous plant (piobablv iiomtum jerox Wall) and is 
described as the most deadlv of plant poisons bv 
such wnteis as Thabit b Kuira (Dhalhira ch xxv 
143 (298)) Djabir b Havvan [Gifti 5b = f 4ba-b 
104 = t 95b 185 = f 179a) Ibn Wahshiyv i \ Poisons 
84-5 108) Ibn Sina [hanun I 27b III 22i) al- 
Birum iSaydana Aiabic 81 Eng 53) Most agree 
that there is little if any hope of recoveiv even if 
the Gieat Imah is admimsteied Ibn Sina distin- 
guishes clearly bttween bish and the plant known as 
Iharuk aldhi'b etc the latter being desenbed sepa- 
latelv (I 424 4b(l) 

(C; Possible identifications although (A) 
Akumtun is often equated with an iiomtum sp (e g 
GhahbI8b Nos 1752-7 Issa 5 1 cf W Schmucker 
Du pflanjuhe und mtruralisihe Materia \Itdua tm Firdaus 
alHilmadis Taban Bonn 19b9 12b No 157 wheie 
bish = ccKOvrtovl a modem botanist thinks it like- 
ly that the oncovrcov of Dioscondes was (i) a 
Downturn sp (n) a Delphinium sp possibly D slap/us 
agna oi D datum In the case of iB) bish this did 
not have to be identified in the growing state but 
was known to the Aiabs as i deadlv poison fiom 
India (Issa 4 19) 

Bibliography Dioscondes Dt materia rmdica, 

ed DG kuhn Leipzig 1829 Dioscondes Codex 


Aniciae Iulianae picturis illmtratus, nunc Vindoboncnsis 
Med. Gr. I, Leiden 1906 (phototype edn.l; La 
Materia Medica de Dmcondes, ii, ed. C.E. Dubler 
and E. Teres, Tetuan 1952; Bodleian MS Hyde 
34; Theophrabtus, History of Plants, ed. and tr. A. 
Hort, Loeb edn. London 1916; Nicander, 
Alexipharmaca, ed. A.S.F. Gow and A.F. Scholfield, 
Cambridge 1953; 'Abd Allah b. Ahmad b. al- 
Baytar, al-DJami" li-mufradat ahadwha wa haghdhiya, 
Cairo 1874; Thabit b. Kurra, A". al-Dhakhira ft 'dm 
ahtibb, ed. G. Sobhy, Cairo 1928; Rabban al- 
Tabar!, Firdaw, ahhikma, ed. M.Z. Siddiqi, Berlin 
1928; The abridged version of -The Book of Simple 
Drugs" of Ahmad ibn Muhammad ahGhdfiqi . . ., ed. 
M. Meyerhof and G. Sobhy, Cairo 1932-40; 
Maimonides, Sharh asma' ah'ukkar, ed. M. Meyerhof, 
Cairo 1940; Das Buch de, Gifte des Gabir Ibn Hqyyan, 
tr. A. Siggel, Wiesbaden 1958 (with facsimile text); 
Ibn SmC al-Kdnun Ji 'htibb, 3 vols., repr. Baghdad 
n.d. [= 1970?]; Ibn Wahshiyya (translation): M. 
Levey, Medieval Arabic toxicology: the Book on Poisons 
of Ibn Wahshiya and its relation to early Indian and 
Greek texts, Philadelphia 1966; al-Blrunl, A", ah 
Saydana fi 'htibb, ed. and tr. H.M. Said, Karachi 
1973; M. Levey, Early Arabic pharmacology, Leiden 
1973; M. Meyerhof, 'The article on aconite from ah 
Beruni's kitab as-Saydana, in IC, xix/4 (1945); P. 

Johnstone, Aconite and its antidote in Arabic writings, 
in Journal for the History of Arabic Science, i/1 (1977); 
A. Issa, Dictionnaire des noms des plantes en latin, 

fiangais, anglais et arabe, Cairo 1930; A. Siggel, 
Arabivh-Deutsches Worterbuch der Stoffe aus den" drei 
Naturreichen, Berlin 1950; E. Ghalib, Dictionnaire des 
sciences de la nature, Beirut 1965. 

AL-i AHMAD, Sayyid Djalal, Iranian prose 
writer and ideologist (1923-69). His ceuvre may- 
be tentatively classified as comprising literary fiction 
on the one hand (kisw, dditan), and essays and reports 
on the other hand (makala, guzdnsh). This classifica- 
tion, however, only follows the author's own desig- 
nation. Al-i Ahmad lacks the technical concern and 
sophistication of a contemporary like Sadik Cubak, 
and in terms of formal structure, this tends to blur 
the dividing lines, not merely between the "novel" 
{kiva) and the "short story" (dastan), but also between 
the dastan, often approaching the "narrative essay", 
and the makala. Among biographical data, three 
factors stand' out for their crucial influence on Al-i 
Ahmad's career as a writer: his birth in a Tehrani 
family of lower Shi'! dignitaries; his occupation as 
a professional schoolteacher; and his vivid interest 
and, for a brief period, active participation in national 

The religious element is reflected in the early col- 
lections of short stories Did wa bdzdid (1945), Sih-tar 
(1948) and Z«"-' zbadJ (1952). Written after the 
"flight" from his traditional family background and 
adherence to the leftist ideologies of post-war polit- 
ical parties, they offer an ironic picture of the reli- 
gious milieu of lower and middle class Tehran. A 
similar, if more outspoken aloofness pervades his 
liadjdj-diary of 1966, Khassi dar mikdl. While preserving 
a personal piety throughout his life, Al-i Ahmad is 
the critical observer, rather than the raptured par- 

■tably i 

■i digar 


e of ir 


generally mild an 

i benevolent, occasi 

slightly nostalgic. 

His life-long e 

rest in educational 

broadly, cultural is 

ues, as expressed in 

t; yet il 
lally e^ 



(1959)). Moreover, they inspired the 
i madram (1958) and Nafnn-i zamin (1967). The for- 
mer especially, which relates the alienation of a 
provincial school-principal, is counted among his 
most successful literary- achievements. If indebted to 
an earlier prose-experiment in French literature, i.e. 
Voyage au bout de la mat by Louis-Ferdinand Celine 
(1932), Mudir-i madiam convincingly established Al- 
i Ahmad's reputation as an innovator of Persian lit- 
erary style. Its highly economic use of words, 
abundant colloquialisms and vivid, staccato rhythm 
has been described in a laudatory fashion as insha'- 
i karikaturl by Djamalzada (cf. bibliography). 

Some similarity exists between the development of 
Al-i Ahmad's religious attitudes and his political ones. 
After an intensive exposure to the orthodox milieu in 
the early stages (as son of a ShiT ruham, as a devoted 
and prominent member of political parties), he proved 
in both instances incapable of conforming to collec- 
tive, organised loyalty. His membership of the 
recently established communist Tuda party lasted from 
1944 until early 1948 only; his subsequent adherence 
to the "anti-Stalinist" faction of Khaffl Malik! ended 
in early 1953, following bitter experiences with per- 
sonal rivalries within this "Third Force" movement. 
He left the forum of organised politics, never to 
return. Among the literary documents of this politi- 
cal career, the short stories collected in A; randjl- 
kih mibarim (1947) belong to the Tuda period. First 

its very" explic"* " 
cent of Buzui 

observing distance common to Al-i 
ing ceuvre, and was afterwards considered a failure 
by the author himself, ^an-i zbadt was written after 
the breakaway from the Tuda, and contains the 
story Khudadad-khan, a sarcastic description of the ambi- 
tions, hypocrisy and luxuries of a leading party- 
executive. The ideological importance of this collec- 
tion further lies in the introduction which the author 
added to the second edition (1963), Risdla-i Pawlus 
bi-katiban. A "testament" according to the writer, it 
calls for literary honesty and commitment. In a less 
biblical fashion, this theme dominates many of his 
other essays: the conviction that "in our land, writ- 
ing literature means waging a battle for justice", and 
that "the pen has become a weapon". Since the end- 
ing of the Mossadegh experiment in August 1953 and 
Al-i Ahmad's departure from party-politics, he saw 
this battle for justice as a cultural, rather than polit- 
ical one. Its primary target is not the external force 
of oppression, but the spirit of submissiveness 
which had turned his countrymen into voluntary, 
even zealous servants. This phenomenon was diag- 
nosed as gharb-zadagi ("western-struckness" sc. blind 
worship and imitation of western civilisation), and its 
causes and symptoms are described at length in the 
essay of the same name ( 1962), which, in spite of its 
prompt confiscation by the authorities, remained Al- 
i Ahmad's most widely read and most hotly debated 
work. In search of a cure, he calls for an "inner 
revolt" (kiyam-i durum): a return to the classical virtues 
of unconditional devotion and self-sacrifice. This shahd- 
dat forms the central theme of Nun iva 1-kalam (1961), 
an allegory tale explaining the failure of contempo- 

Finally, mention should be made of the regional 
monographs which the author composed during his 
numerous travels throughout the country, trying to 

VLi \HM\D — \LI b HMMZ\LA b \BI S \LIM 


nch he could no k 

with the lbortiM 

n the cap. 

i) a (1958) ind 

luded i 

1951 3 
v /hand,, 

above lie the shoit stones Diashr, 
AA aha, ta an/abut hhunaba i anai Viauha, i 
■imii/a I and G««« to/w c« /«/«/ The hist one is 
available through M\ Srpanlus mthologv 5a^ 
«/«>»»,< uakimat (Tehran 1,52 iA I The other 
ones hue been collected in the posthumoush 
edited and onh nuiowh distnbuted Panax dastan 
1 1350 ,h) which ilso contnns r short autobio 
^nphical sketch dated Dav 1 -.47 sA Mathalan 
shaih , ahuilat Tin ma]ont\ of Mi \hmtds 
numerous essavs ind travel reports were frist pub 
hshed in periodicals ind atteiw trds reprinted in 
the collections Haft mat ala (1334 ih ) Sih mal ala 
i digm (13j7 sh\ 4; \ab, u shitab^ada i1j44 sA j 
■■■■"■ These tollec 

ALANGU Tahir Turkish tuthoi md liter 
u> critic (191b 73) The son ol i naval officei he 
vas born in Istanbul md graduated trom the Depitt 
ment ot Turkrsh Studres ol Istanbul Umveisitv (194.3) 
He taught Tuikish htei ituie in \ niou high schools 
until 195b when he wis appointed to &ihtisan\ 
L\cee in Istanbul where he tiught untrl his death on 
19 June 197 3 During the hst lew \ens ol his lite 

in Istanbul 

Two leading themes ot his 
numbei of h ticks aic irrstlv 
secondh the modem Tuikish 





number of attic 

es len 

urns s 

c ittered 

i the v 

toi th 


»bl\ indisha ua hunar \i 



rtam othei wntrngs wer 


bv the 

hoi bete 

ie his death bu 

t hue 


med sui 

iblefoi public at 

on T 

tese in 

elude a 


el ( W 

diadid) md dia 

his tr 

mis tc 


Cmited St ites i 

nd the 




the ht 

s hav 

e appe 

ared n 


mma Nos 1 (1 




345) lianshtio 

ns pie 

bv \1 

e almost without 


vra Fret 

ch well known 


ire hi 

works b\ \ndre 




gene Io 



de horn 

\1 r Mtmids wi 


Thi ol, 


i ia\ our 

iui i monographv on 

the po 

t Nun 


shidj m 

Tin Liluan ft 

(i R 


d NJ 

n (1974) 

115 28 Th, p,l. 

ill I if, 

ihdd l 

1 Itamm 


dm l (1 

08i 101 9 md 

Tile sih 

ool p,u 

ipal In 

JK Newtc 

n and MC H 



d Chin 

o 1974 the pi 

) this 


, contai 

s an Fnghsh tn 


n ot the storv 


H kimshad Modem Po tan 
Crmbrrdge 19bb 125 b B Mavr' Usdiuhk und 
Enluullurii da modirmn pusisihui Liltiatui Berlin 
1964 221 2 Milos Boieekv m \1EJ ui (1953) 
238 9 and M Zavaizadeh in UK Km il9b8i 
311 12 Opinions of Iranian critics m in be tound 
tn the specrrl Mr Mrmad issue ot the penodical 
indisha ua hunai \ (1343 sh ) 5 44 489 including 
also a lengths mteiview with the tuthoi Foi moie 
specific discussions et Dj imalzad i s review of 
\ludiri madiasa in Rahnama u hitab r (1j37 sh ) 
lbb 78 Rida Buahim husa muis; Tehnn 1 34& 
ih 41b IT G L Ttkku in idim ( ed ) Islam and Us 
cultural di npnu Urbim Chicago md London 
1971 165 79 ind OR SabnTtbit/i in 
(oms-pondamt d Onttit 11 Brussels 1970 411 18 
l&JJ de\r,es, 

\ book 

md 1- 

Msed on sound scholar 1\ researeh an 
re exceptions when his close li lends ai 
ilanced iesponsible and tan M mgu i 

s Istanbul 
r Turkish 
1 920 50 pe 


,m the loim of brographrctl novel 
ol this pioneei ol the modem Tuikish shoit ston 
and his posthumous 100 unlu Tuil ism 2 vols 
Istmbul 1974 an antholog\ horn 100 famous woiks 
fiom Tuikish htei 

> The s< 
t hundred \ 

ond v 

this w 

1870 1970) is paititulailv valu 
tble is rt rs based marnl\ on his own ieseaieh 
UnfortunateK mam of his uticles publrshed m vu 

lected into book foim Mangu tianslated itiom the 
Geinnn) several authois and pnticulaih horn the 
Israelr authoi Samuel Mgnon 

Bibliography Mehmet Se\da Edtbiyat dostlan 

Istanbul 1970 Behcet Nee rttgil Edcbna turn da isim 

U, so lugu 197 a sv ,Fa.hir Iz) 


ilWwiulHamo™ succeeded Mi b Muhammad 

b il \V ihd [,j ] as the sixth da I mutlal ol the 

Musti h Tuiiln Ism i ihs in \amm in 612/ 

1215 \s the countn wis passing thiough i critical 

penod ot inteinil stnle after its occupation b\ the 

\>-Vubids the da i put sued I poht\ ol non inteiteience 

m politics He m untamed good lelations both with 

the -\v\ubid nileis ot Sana md the \ amid suit ms 

of Banu Hitim in IDhamaimai which embled him to 

died on 12 oi 22 Rtbi I 020/8 oi 18 Febiuuv 1229 
Both his compositions Stmt al ha/a it ind Risalal 
Una al hulum ta misbah al ulum < onceming al mabda 
ua Inland lie considered impoitant w oiks on haka i/ 
[q ] The toimei edited b\ Mjbas 


1953) i 

el lb 

Bihliuaiaph) Ihe main biographic il souice 
Idnsb UHisan \ujiat al afkal still in manuse npt 
is studied b\ HF alHamdim al ^ulayhmun 
C mo 1955 291 7 H isan b Nuh tl Bhaiuci Aitab 
al 4 har i ed \dil il \ww i in Munta/habat 
hmailma Dimascus 1958 195 247 Isma rl b 
Mad alRrsul il Madjdu Filmst ed Mi Naki 
Munzawi Tehran 196b 19b 7 269 70 lor a 
detuled act omit see Ismail Poonaw ih Bin bibliig 
raph of Isma ill lihrahm Malibu C al 1977 


*ALI b MUHAMMAD b DJA'FAR b Ibrahim 
b al-WalId al-Anf al-Kurashi, the mentor of 
'All b Hatim al-HamidT [qc], whom he succeeded 
as the fifth da'l muttak of the Musta'lr-TayyibT IsmaTlis 
in Yaman in 605/1209, came from a prominent al- 
Walid famih of Kuravsh His great-giandiather 
Ibrahim b AbT Salama was a leading chieitain oi 
the (ounder oi the Sula\hid d\nast\ 'Air b 
Muhammad al-Sulavhr, and he was sent bv the lat- 
ter on an official mission to Cairo He studied first 
under his uncle 'Air b al-Husa\n and then under 
Muhammad b Tahir al-HanthT After al-Hanthi's 
death, Hatim b Ibiahim al-Hamidi [q i ] appointed 
'Ali b Muhammad as his deput\ in San'a' He h\ed 
in San'a' and died there on 27 Sha'ban bl2/21 
December 1215 at the age of mnetv He headed a 
distinguished famih of da'Ts lor approximately three 
centuries the headship of the da'ua was held bv his 

He was a prolific author and his works are held 
in high esteem bv the commumtv The following 
woiks are extant On hakd'ik 1 Tadl al'aka'id, ed 
'Anf Tamir Beirut 1967, English tr (in summary 
form) W hanow, Creed of the Fahmids Bomba\ 193b 
2 Kitab al Dhakhira, ed Muhammad al-A'zarm, 
Beirut 1971 3 Risaldt Djila' al'ukul, ed 'Adi 


, Dam 


89-153 4 Risalat al Iddh wa 7 tabyln, ed R 
Stiothmann in Aiba'a kutub Ismd'ilma Gottmgen 
1943 138-58 5 Risala fi ma'na al ism al a'zam, ed 
Strothmann in ibid, 171-7 b Diya' al albab 1 Lubb 
al ma'anj 8 Lubab aljawa'id 9 Risalat mulhikat al 
adhhan 10 al Risala al mufida, a commentary on the 
kasidal al nafs ascribed to Ibn Slna' Retutations 11 
Damigh al bdtil, refutation of al-GhazalT s al Mustazhm 

12 Mukhtaiar al 'usul, refutation of Sunnls, Mu'tazilTs 
Zaydis and Falasija who deny God all attributes 

1 3 Risalat tuhfat al murtadd, ed Strothmann in 
irba'a kutub lsma'ihyya, 159-70, a lefutation of 
the Hafizi-Madjidi da'ua Miscellaneous 14 Maajalis 
al nush ua 7 bayan 15 Diu an, eulogies of the 
Imams and his teachers, elegies and valuable his- 
torical information about contemporary events in 

Husayn b 'Ali, son of the preceeding He suc- 
ceeded Ahmad b al-Mubarak b al-Walid as the eighth 
da'l muilak He lived in San'a' and died there on 11 
Safar 667/31 October 1268. His writings deal main- 
ly with hakd'ik. The following works have survived. 
1. Risalat al-Iddh wa Tbayan. The section about the 
fall of Adam has been edited by B. Lewis in An 
Ismd'ili interpretation of the fall of Adam, in BSOS, ix 
(1938), 691-704. 2. al-Risala al-wahida fi taihblt arkan 
al-'akida. 3. 'Akidat al-muwahhidin. 4. Risalat al-lddh wa- 
1-tabsTr fi fadl yaum al-Ghadir. 5. Ruala Mahiyyat al- 
Zir. 6. al-Mabda' wa H-ma'ad, ed. and tr. H. Corbin, 
in Trilogie Ismae/ienne, Tehran 1961, 99-130 (Arabic 
pagination), 129-200. 

'AlI b. Husayn, son of the preceeding. He 
succeeded his father as the ninth da'l muilak. He lived 
in San'a' and then moved to 'Arus, but following the 
Hamdanid repossession of San'a', he returned and 
died there on 13 Dhu '1-Ka'da 682/2 February 1284. 
His al-Risala al-kamila is extant. 

Bibliography: Hatim al-Hamidi, Tuhfat al- 
kulub, in manuscript, (edition being prepared by 
Abbas Hamdani); Idns b. al-Hasan, Nuzhat al- 
aJUr, manuscript used by H.F. al-Hamdam, al- 
Sulayhiyyun, Cairo 1955, 284-91; Hasan b. Nuh 
al-Bharuci, Kitab al-A z har, i. ed. 'Adil al-'Awwa 
in Muntakhabat hma'iliyya, Damascus 1958, 191, 

193-4, 198, 247-8, IsmaTl b 'Abd al-Rasul al- 
Madjdu", Fihnst, ed 'Air Naki Munzawi, Tehian 
1966, 41-2, 80, 93-5, 123-7 131, 140, 151, 153, 
200-1, 229-37, 244-6, 257 278, For a full descrip- 
tion of works and sources, see Ismail Poonawala, 
Bw-biblwgraphy of hma'ilT htirature Malibu, Cal 
1977 (I Poonawala) _ 

pro-Shi'i poet oi Ifrikiva, who was, according 
to Ibn Rashik [Kurada, 102), in the service of the 
Fanmid caliphs al-Ka'im, al-Mansur and above all al- 
Mu'izz, whom he joined m his new capital in Egypt, 
despite his gieat age and the hazards of the ]oume\ 
It was piobabK in Cairo that he died, in the same 
\ear as his protectoi, 365/976 according to H H 'Abd 
al-Wahhab {Ta'rikh, 9b,, but later than this, according 
to Ch Bouvahia (Vie litteram, 39), these two authors 
place his birth in Tunis apparently in older to explain 
his ethnic of al-TunisI, which in the 4th/ 10th centu- 
ry, and even later, referred merely to a small place 
adjacent to the luins of Carthage (cf Kadf Nu'man, 
A alMadjalis ua 7 mumyarat, ed Yalaom-Feki- 
Chabbouh, Tunis, 1978 203 332-3, and al-Bakrl, ed 
de Slane, 37) This msba has caused him to be often 
confused with a later homonym, 'All b \ usuf al-Tumsi, 
also the eulogist of an al-Mansur and an al-Mu'izz, 
but this time, Zhids (cf Bou\ahia, hi at) On the 
othei hand, the ethnic al-Ivadi leads one to postulate 
an Aiab origin, the Ivad being a component of a sec- 
tion of the Banu Hilal, the Athbadj, who had estab- 
lished themselves in the region of Msila (see P Massieia 
Msila du X' au YI ' suck, in Bull de la Soi hist it 
anheol de Sitij, n [1941], repr in CT No 85-6) 

The poet's fame leached the Spanish shores in his 
own lifetime, an anecdote of the same Ibn Rashrk 
('Umda, i 111) shows us the Andalusian Ibn Ham' 
[qi] on his arrival in al-Kayiawan involved in hos- 
tilities with the poets already established there, but 
making specific mention only of al-Iyadi However 
despite the high esteem in which later critics held 
him, such as Ibn Sharaf (Questions dt critique litteram, 
ed Ch Pellat, Algiers 1953, 9), no poem of his has 
come down to us in complete foim, is this attribut- 
able to later Sunni ostracism of the poet after the 
sudden change to the Zfrid regime, or a change in 
literary tastes' Whatever the reason mav be out of 
the 105 verses which the present writer has been able 
to gather together (Hawliyyat, 1973, 97), only two frag- 
ments are ShiT in inspiration. These however are pre- 
served by pro-Fatimid authors, these being firstly a 
rather poignant and moving relation of the end of 
Abu Yazid, "the man on the donkey" (Sirat Ustadh 
Dhawdhar, Cairo, 48, tr. M. Canard, 69) and secondly 
a eulogy in honour of al-Mansur (Dawadan, Kanz al- 
durar, vi, 117). The remainder is made up of well- 
turned, descriptive fragments, which abound richly in 
images, hence admired and gathered together for this 
reason bv the anthologists; thus out of these last, al- 
Husri (Zahr, 189, 314, 1003) reproduces a description 
of the Fatimid fleet, armed with the fearsome Greek 
Fire, a picture of a galloping horse and a tableau of 
the splendours of the Lake Palace, Dar al-Bahr, at 

In sum, al-Iyadi seems to have been a great poet, 
quite apart from his Fatimid allegiance, but our knowl- 
edge of his poetry — apart from his talent — remains 
till now only fragmentary. 

Bibliography: Ibn Rashik, Kurddat al-dhahab, 
ed. Bouyahia, Tunis 1972; H.H. 'Abd al-Wahhab, 
Mudjmal ta'rikh al-adab al-tunisi, Tunis 1968, 96; 
Ch. Bouyahia, La vie litteraire en Ifriqiya sous les 


1973 _ (M \alaouii 

*ALI EMIRI (1858-1024) Turkish bibliophile 
and scholar He was born in Di\aibekr the son 
of Mehmed Shenf a wealthv meulnnt trom a locallv 
piominent tamiK He leaint Aiabic Persian and 
the Islamic sciences from his great-uncle ind private 
tutors At the age ot 18 he published in the local 
paper Lhtarbih a d^ulumie a poem commemorating 
the enthronement of Murad \ which made his name 
widelv known in educated cncles When ' \bidin Pasha 
(the Mathnaui commentatoi) time in 1870 to 
Divarbekr as president ot the committee ol reioim 
for the eastern provinces he ippointed 'All Emin as 
secretarv and later took him to Salonika when he 
became the governor of that province Thus there 
began his career as a civil servant which was to last 
foi three decades He served m diverse parts of the 
Empire until he retired in 1008 He died in Istanbul 
on 20 Januarv 1024 

A life-lone; passionate collector of rare books he 

(e g the unique cop\ of kashghan s Diuan lu°hat al 
tutk] and made copies of the raie books which he 
could not puichase He conveved his invaluible col- 
lection to the Shavkh al-Islam Favd Mlah Efendi 
Librarv at Fatih in Istanbul (19161 then re-named 
the Millet Librarv ol which he lemained Director 
until his death 'Ah Emm wrote dman poetrv with 
great ease and tacilitv (but with not much talent) md 

i the Mill. 


biographies of poets of his native Div irbeki {Ttdhlm 
M ihu'aia u 'Amid Istanbul 132a rami/ 1409) verv 
little ol his research work on the Ottoman poets 
(with special tmphasis on sultan and pnnce poets" 
has been published (and that mainlv in his journal 
'Othmanli ta'nkh we edebmat medjmu 'an founded in 
1020 31 issues) '\li Emin followed in method and 
xadition of the classical I, Man [,/ i ] 

w i iters The bulk c 
the Millet Libra: 

His s 

the Nationalists in Ankaia Mustafa kemal Pash; 
(Ataturk) personallv gave financial help to him in hi 
old age The list ol 'Ah Emin s othei publication 
1 Ahmed Refik and Ibnulemin M k Ina 

e Bibl 1 

Biblios>iaph> Ahmed Refik 4 E in ITEM No 
78 (19241 Ibnulemin Mk Inal Son aw tu,k sou 
Im i Istanbul 1930 298-314 MuzafTer Lsen htanbul 
amikbptdm n Istanbul 1959 sv (Fahir I/) 

'ALI MARDAN KHAN Amir al-Umara' i mil- 

the piominent nobles ol Shah 'Abbas ol Ptisia Dunn? 
the reign of Shah Saft (1038-52/1629-42) he came 
under a cloud He thereupon went ovei to the Mughal 
Lmperoi Shah Djahan (1037-68/1628-58) and handed 
over the fort of kandahtr [a c ] to the Mughals 
He was given the rank of 5 000/5 000 b\ his new 
master in 1048/1638 and wis appointed govemoi of 
Kashmir In 1050/1640 he was promoted to 
7 000/7 000 and was appointed governor of the 
Pandjab In 1641 he was appointed govemoi of Kabul 
in addition to the Pandjab 

'Ah Mardan Khan was connected with the con- 


s Shah 

t Lahore He died 

1067/1657 and was buried 
t Lahon 

Bibliography 'Abd al-Harmd Lahon Badshah 
nama 11 Bibl Ind Calcutta 1868 continuation bv 
Muhammad Wanth Badshah nama I O MS Ethe 
329 <see Stoiev i 574 7) Shah Nawaz khan Ma'atha 
alumara n Bibl Ind Calcutta 1888-91 HIS 
Kanwat 'Ah Mardan Khan in K xlvn i197 3i 105- 
19 _ (M Athar Ali) 

'ALLAL al-FASI Muhammad Moroccan states- 
nan and writer (1907-74) Born at Fas he wis edu- 
ated at the umveisitv ot al karawivvin [q I ] Fiom 
he age of 18 onwards he took pait in the diftu- 
lon throughout Morocco of the progressive move 
nent of the Salafiyva [a i ] and his militant attitude 

of 1, 

s well a 
it laza He 

was freed in 1931 and letun 
began to lecture at the kaiawiyvin these lectures 
weie however bovcotted bv certain religious leaders 
who feared that his unrestiained political attitudes 
might well cause difficulties foi the Moroccan author- 
ities in their ulations with the French Protectorate 
■Al-Fisi then took part in the delegation of the most 
influential nationalist leadeis to the sultan of Moiocco 
in 1934 when the document called Matalib al sha'b 
al mavhnbi ( Demands foi reform of the Moioccan 
people ) the first catechism of the nationalist move- 
ment consisting of a complete programme lor the 
ielorm and renovation of the land especiallv in the 
politico-social spheie was presented to the sovereign 
The tei giv ei sations and delavs ol the speakers engaged 
m this exasperated the moie udent of patriots ind 

I Moroccan bloc for nitional action i which had 
until 19 34 woiked in the background to intensity 
its activities Disorders bioke out in 19 36 in Fas 
Sale ind Casablanca and the leaders of the bloc 
including 'Allal il-Fasi were arrested Aitei then 
lieemg almost immtdiatelv the bloc decided to dis- 
band itself and two parties were then formed al 
Haiaka al kaumnia and al Hi~b al uatani h tahkik 
al matalib which merged in 1943 to foim the single 
partv ol the htiklal led lrom 194b onwaids bv al- 
Fasi In the following vear he fled to Cano where 

French and Spanish Protectoiates lrom a centie in 
the Maktab al Maghrib al ambi founded in the Egvptian 
capital He returned to Morocco in 1956 the veai 

nominated Piolessoi of Islamic Law at Rabat and 
Fas and then Minister ol State entrusted with Islamic 
iffairs and a Deputv 

'Allal al-Fasis work as a publicist as well as a 

ning ol 1957 he lounded the newspaper Le Sahaia 

older t 




Mauretama in Moiocco and in 1952 the monthlv 
leview al Banma which was at the same time Pan- 
Aiab and Pan-Islamic and also concerned with cul- 
ture and social piogress In all his woik the wntei 
dealt with topics and problems of the Maghrib s 
histoiv and politics above all in regard to the 
modern and contemporarv periods with the e\cep- 

iCasablanca nd) in which the authoi gathered 
together his lectures on law at the Faculty Two 
books are devoted to an historic o-jundical analvsis 
of the Fiench and Spanish Protectoiates ovei 
Moiocco al Himaya ft Marrakush mm al aidjha 


al-ta'nkhivva wa 'l-kanunivva and Himavat hbamva jt 
Marmkush mm al-widj.ha ' al-ta' rikhina wa 1-kanumvya 
(publ. in Cairo 1947). His al-Maghnb al-'aiak minal- 
harb al-'dlamiyya al-ula Ha 'l-yawm (Cairo 1955), on 
the other hand, belongs to "the usual class of his- 
torical compilations. His essay on al-Haraka al- 
istiklalivya fi IMaghnb al-'aiabi (Cairo 1948, 2nd ed. 
1956) may be considered as an unpretentious con- 
tribution to our knowledge of Maghrib! nationalism, 
especially in Morocco; there exist of these an English 
translation (New York 1954, repr. 1970) and a 
Spanish one. Other works comprise collections of 
lectures given in various capitals of the Arab world 
las in Hadith al-Maghnb fi TMashrik, Cairo 1956) and 
radio talks (as in Nida' al-Kahira, Rabat 1959)— these 
last revealing the passionate character of the writer's 
political beliefs. Al-Nakd al-dhatl (Cairo 1952), of which 
there even exists a Chinese translation, is a self-crit- 
icism of the Arab world jparticularly in regard to 
Morocco), in which the author analyses with a care- 
ful dialectic the recent past, and above all the pres- 
ent, in order to discern exactly the most effective 
way for Arabism to face up to the exigencies of 
e part of Europear 

without ; 


icing it 

particular genius and identity. In this, 'Allal al-FasT 
places himself in the forefront of the ideology of 
Islamic fundamentalism with its roots in Muhammad 
'Abduh's [q.r.] thought, but at times he goes beyond 

ing more clearly to the heart of western thought. 
Bibliography: There is information on 'Allal 
al-Fasi in all the numerous works (mainly in French) 
on Morocco. There is a good source of docu- 
mentation on his political activity in Oriente Moderno, 
esp. xvii (1937), 595, xix (1939), 429-30, and xxxii 
(1952), 1-31 passim. See also Anouar Abdel-Malek, 

essais, Paris 1965, 190-6; and A. Laroui, Videologie 
arabe contemporame, Paris 1967, passim. 

(U. Rizzitano) 
ALLAWAYH al-A'SAR, Abu 'l-Hasan 'AlI b. 
'Abd Allah b. Sayf, court musician in early 
'■\bbasid times died in or shortly alter 235/85(1 
He was ol Soghdian oiigm mania (al itk) of the 
Umtwads and maula (al khidma) ol the 'Abbasids 
Ibrahim and Ishik al-Mawsih taught him the clas- 
sical hidja^i music but he prelered the iomantic 
st\le oi Ibrahim b al-Mahdi and intioduced Peisian 
melodies tnagham famnia) into Aiab music As a 
couit musician he started in the third class (tabaka) 
undei Hnun al-Rashid and continued to sene the 
caliphs up to al-Mutawakkil but suffered irom the 
main of his more bulhant colleague Mukhank 
'Allawayh is descnbed as being a master musician 
(mughanm hadhik) an excellent lutemst tdaub 
mutakaddim) — being left-handed he used an instru- 
ment stringed in re\eise Older— and a skilful com- 
pose! (\am' mutafanmn) \bu 1-Faiadj al-Isbaham 
recorded 80 of his songs using sources like 
'■\Ilawa\hs own hitab (or Djami') al Agham and the 
songbooks of 'Ami b Bina Ibn al-Makki Habash 
and al-Hishami 

Bibliography igham xi ^33-60 (main 
souice see also indues) Ibn Tayiur Kilab 
Baghdad Cairo 1949 (see indices) Ibn 'Abd 
Rabbih 'Ikd vi Cairo 1949 31 33 37 Djahiz 


khulafa'), 3(1 Nuwa\ 

-13 O 

of Arabian musk, 123; Kh. Mardam, Djamharat al- 

mughannin, Damascus 1964, 163-4. 

(E. Neubaueri 

ALUS, Sermed Mukhtar, modern Turkish 
Sermet Muhtar Alus, Turkish writer (1887-1952). 
He was born in Istanbul, the son of Ahmed Mukhtar 
Pasha, the founder of the Military Museum and a 
teacher at the War College. Educated mainly pri- 
vately at Galatasarav Lvcee. he studied law, gradu- 
ating in 1910. As a student, he founded with two 
friends, the humorous paper EU'furuk (1908) and con- 
tributed essays and cartoons to another humorous 
paper David (1908-9). His early interest in philosophy 
and social studies did not last long, and he turned 
to the theatre. Between 1918 and 1930, apart from 
a number of short stories which he contributed to 
various papers, he concentrated exclusively on the the- 
atre, writing and adapting from the French many 
plays, some of which were performed in the Istanbul 
Municipal theatre [Dai al-Bedayi'). Some of his plays 
were serialised in satirical weeklies (Akbaba and Amcabey). 
The year 1931 was a turning point in his literary 
career. He began to publish in the newspaper Aksam 
sketches of everyday life in Istanbul at the turn of 
the century, Otuz sene evvel Istanbul ("Istanbul thirty- 
years ago") which were followed by stories, essays, 
autobiographical sketches, novels, etc. serialised in the 
same paper and in the dailies .Son posta, Cumhuriyet, 
Vatan, Vakil, etc. and in the periodicals Yedigun, Hafta, 
Yeni mecmua, etc., all describing life in mansions, vil- 
las, rahs (sea-side villas), famous resorts, or in the 
humble homes of Istanbul during the last decade of 
Harmdian era. 

An extremely prolific writer, he produced con- 
tinuously until his death in Istanbul on 18 May 
1952. Unfortunately the great bulk of his output 

accompanied by his own designs and sketches, 
remains scattered in many dailies and periodicals. 
Four of his novels have been published in book 
form: Kunrak Pasa (1933), Pembe majlahh hamm (1933), 
Harp zengminin gelmi (1934), Eski Qapkin anlatiyor (1944). 
The plots in these novels, as in all Alus's writings, 
lie loose and unimportant and are onl\ a pretext 
tor describing and repoiting the comersations of his 
pet characters who are Harmdian pashas local beau- 
ties or toughs snobs and simple people Alus is the 

rative school inaugurated bv Ahmed Midhat and 
continued b\ Husavn Rahmi Ahmed Rasim and 
ODj Kavgih [ V n] perhaps I 

i that 

and s: 

phstic without high claims to am moral or philo- 
sophic conclusions In spite of his often unpolished 
even sloppv stvle and his weakness foi the farcical 
his work has a great dotumentaiv \alue for the spo- 
ken language »a) of life customs and folklore of 

Bibliography Resat Ekrem Kocu in Istanbul 
ansikloptdm Istanbul 1958-b9 sv (the main source 
for all subsequent studies) Metin And Mefrutiytt 
dommindt Turk tiyatrom Ankara 1971 '" 



e Ilek-Khans 

'AM'AK Shih 
leading Persian poets at the com 
(Kara-Khamds) [q i ] of Transoxama Late sources 
ascribe to him the kunya \bu 1-Nadjib (eg laki 
al-Din Kasham) It is not certain whethei 'Am'ak 
is a personal name or i lakab used as a pen- 
name It cannot be connected with an\ existing 
Arabic Persian or Turkish word Dh Safa has 


> to Dh Safa the ! 

middle ol the 5th/llth centun It am of the dates 
cri\en tor his de ith b\ htei bios>rapheis \iz 542 (eg 
Dawlatshah md Rida-kuh khan Hidavat), 543 (Tab 
al-Din kishinij or 551 (Sadik b S ilih Istihim m 

The enhest databl 

e poems that tie attributed to 

'Am'ak ate taudas, w 

ntten loi the Il< k-khan Nasr 

b Ibiahim l4bO-72/ 

0b8-80) The poet must ha\e 

h\ed at least till 524/ 

120-30 lccoidinr; to the aiwc- 

dote that he was o 

Sultan Sandjai s da 

us>htei Mah-i Mulk khatun 

whose death oc(unec 

in that \en (Dawlatshih on 

the authorm of 'An 

<aks rontempoian khatuni) 

or even latei if the 

princ e Mahmud named in a 

fiaimientan poem is 

identKal with the Uek-kh in 

toneol Samaikmd b\ Sandj n 

in 526/1132 

Alieadv duims> the 

shoit mirn of khidi b Ibiahim 

(472-3/1080 1) 'Am c 

k appeals to ha\e reached a 

the couit ol Samukand The 

with Rashidi told m the ( aha, 

mat ah pictures him 

s an am,, al dm'ma In his latei 

tinlh belon 


:o othei 
of 80b 

poets S NafTsi his a 
bmS fiom vinous, sources in D,uan I 'in, at , 
Bulla,! Tehran 1330/1060 This volume lacks 
however pi case letetences on the piovenance ol 
each item The laudas wntten loi the Ilek-khans 
hue ilso been insetted into the ta'hlat to NafTsi s 
edition of Ta nlh , Ba\hal , Tehian 1332/ 10=>3 m 

The most impoitant souues containing fnsr 
mc nts of his poetn lie 'AwfT Lubab ed Browne 
181-0 ed NafTsi 378-84 cf ta'hlat 085 04 
Rishid-i Watwat Hada ,1 al s,h, Tehian 
1308/1020 44-5 Shims al Din Muhammad b 
ka\s al-Rizi al Uu'djttm ft ma'aw adi'ar al 'aajam 
Tehran 1338/1050 351 381 Djidjaimi \Iu rm 
al a/na, fi dala'il al aih'a, n Tehnn 1350/1071 
400 Dawlitshih 04-5 Djami Bahamian 
Dushamlx 1072 107 Amm Ahmad Rtzi Haft 
itlim Tehian 1340/1001 m 400-20 kasimi 
Sullam alsamaiat Iehun 1340/10bl 53 cf 
haitash, 303 4 Lutf'Ah Be[< \dhat Atashlada 
hth Bomba\ 1200 AH 337-42 Rida-kuh khan 
Hidavat \ladima al fusaha' hth Tehian 




3 3o/K 

Although the s>] 

intmient ol on 

ol h 

s la 

</</s in which 




line is olten quoted 

as a 

l example ol 


ed as 

ter ot elegies 

more than the 

he wiott at 


ot Sandjai has 

been prese 


hei notable lean 



stieme example 

ol th 

piolosme ot 


jntams the cone 

innan woild on 



abmed with satn 

) the poets i 

ed NafTsi 141 



ak had a dis 


•sented is 
v ntues of 
170 ff 

ft Ch Rieu (atalo^ut of Pasum mimmmpH in tlu 
Btihsh \lmium London 1881 n 8b0 Supplement 
105 \J Aibem mJ/USilQWi ^70 \ Munziwi 
Fihmti nuskhaha „ lhatt, \, falsi in Tehran 1350/ 


24870- 1 ] 

be found In Nizami Aiudi (aha, malala Tehian 
1055-7 mat,, 44 73 74 cf ta'hkat 138 fi 1U 1 
and 015 is well as in the tadhfna woiks mentioned 
208 303 ^35 f 


i Bulhaii. 


177-81 280-05 
adahmal da, han n Tehian 13j0/10b0 5 35-47 
EE Beitels htonui pinMotad lUm hhiatim 
Moscow 1050 401-0 and /*m»» S NafTsi 
muladdama to his edition ol the Dman 3-127 and 
200 tl itiN Mm md kl Ca\kin Pismao/xr 
udshn litaatui, Tiflis 1070 110-25 

iJTP DE Bruijni 
AMAN ALLAH Amu of Afghanistan and the 
.ULcessoi and thud son ol Habib Allah [</ c ] b\ his 
1 ' '■ 'UlviHadntid 1005) He was bom on 



ind lnid- 

[ Mahr 

1035) the editoi ol Snaa} al alhha, and in 1014 
mamed 1 nzis diusrhtei Son\a (Thuiavv i) |d 21 
\pnl 1%8) At the time ol his lathers muidei on 
20 Febiuin 1010 Aman Allah as Govtrnoi ol 
kabul tonti oiled the capital with its s>amson, ai se- 
ll il and treason Suppoited In the nm\ the 
vounijei nationalists and the Barakza\ laction he 
lesisted the claims ol his uncle Nasi Allah and his 
eldest biothei 'Inavat Allah md was lei osmised is 
amir on 28 Pebiuan 

Am m Allah piomptK isseited Afgh unstin s in- 


dependence from British control of her foreign rela- 
tions. Possibly hoping to promote his goal by the 
threat of war, he despatched forces to the Indian 
frontier, but hostilities commenced on 3 May and 
endured until an armistice at the beginning of June 
(the Third Afghan Wan. By the Treaty of Rawalpindi 
(8 August 1919) Britain recognised, by implication, 
Afghanistan's independence, although the Durand 
Line remained the frontier. After further negotiations 
at Mussoorie (April-July 1920) and in Kabul, a treaty 
of good neighbourliness was signed by Britain and 
Afghanistan on 22 November 1921. In the mean- 
time Aman Allah had obtained international recog- 
nition through treaties with the USSR (28 February 
1921) and Turkey (1 March 1921). Relations were 
also established with Italy, France and Iran. In the 
early years of his reign Aman Allah espoused a Pan- 
Islamic policy involving support for Indian Muslims, 
friendship with Turkey and Iran and the creation of 
a Central Asian federation under Afghan leadership 
including Bukhara and Khlwa, but the reassertion 
of Soviet control over Turkistan put an end to this 

ernisation. His reforms came in two main bursts. In 
the period 1921-4 he reformed the structure of Afghan 
government, introducing the first budget (1922), con- 
stitution (1923), and administrative code (1923). He 
introduced legal reforms including a family code (1921) 
and a penal code (1924-5). The legal reforms were 
partly the work of ex-Ottoman advisors and influ- 
enced by Islamic modernism, being derived largely 
from the Shari'a but replacing 'ulama' control by that 
of the state. Education was central to his reforms and 
he established new secondary schools and sent Afghan 
students abroad. His support of female education gave 



n froi 

Allah made 

opment by fostering communications (aircraft, radio 
and telegraph introduced, and railway surveys begun), 
reforming the currency (the rupee replaced by the 
afghani], reorganising the customs, and helping light 
industry. The principal economic success of his reign, 
however, owed nothing to his efforts; this was the 
development of the Karakul and carpet industries fol- 
lowing Uzbek immigration into the northern provinces. 
There was also some agricultural development. Aman 
Allah's reforms were financed largely from domestic 
resources and lack of money imposed constraints which 
were especially marked in his military reforms. With 
the aid of foreign instructors (mainly Turks) Aman 
Allah sought to develop a non-tribal national militia 
based on conscription for short periods, and at the 
same time to reduce military spending. The result was 
strong tribal opposition to conscription, and a dis- 
affected, discontented and inefficient army. Hostility 

lay behind the Khost [a.v.] rebellion in 1924, which 
was suppressed only after a protracted struggle. For 
a time Aman Allah was obliged to abate his reform- 
In December 1927 Aman Allah departed for a 
tour of Europe, returning to Kabul on 1 July 1928. 
His object, he explained, was to discover the secrets 
of progress; his conclusion was that these were the 

moned a national assembly \Loe D/irga) (28 August- 
5 September) and dressed the delegates in European 
clothes to hear his new ideas. At the last moment 
he was persuaded to omit his most far-reaching 
proposals, but his announced changes in the con- 

Unabashed, Aman Allah repeated his proposals in 
a further series of five three-hour speeches deliv- 
ered between 30 September and 4 October to an 
invited audience, which was treated to the spectacle 
of Queen Soraya dramatically unveiling herself. 

Enraged by the social reforms, by their diminution 
of their own authority, and by new proposals by Aman 
Allah to examine them in their proficiency to teach 
and to expel those trained at Deoband, the 'ulama', 
under the leadership of the Hazrat family of Shor 
Bazaar, denounced Aman Allah as an infidel. The 
Amir arrested the leaders, but in November found 
himself confronted by two tribal risings supported by 
'ulama', one in the vicinity of Djalalabad, involving 
the Shinwans and other tribes, and the second in the 
Kuhistan, led by a Tadjik bandit known as Bacca-yi 
Sakaw. His inadequate forces divided, Aman Allah 
was unable to resist the attack on Kabul from the 
Kuhistan, and his belated withdrawal of nearly all his 
reforms did not pacify the rebels. On 14 January 
1929 Aman Allah abdicated in favour of 'Inayat Allah 
and fled to Kandahar. Tnayat Allah also abdicated 
on 18 January and the Bacca became ruler of Kabul 
with the title of Habib Allah II. At Kandahar Aman 
Allah rescinded his abdication on 24 January and 
sought help from Britain (which remained neutral), 
from the USSR (which briefly sent troops to north- 
ern Afghanistan), and from Afghan tribes. Although 
Aman Allah received help from the Hazaras and some 
other tribes, he failed to command the support of the 
Durrams and the majority of the Ghalzays, and was 
forced to turn back his advance on Kabul at Ghazna. 
On 23 May he left Afghanistan for India and on 22 
June sailed from Bombay to exile in Rome. He died 
'in Switzerland on 26 April 1960 and was brought 
home and buried at Djalalabad. 

Bibliography: The older biographies of Aman 
Allah such as those by R. Wild, London 1932 
and Ikbal Ali Shah, London 1933 have little value 
by comparison with modern studies based on the 
British archives. See Rhea Talley Stewart, Fire in 
Afghanistan 1914-1929, New York 1973; L.B. 
Poullada, Reform and rebellion in Afghanistan, 1919- 
1929, Ithaca 1973; L.W. Adamec, Afghanistan 1900- 
1923, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1967, and idem, 
Afghanistan 's foreign affairs to the mid-twentieth century, 
Tucson 1974; V. Gregorian, The emergence of mod- 
em Afghanistan, Stanford 1969. All these latter works 
contain valuable further bibliographies. 

(M.E. Yapp) 
AMID TULAKl SUNAMI, Kh"adja 'amid al- 
DIn Fakhr al-Mulk, poet of Muslim India. He was 
born in Sunam, an important town (now in the dis- 
trict of Patiala in the Indian part of the Pandjab) 
that had emerged as a centre of culture and learn- 
ing in the 7th/ 13th century. 'Amid called himself 
Tulaki along with Sunami because his father was 
said to have migrated from Tulak in Khurasan to 
India. In the art of poetry, he was the disciple of 
a famous master, Shihab Mahmra. He started his 
career as a poet in Multan, which had become the 
capital of a short-lived kingdom under Malik Tzz 
al-Din Khan-i Ayaz and his son, Tadj al-Dm Abu 
Bakr (who died in 638/1241). Two of his kasldas 
preserved in mediaeval anthologies are in praise of 
Sultan Tadj al-Din. On the death of patron, he 
moved from Multan to Dihli, and during the reign 
of Sultan Balban he was appointed muslawji of the 
district of Multan and Ucch, placed under the charge 


lence in the a 

rt (if poet 

r\ show me; th 

t lie v 

shed poe 

s of tht Dihh 

te dur 

ing the 7th/13th centur 


to the 


(it lndo-Persia 

e It emerges h 



in tht philoso 

ph\ o 


or illuminate 

e wisdom 

as propound 

d and 


cated b\ Sh 

vkh Shihab U-Din Su 

di d 


Like most ( 

f his con 

( llK a poet of 

the Lasida 

and his known 



rulers prince 

s and 

theie ue lis 


band two ^ 

Is and on 

e ha J Ihumorot spo 

s pern 

11 fresi 


(poems wnttei 

in prison 

and depie tint; 

life [see habs 

y\k belov 

■,}) shed light 

,n the 


mid also 

that his gha^als like those of Shavkh Djam il of H nisi 
pa\ed the w iv for the ghazal s subsequent popuhntv 
as in independent blanch of poetn 

Bibliography 'Abd al-Kadn Bada'um Uuntakhab 
altaitarikh i Bibl Ind edn Calcutta 1Ho9 Ahmad 
Kulati Isfaham \h'nis_ al ahia) MS Habib Gandj 
Collection Mawlana \zad Iibran Uigarh Taki 
Kashi hhulasat al ash'ar MS Khuda Bakhsh Libi an 
Patna Husavn Andju Iaihangi Djahanqm Ntwal 
Kishore edn Iqbal Husain Jlu tarh Ptnum fmh 
of India Patna 1937 Nizir Alimad 'Amid Tulah 
Sunanu in Fib o Aay lUidu Quattah) (October 1%4) 
Aligarh Muslim Umversitv Aligarh 


AMIN al-HUSAYNI mufti and Palestinian leader 
He was bom in Jerusalem in 1893 the son of Talnr 
al-Husa\m The Husa\ms were a leading famiK m 
Jerusalem who claimed ShaufT lineage although this 

had passed through female members of the familv 
Thev had often held the office of mufti in the past 
and thiee had been mup in the period linmediate- 
K before 1821 Mustafa Amin s grandfather Tahn 
his father and Kamil his cldei biothei b\ anothei 
mother The holding of this office enhanced the 
standing of the famiK othti membeis of which had 
held other high positions including that of Ma\or 
of Jerusalem and of deputv in the Ottoman paiha- 
ment Thus Amm 

Jerusalem More 
the third holiest 
as such must h; 
thoughts The , 


if the 


lole u 

mufti u 

the Husa 

Amin al-Husa\m hac 
attended a local Mushr 

attended foi a \eai the school of the Alliance Isi; 
studied trench In 191. 


t to Cai 

eied a 

a \eai and left without giaduatmg and with 
the title of 'ahm He immediatcl\ went to make 
had)dj from which he letumed to Jeiusalem 

religious education was incomplete and did 
quahfv him foi the office of mufti Fuithet 
ation was receded in the Ottoman aim\ in 


h he served during the First Woild War H 
•nook his basic training in the School of Official' 
Mulkmt in Istanbul ind at the Mihtar 
demv His wu 

f this 

mng ti 


ed to wear the tarbush the 

n officnl but not of a religious digmtarv 

lemsalcm which was to be the base of his ictiuties 
[or the next nineteen \eais He worked as teachei 
translatoi md (nil sen int but he soon turned to 
,ouinalism and dnect political actmtv He was an 

organising ibihtv and from the fust inspired bv two 
dceplv-held ideas Aiab nationalism and a hatred 
iif the Zionist attempt to change the charactei of 
Palestine Foi him Pilestine was an Islamic Aiab 
[ountrv belonging to the wider Ar ib woild and he 

would i 


Arab neighbours He wis com meed that the Palestin- 
ims had the light to determine the futuie foim of 
government of their countn a right possessed bv nei- 
ther the British government noi the Zionist oigan- 
isation He ilso believed that Euiopean Jews settling 
in Palestine would spiead customs and usiges alien 
to the more ti iditional Islamic wav of lite If change 
was to come in Palestine it should be oigame and 
internal and not imposed from outside He devoted 
the rest of his life to a vain attempt to stem this tide 

Opposition to Zionism amongst the Aiabs of S\na 
and Palestine giew in intensity once Jerusalem and 
Damascus had fallen to the Allied forces The oppo- 
sition was led b\ l gioup of \oung Pdestimans fore- 

al-' \nf \ erbal opposition in speeches and newspa- 
peis led to street demonstrations m September 1919 
Editorials and sermons called for the shedding of 
Jewish blood it piotests went unheeded Amin began 
to organise small gioups of fida'mun whose task was 
to strike against the Jews and the Bntish When m 
Maieh 1920 the Suian National Congiess voted for 
Sv nan independence Palestine Ai abs toe ik to the streets 
in the belief that then countn, was included in the 
new state 'Anf s newspaper Suuiia al Qianubnia pub- 
lished the headline Arabs anse' The end of the for 
tigners is neai Jews will be diowned in their own 
blood Because of the Amir Fivsals lack of stiong 

his state and follow then own path In April the 
Arabs of Jerusalem in the prevailing tense atmospheie 
exploded fiom a demonstiation into an assault on the 
Jewish population 

Amin who was leading the demonstration was 
ieported to have tried to testiain the noteis but two 
davs of tiouble left five Jews dead and 211 wounded 
and four Arabs dead and 21 wounded Dunng the dis- 
turbances \ ladimir Jabotinskv s Jewish Self-Defence 
Group attempted to assassinate Amin and 'Anf whose 
fida'mun tiled to ittahate Bntish intelligence forestalled 
these attempts and tht two had to (fee to Transjoidan 
after having been accused of piovoking the riots This 
was the first of a series of charges laid against Amin 
dunng his lifetime His piecise lole in the piovocation 
can nevei be astei tamed but it is teitain that he 
appioved of all actions taken to discomfoit the Jewish 
population and that he was not averse to the shed- 
ding of blood The concepts of d}ihad and of the fida 1 
weie in Islamic histon associated with the possibihtv 
of death in the pursuit of a goal All Muslims could 

be summoned to a aphad in defence of Islam against 


The first British High Commissioner in Palestine, 
Herbert Samuel, pardoned Amm in August 1920 
and he returned to Jerusalem. Samuel had issued 
the pardon in order to try to calm Arab feeling 
and to attempt to enlist Arab support for his poli- 
cies. In March 1921 the mufti of Jerusalem, Kamil 
al-Husavm, died. The British' authorities had assumed 
the mantle of the Ottoman government and conse- 
quently the responsibility for religious appointments. 
In an election, local 'ultima' had to select three can- 
didates for the office of mufti, one of whom would 
be approved by the government. The al-Husaym 
family campaigned for their nominee, Hadjdj Amln, 
but he was not one of the three selected in April. 


r that 

? had sc 

e popi 


.lar sup- 
s loathe 

the office 

s appointed Grand Mufti {al-mujh al-akhan. 

s of 

atrocities amongst the Jews. 133 were killed bv the 
Arabs and 116 Arabs killed by police action. The sub- 
sequent British government report did not accuse the 
Mufti directly of provoking the attacks, but blamed 
him for not doing enough to forestall them and for 
having played upon public feeling. The agitation had 
been conducted in the name of a religion of which, 
in Palestine, he was head. The British still saw him as 
a force for moderation, whereas it is clear that he was 
committed to an uncompromisingly anti-Zionist policy 
and that he would do everything in his power to frus- 
trate the establishment of a Jewish National Home. 

In 1931 he convened a Pan-Islamic Conference in 
Jerusalem which he attempted to use as a platform 
to further his anti-Zionist policv, although his posi- 
tion was challenged by other Palestinian leaders. He 
later travelled to other Muslim countries to gain polit- 
ical support and to raise funds. In 1935 he helped 
to found the Palestine Arab Party, a Husaynf organ- 
isation under the presidency of Djamal, the Mufti's 
cousin. The Party's policy was that of Amm himself, 
and it attempted to prohibit the further sale of Arab 
land to Jewish settlers. 

Amfn's appointment as head of the Muslim com- 
munity in Palestine did not settle the problem of 
the Muslim religious organisation of the country. In 
Ottoman times, the ihari'a courts had come under 
the general jurisdiction of the Shaykh al-hlam and 
the wakfi, had been administered bv the Ministry of 
Aivkaf. The British assumed responsibility for these, 
but the Muslims soon demanded that they be allowed 
to run their own religious affairs. The government 
concurred and the Supreme Muslim Skari'a Council 
{al-Mat&lii al-Shar'i al-Islami al-A'la) was elected bv 
leading Muslims. Hadjdj Amm was chosen as Ra'is 
al-'l'lama' and President of the Council, as he later 
maintained, for life. He had thus, as a young man, 
consolidated his position as leader of the Palestinian 
Arabs both in their religious and their secular affairs. 
In March 1921 he wrote a Memorandum to the 
British Colonial Secretarv, Winston Churchill, in 
which he outlined Palestinian resistance to Zionism 
and the ideas which were the foundation of his 
future policy — the complete prohibition of Jewish 
immigration,' the abolition of the Jewish National 
Home and the establishment of an Arab govern- 
ment of Palestine. 

The period 1921-9 was used by the Mufti to build 
up his following. As President of the Supreme Muslim 
Council, he controlled the mikf revenues, which were 
not used exclusively for charitable purposes. Preachers 
were paid to disseminate political propaganda and those 
who did not support his policies were dismissed. 
Financial assistance was given to Arab schools to instruct 
their pupils in the Arab nationalist spirit. Demonstrations 
and boycotts were encouraged. Money was also used 
to enhance the status of Jerusalem and its mosques in 
the Islamic world. To Amin, the area of the Haram 

and s 


1936 v 

-, culminating in the Arab revolt. The increase 
in Jewish immigration caused bv the rise of Nazism 
led the Arabs to fear the future takeover of their 
country bv the Zionists. In April an Arab Higher 
Committee of Christians and Muslims was formed 
under the leadership of Amin. It immediately sup- 
ported a general strike, to be called off when the 
British government suspended Jewish immigration. 
Murderous attacks on Jews began to occur, but the 
brunt of the Arab effort was quicklv turned against 
the British and those Arabs considered disloyal. The 
strike and the unrest continued until October. 
The British Commission appointed to investigate 
disturbances apportioned a large share of the 
le for them to the Mufti. The Arab Higher 
Committee under his chairmanship had clearly insti- 
gated illegal acts and had not condemned sabotage 
'sin. The Mufti had seen and encouraged 
as a movement of the people, largelv 
/ho had risen to defend their country and 

:heir rights. 

The Briti 

is a moder; 

o the 

after i' 

preserve Jerusalem and Palestine as Arab and Islamic. 
In 1928 a screen was set up by the Western Wall o 
the sanctuary to separate male and female Jewish wor 
shippers. This move was taken as a reason for protes 
and seen by Muslims as a Jewish encroachment oi 
the Haram. The Muftr felt the threat deeply, and encour 
aged propaganda to the effect that the Jews were plan 
ning to take over the Muslim holy places. A year late 
feelings between the two communities became s( 
exacerbated that the Arabs attacked and committed 

tember 1937, stricter 
regulations were introduced. The Arab Higher 
Committee was declared illegal and Amm was removed 
from his post as president of the Supreme Muslim 
Council. Six members of the former were arrested 
and deported (although Djamal al-Husaynf escaped) 
and the Mufti, fearing arrest himself, fled to Lebanon. 
From there he fought a propaganda war against 
the British, while his followers contributed to the 
continuing unrest in Palestine or set about eliminat- 
ing members of rival clans. He was not allowed to 
attend the London Conference on the future of 
Palestine in February 1939, although a four-man del- 
egation of members' of the disbanded Higher Com- 
mittee was present. 

In October 1939 the Mufti made another move, 
this time to 'Irak. As German successes multiplied 
in the Second World War. he began to make 
approaches to the Nazis in the hope that at the 
end of the war he would be on the winning side. 
He sent his private secretarv to Berlin in September 
1940 to ask for German commitments to the Arabs- 
recognition of the complete independence of the 
Arab countries, the abrogation of the mandates. 

<\h alGivlim the inn Butish Ii 
hid become Pnme Mimstei in IS 

ind it is not d< u 


in Bighdid in 
n which the Nizis 

nd how he would 


the IS: 

d on it htei His 

o support Rishid 

Hu ni > 

Inch 1040 Ih<\ 


suppoit tiom the 
ini ind his sup 


iio&nmin coup 



the c hief 


ives ol Hitlei 

s pohcv Dunn,, 

1061 Euhm 

nn denied hiving 

tht Mufti 


hiving met 

urn onlv onie du 

n The evic 

( inif fion 

i Die 

ei Uishtenv 

one ot Eithminn 

He wis vv umlv welcomed b\ Mussr 
to use him for his own pui poses : 
more interested in ntgotnting with t 
nei ot the \xis in Beilin md lit i 
Novembei 104) M Givhm u lived 
month ind the two disputed for t 

occupied countnes With hi 
stindibk tint he would ti 
of the Jewish popuhtion n 

the \nb countnes The Fuhrei was non commii 
Neveitheless the Mufti issuied him of the hiendship 
ind co opention ot the \nbs 

' tint tht Mufti spent in N izi Germ 


., Miv 

1045 is 

snl in his lift He hid tied to German to esc ipe 
the Butish ind beciuse he believed tint the \v> 
would win tht wn \s i stnrt Muslim he could hive 
hid little svmpithv with Nitron ii Sotiilism is such 
but his chief urn in life ot uridine; Piltstinc ot the 

ot the Jewish pioblem He tht letoie used ill iv nl 
!ble mti British ind inti Jewish souites in the nine 
hope tint he would be ietogmscd bv the \\is is the 
rulei of in independent \nb stite Ht ntvei obtuned 
written pledges fiom the Geimins nlthough the It ilmr- 
weie moie forthcoming! ind he w is used to the limit 
bv Nizi propound i The Geimins piovided still ind 
fnnnce foi Dm imbivht Bun fiom which the Gwumuft, 
wis ible to send piopigmdi both printed ind bro id 
cist to the Middle Elst He issued c ills to the \ribs 
to nst ignnst the Butish ind the Jews md to destiov 
them both Onlv when Bntiin md he i Miles nt 

gel be defimtelv lesolved (bioidt ist ot 11th Novembei 
1042) He ilso helped to onanist filth columns m 
the Middle E ist ind to estiblish Muslim ind Anl: 
units to tight in the Geimin amies 

The greitest suspicions sunound his lttitude to 
his knowledge ot md his possible tncoungement el 
the Nrz 

ind k 

• the 

the J. 


hid h 

piochimed in Nizi Geiminv Tl 
to condemn him is difficult tei 
slid to have been betnended Ij 

st into Octob 
nve spoken o 



solution of the Aiab Higher Committee and the 
Higher Front (the anti-Husayni bod>) and the for- 
mation of the Arab Highei Executive with the Mufti 
as its chairman He was not allowed b> the British 
to return to Palestine and had to direct the resist- 
ance from outside He continued to follow an uncom- 
promising line, boycotting the United Nations Special 
Committee on Palestine, letusing to contemplate an> 
partition plans, and uigmg total opposition to the 
Zionists. As \iolence on both sides incieased, the 
Higher Executive at the end of 1947 began to oigan- 
ise and direct military lesistance An Ar 

wing par 

ited which 1; 

e Mull 


Inter-Arab nvalr\ hindered co-opei ation, and aftei 
the proclamation of the State of Israel a split grew 
over Transjordan's ambitions in the West Bank of the 
Jordan. Egypt suppoited the Mufti and allowed him 
to settle in Gaza wheie he announced in Septembei 
1948 the formation of a Palestine govemment A self- 
constituted Assembly elected him its president and 
several Arab governments recognised the Gaza regime 
However, the rump of Palestine was under Tians- 
jordanian control and its final annexation in April 
1950 was not opposed by the Arab League Hence- 
forward the Mufti lost any real base of power and 
spent the rest of his life vainly trying to ially support 
for an effort to destio> Isiael \mli c Abd Allah of 
Transjordan appointed his own mufti and piesident of 
the Muslim Supreme Council 

In July 1951 'Abd Allah was assassinated and Amm 
was thought to be implicated although this was nevei 
conclusively proved In 1951 he chaired a Woild 
Muslim Conference which he used as a platfoim to 
publicise his policy He attended the Bandung Afio- 
Asian Conference in a minor capacity, having to 
accept the predominance of Piesident 'Abd al-Nasir 
[q.u. in Suppl.] In fact, the lattei's lack of regaid for 
him caused him to move to Beirut in 1959 He had 
more freedom of action in Lebanon, but no moie 
authority. He tried \anous alliances with Piesident 
Kasim of 'Iraq, with the Sa'udls with Joidan all to 
no avail. In the shifting sands of intei-Arab politics, 
Amin was now of little account He moved about to 
Damascus, to al-Riyad and back to Beirut In the 
Palestine movement first Ahmad Shukayri and 
then the Palestine Liberation Oigamsation took o\er 

M-Hadjd} Amm died in Benut on July 4th 1974 
To the end, he proclaimed his unwavering belief that 
his country had been illegally given away by foreign- 
ers to other foreigners both of whom had scant legard 
for its Arab and Islamic chaiactei He spent his adult 
life trying to prevent a change in the chaiacter of 
Palestine. Through his intiansigence, his desire to dom- 
inate his rivals and his inability to distinguish between 
his personal aspirations and his political goals, he 
ended by losing everything for himself and almost 
everything for the Palestinian Arabs 

Bibliography Two works deal specifically with 
the Mufti, M Pearlman Mufti of Jeimalem London 
1947, written in an attempt to have him tried as 
a war criminal, and J B Schechtman, The Mujti 
and the Fuehw New Yoik and London 1965, a 
fairer work but one taking too much for granted 
from Pearlman Otherwise, references have to be 
sought in the many histories of the Palestine piob- 
lem, and in woiks dealing with Geiman relations 
with the Middle East and with Nazi policy towaids 
the Jews. (D Hopwoodi 

AMINDII b DJALAL b HASAN, an eminent 
Musta'li-Tayyibi Isma'ili jurist of India was the 
son of the twenty -fifth da'i mutlak He lived in 
Ahmadabad in Gudjaiat and died theie on 13 
Shawwal 1010/b April lb02 His woiks deal main- 
ly with junspiudence and are consideied a great 
authority on legal matters after the works of al- 
Kadi ai-Nu'man [q i ] The following works have 
been preseived 1 Uasa'it imindjt b D$alaf in the 
form of questions answeis, and anecdotes bearing 
on legal issues, hence also known as hitab at Wal 
ua 7 dfanab The book contains many problems that 
are typically Indian, and although the book is in 
Arabic, the author uses many local Gujaiati woids 
and expressions 2 hitab at HanSihi consisting of 
pioblems in the form of questions and answeis relat- 
ing to the text of al-K5dr al-Nu'man s Da'a'im al 
hlam and Mukhtasar al atha, The problems discussed 
in the book throw some light on the social history 
of the IsmaTU Bohra community 3 Hisab a! 

muntakhaba al manzuma, a commentary on al-Kadi 
al-Nu'man's al Urdiuza al muntakhaba on junspiu- 
dence 5 Sharh 4sas al ta'uil ua ta'uil al da'a'im, a 
commentary on al-Kadi al-Nu'man's Asas al ta'uil 
and Ta'u il al da'a'im 

Bibliography Isma'il b 'Abd al-Rasul al- 
Madjdu', Fihnst ed 'All NakI MunzawT, Tehian 
19bb, 37-8 Kutb al-Din BurhanpQri, Uuntaza' al 
akhbar, manuscript, Muhammad 'All b Mulla 
Djiwabha'i, Mauum i bahar, Bombay 1301-1 1/188 i- 
94 in 20b, 252 Asaf A A Fyzee Compendium of 
Fatimid lait, Simla 1969 (both the woiks of Amindji 
b Djalal Nos 1 and 2 aie used as souues), Ismail 
Poonawala, Biobibhograph of hma'ili literatim Malibu 
Cal 1977 (I PoonwalM 

AMIR KABIR, MIrz* Muhammad Taki Kh« 
[ca 1222-68/1807-52), then 

1 19th c 


Kaibala'i Kurban, the chief cook of the Kadjai 
through whom he found his way to the Kadjai royal 


tion in the co 

art and lapidly ac 

d in suc- 

nt titles of "Mir 


"\\ azl 

r-i Nizam' " 

Amii-i Nizam", a 

nd f 

nally the 


of all, 'Ami 

r-i Kabir Atabak- 


am' He 

also n 

arried Nasir 

al-Din Shahs sis 


Izzat al- 


The Amir kabir served the Peisian government in 
different capacities such as the State Accountant of 
\dharbaydjan in ca 1240-5/1 829- M and as Minister 
of the Aimy in 1253/1837 Before being appointed 
as Grand Vizier in 1264/1848, the Amir Kabir took 
part in three diplomatic missions In 1244/1828 he 
went to St Petersburg with Khusraw Mirza in order 
to settle the pioblems caused by the murder of 
Gnboyedov the Russian special envoy to Iian The 
second diplomatic mission was his accompanying, in 
1253/1837 the then Crown Prince Nasn al-Din 
Mirza to Envan for a meeting with the Russian 
Empeior The Amii was also appointed as the head 
of the Iranian mission to the "Erzuium Confeience', 
which was held in Eizurum m 1259-63/1843-6 to 
deal with Ottoman-Persian tenitonal and boidei 

Dunng these missions to Russia and Turkey the 
Amir studied closely the processes of modernisation 
in those countries In his term of office as a Giand 
Viziei, theiefoie, he made strenuous efforts to in- 



his c 





hools, and .so on. He did 

in Iran; on this 

j the limi 

' the n 


he 1 


:i of [establishing] c 
lusiyun), but my big obstacles we 
(Firldun Adamivyat, Makalat-i I 
(73, 88-9). 
oursc of his service as a Grand Vizi 

, the 

himself because, on the one hand, he limited bribery 
injustic e, and abuses of power committed by govern- 
ment officials and high dignitaries at court, includim 
the Shah's mother, Mahd 'Ulya, and on the othei 
hand he opposed the Anglo-Russian interventions h 
Iranian affairs. This hostility at cotirt, together wit! 
the Anglo-Russian intervention, finally brought abou 

after his dismissal from the Grand Vizierate, and th< 
succession to that position of Aka Nun, a protege o 
the British. 

Bibliography. Akbar Hashin 

, Tehn 

1967; 'Abbas Ikbal, Mirzft Taki Khan Amir Kabi,, 
Vhran 1961; Husavn Makki, ^«rf; ? <7»r-r( Mil -J 
'aki Man-, Ami, Kabii, Tehran 1958; Firldun 
damiyyat. Amir Kabir va halt, Tehran 1969; J.H. 

- 1 1971 1, 85-103; Yahva Daulatabadl, Kunfiriins 
id}i' bi Amir Kabi,. Tehran 1930; Kudrat Allah 
.m Za'faranlu, ed.. Ami, Kabi, va Da, «/- 

i, Tehra 

1975 (; 

ered by several Iranian scholars i. See also 
general histories of 19th centurv Persia. 

(Abdul-Hadi Hairi 

AMIR NIZAM, Hasan 'Alt Khan Garrusi [VI 

1317/1820-991 was born into a distinguished Run 

family of the Garrus district in western Iran. 

courts of the Timunds, the Safawids, the Afshar 
the Zandis, and finally the Kadjars. After stud; 
Persian, Arabic, history and calligraphy, he began 
government service at the age of seventeen and. 
a commander of the Garrus regiment, he hel 
Muhammad Shah Kadjar's army to la\ siege to 
city of Harat in 1253/1837. After tin 
Nizam ia title which he received from Nasir 
Shah in 1302/1884) continued his administratis 
ical, military, and diplomatic duties with little 

;he i 


r appro 

62 ) 


include his victorious participation in the 
1265/1848 expedition to Mashhad, and that of 
1273/1856 to Harat. He was also one of those mil- 
itary commanders who ended the Babt movement in 
Zandjan in 1267/1850 and that of the Nakshbandi 
Sufis led by Shaykh 'Ubavd Allah in Kurdistan in 
i 297/ 1879; the former success gained the Amir Nizam 
the title of "aide-de-camp" to Nasir al-Dm Shah, 
and the latter the governorship of five western regions 
in Iran. 

In the sphere of civil offices the Amir Nizam served, 
among other things, as Dim tor of the Office of 
Roval Effects and Treasuries 1 1273-5/ 1856-8|, as a 
member of the Grand Consultative Assembly 11283-8/ 

As Nasir al-Dm Shah's special political envoy, the 
Amir Nizam went to Europe and met the heads of 
state in London, Paris, Berlin, Brussels, and a few- 
other European capitals in 1275/1858. It was on this 
trip that he was accompanied by 42 students seeking 
further education in Europe. Later, from 1276/1859 
to 1283/1866, he was appointed Minister Plenipo- 


r Nizi 

with the 
t. Regie Cot 

fused t( 
> effect 

ision of 1890 which had caused 
Adharbaydjan. For this reason, 
he resigned front his position as \izier to the Shah's 
heir-apparent in that province iMuhammad Hasan 
Khan I'timad al-Saltana, Ruz-nama-ri khathiit, Tehran 
1971, 765-70 and passuni. Curzon held that "the 
Amir-i Nizam was reputed to be a strong Russophile" 
[Persia and die Persian question, i, repr. London 1966, 
415, 431). Besides, the I'timad al-Saltana reported that 
the Russians were insisting ' .... - 


s pre\ 


djan [Riiz-nama, 773i. We also know that the Amir 
Nizam was popular with the Russians to the extent 
that he received the insignia of the order of the 
"White Eagle" from the' Russian Emperor lAmir 
Nizam, Miinslia'dt, Tehran 1908, 14). It would accord- 
ingly probably be safe to assume that, in his opposi- 



the West through h 

s diplomatic 

He was one of the di 

tingmshed com 


ions of 

the latter's tr 

3 c 

f 1290/ 

to Europe (Nasir jl 

Din Shah, Saj 

19(54, 12i, a trip ii 

which "Our 


icipal . 

said the Shah, ". . . 

the ba 

reform, development 

and the mean 

progress. We would 1 

ke to see in pe 


l, and c 


and progress of th 

people in 


r conn 

(Abdul-Hadi Hairi, ,S 

a study of the ml, pla 

ed by the Persia 

n , 

siduits o 

len"l977. 15). 



Amir Nizam was el 


als such as Malki 

m Khan an 



Mustashar al-Dawla 

Tabriz:, two 


sties of mode 

ideas 1 

Vie idea ,,/ conMutio, 

alism in Pasta, 

the 1906 Revolution, 

in Akten des 



Arabistik und Islanm; 

senseluift. Golf, 


15. bi 

August 1974, Gottin 

yen 1976, 18 

-207 1. He 

reportedly signed an 

oath, togethe 


th a m 



progress of our belov 

d people and 


itry" iFi 

Adamivyat, Andisha-\ 

tmakki va huk 

i Sipah'sfila,, Tehran 

1972, 249 IT.) 

Despite all these f 

icts, however. 


AmTr > 

seems in practice to h 

nurh th 

it is reported that ht 

used to burn 




ged thei 

tomers, and mutilate 

d Kurds when 


was se 

suppress their uprisi 

lgs. At one t 


his h< 

towards modernisatio 

KulT Safarov bastinadoed and his 


Fz news 


Ihtiyadf banned 
advocated the : 
Bamdad Sharh 
367, unc 
The / 


1316/1898 because Safarov had 
of industrialisation in Iran (Mahdi 
ill najali Iran i Tehian 1968 

'All ) 

s a learned man 
a stylistically distinguished prose wntei an excellent 
calligrapher and a tough buieaucrat made him so 
highly iespected in the loyal court that at one time 
in 1316/1898 even Muzaftai il-Din Shah preferred 
to side with the Amir Nizam in the latter s con- 
flicts with the loyal heir-appaient Muhammad 'Mi 
Mlrza (Mahdi Kuh Hidavit Matirat ,a Ihatatai 
Tehian 1965 98-9) 'Vmong foreign observers 
Curzon called him a man oi very strong uill and 
determination [Persia i 431) Di JB Feuvnei 
admired him as a vieillard dune intelligence 
supeneur dune giande expenence et dune sagesse 
■ r de Pirsi Pans nd 

The 'Vmn Nizam urote a book called Pand namu 
yi lahiautyya it consists ot counsels gi\en to a child 
of his and has been published se\eial times since 
1315/1897 in Tehian and Tabriz This short book 

called Uunsha'at already cited This compuses letters 
written bv the Amir Nizam to mam- Iranian politi- 
cal and religious figures and piovides much interest- 
Some of his epistolary woiks can also be found in 
"Abbas Ikbal imu V am Gairust in ladgar m/b-7 
(1947) 8-33 and in some othei reteiences given in 
the Bibliography belou 

Bibliography Amu Nizam Gairusi Uatn i yal 
mat tub muaanakh I 1311 m Hunar la maidum N S 
nos 41-2 (1967) idem lak nama in \ashniya yi 
farhangi hhuiawn i\ /4 (I960) 30-1 Findun 
Adamiv>at imu habu la ban Tehran 1969 Kanm 
Kishawaiz Ha^ar sal nathr i parsi v Tehran 1967 
Savyid Nasr Allah Takawi indar namayi imu 
Nuam Oarrusi Tehran 1935 Muhammad Hasan 
Khan Ptimad al-Saltana al Ma'atht, ua I athai 
Tehian 1888 idem \I,r at al buldan i \asm n 
Tehran 1877 Dust 'Ah Mu'ayyn al-Mimahk 
Riajali 'air i \ami in laghma uu (1955) 369-73 
Khanbaba Mushai \Iu alhfin I lutub i capi u fan, 
va irabi n Tehran 1961 nos 679-81 Ghulam 
Husavn Musahib ed Da' it a al ma'anj i first i 
Tehran 1966 253 undei Amu Nizam Husavn 
Mahbubi Ardakam Ta'ttkt i mu'assasat i tamaddum 
yi d±adid dar Iran Tehian 1975 Ahmad kasiawi 
Ta'nlh i mashiuta yi Iran Tehran 1965, Muhammad 
Mu'in Farhangi falsi vi Tehran 1973 undei 
"Ganusi 'Ah Amin al-Dawla Dastkhatti az imu 
Nizam in Wahid n no 11 (1905) 70-1 idem 
Khatuatt styasi Tehian 1962 Bastam Panzi 
Talash i azadt Tehran 1968 EG Browne Thi 
Persian taoliitton of 1905 1909 Cambndge 1910 
Sa'idNafTsi Hasan 'ill Man Ami, \ K am in Wahid 
iii no 2 (1965) 101-12 \hmad Suhavh kh v an- 
san Sifaiat i imu \^am la i\am I damsha^uyan i 

4 (1964) 18-20 Mansui Taki-Zadi Tabrizi 
Bu^urgan i hum i khatt ua khushnmisan imu \i-am 
in Wahid no 197 (1976) 511-3 515 Feieshteh 
M Nouraie Tahiti dar ajkat i \tuza Malkam Khan 
Nazim al Daala, Tehran 1973 \bbas Mirza 
Mulkara Shath t hal Tehran 1946 Nazim al-Islam 
Kirmam Ta ttlh i bidan yi Itannan muladdima 
Tehran 1967 'All Atshai Shurish , Shaikh 'Ibayd 
Allah included in Mirza Rashid Adib al-Shu'aia' 
Ta'nlh i i/shai Tehian 1967 Mihdi Khan 

Mumtahin al-Dawla Shakaki hhatuat Tehian 
1974_ _ (Abdul-Hadi Hairi) 

al-'AMIRI Abu l-Hasan Muhammad b \usuf 
philosophei who lived mainlv in Peisia born early 
in the 4th/ 10th century in Khurasan where he stud- 
ied with the well-known geographer and philosopher 
Abu Zavd al-Balkhi [see al-balxhi] Fiom about 
355/966 he spent some veais in Rav> enpying the 
pationage there of the Buy id vizier Abu 1-Fadl b 
al-'Amid and of his son and successor Abu 1-Fath 
[see ibn al-'amId] Al-'Amin also visited Baghdad 
at least twice in 360/970-1 and again in 364/974- 
5 Theie he met many ot the leading intellectuals 
ot the day but according to al-Tawhidi he was ven 
coldly leceived being regarded as an uncouth provin- 
cial By 370/980 he had letumed to Khurasan 
where he dedicated a tieatise to the Samamd viziei 
Abu 1-Husavn al-'Utbi (d ca 372/982) and com- 
posed another in Bukhaia in 375/985-b Al-'Amin 
died in Nishapur on 27 Shawwal 381/6 January 

In his A alAmad 'ala I abad (MS Istanbul Sen ill 
179 edition by E K Rowson toithcoming) written 
only six years before his death al-'Amni gives a 
■en titles of which 

four i 

il Ibsat , 

(MS Cairo Taymunv>a hilma 98) < 
works on predestination Inl adh al bashat nun al djabt 
ua I kadar and alTalnr Il audfuh altaldtr (together 
in MS Princeton 2163 (393B)) and a philosophical 
defense ot Islam entitled A al I'lam bt manaktb al 
Islam (ed A Ghurab Cairo 1967) Omitted horn 
the list are his Aristotelian commentanes thiee ot 
which (on the Cahgoues Postenoi inahtus and De 
imma) he cites elsewhere Also missing fiom the list 
is the Fusul ft I ma'altm al ilahiyia (MS Istanbul Esat 
Ef 1933) a metaphysical work which paraphrases 
large sections ot the famous A al May, al mahd 
(known in Latin as the Libit dt lausis) Anothei woik 
possibly to be attnbuted to al-' \miri is the doxo- 
giaphical A alSa'adaua I is'ad (tacs ed M Minovi 
Wiesbaden 1957-8) 

A1-' \miri s philosophy is a rathei com entional amal- 
gam ot Neoplatomsm and Anstotelianism of a type 
familiar from works by such figuies as his contem- 
poiary Miskawayh [q i ] but his paiticular concern 
seems to have been to justify the pursuit ot philoso- 
phy to the religious establishment In the Flam he 
attempts to show the 'ulama' how philosophy and Islam 
can be seen as complementary rather than contra- 
dictory illustrating his point by using philosophical 
methods in a programmatic demonstration of the supe- 
riority of Islam to other religions The imad similailv 
combines philosophical and dogmatic evidence m a 
discussion of the atteihfe as well as giving the 'ulama' 
an elementary (and highly apologetic) introduction to 
the Greek philosophers This conciliatory attitude 

the tradition initiated by al-Kindi [q t ] the master 
ot al-' \miri s master al-Balkhi 

A1-' \miifs only pupil ot note was Ibn Hindu [qi] 
and his influence on later figures seems to have been 
minimal The massive impact ot Ibn Sfna, who began 
writing shortly attei al-'Amin s death all but oblitei- 

Biblwgraphi Abu Hayvan al-Tawhidi 
ilhlak al ita^uayii ed M al-Tandji Damascus 1965 
355 f 410 IT 446 f idem, al Mukabasat 
ed H al-Sandubi Cairo 1929, index, idem, al 

■ 1953 



Siuan al lukma ed A Bidawi Tehran 1974 82 
fl a07 fl Ibn Sin i al Radial Cano 1357/1938 
271 \ lkut f<Ma i 4111 al kutubi Faialal 

itifinat ed M Abd al H imid Cairo 1951 n 
95 hill bibl in M MinoM ^ kha^a in i tuikma 
in R, ui dt la faiulh da Itttns dc I f muisih di Tihmn 
iv/3 (1457) b0 87 Biockelmann S I 744 958 
% 1 F Rosenthal Stati and idiyon aumdin^ to ihu 

I Hasan al imm in 1(1 m (195b) 42 52 M 

imin in Stud hi \\\v (1972) 5 52 M Allaid 
I n philosophi thiolojen Muhammad h } uuif al 4mm 
m RHR ckwvn (1975) i7 04 

|EK Row son) 

AMIRI Mirzx Muhxmmxd Sxdik Adib u 

NUm^lik Peisian poet and journalist was bom 

at kazuan neai Sultanabad (mod Auk) in 1800 

side he wis dnectlv descended tiom 

und Enlu 

(klune, dei mndtinen ptmwhin Lilt 

191)4 i5 

b (LP Elwell 


KIRKIRA Abu M\ L ik \l A 

1 the Bt 

u Sad hid leunt the aiab 

lescit ind 

had settled at Basia Since 

d Abu 1 Bavda' [at] he acte 

but h, owed his lame to h 

Ale know 

edge of the Ai ibic language si 

he knew i 


of it 

i alkhahl b Ahmid) hilf of it ind 
sd il Ansiri (or Mu iriidj) two thirds ol it 
nhtv was i ut woids Abu Malik w is alleged 
uthoi ol it leist two uoiks a A hhalk al 
da A al hha\l Al Dj ihiz was one ol his 


a Abu 

19th c 


I do 

s drith in 1874 the 
lal difficulties until in 

i Niz, 


1890 Mir: 

actompanied to Tabnz harm inshah and Tehiai 
During this penod he atquned the titles iinn a 
Shu ara (whence his takhallus Amini and latei -idi 
al Mama hk In 1894 he wis in charge of th 
Government Translation Bine m in Tehnn Tw 
\eais later he returned to Tibnz ind ittei til 
ing theologitil quihfit itions becime \ite Pnncip; 
ol the Lukmamvva College ol science and med 
cine Foi i time he published Uah a hterm an 
scientific journal and in 1900 ti i\ riled b\ w iv c 
the Caucasus and Khiwa to Mashh id ind in 190 
to Tehnn in both of which cities he lesume 


noithem Indn now a town It aiose as a metiopol 
itan tentie lftei the lccession of Sultan &hi\ ith al 
Dm Balbin to the tin one of Dihh in hb4/12bb Since 
the Radjput Radja of ketehi oi kataln [<j ] imod 
| em BaieilK distil, t in the U P ) lose m lebelhon md 
ained his depiedations as fai is the ikta of Badlun 
{lib m attacked him in his own legion and having 
leired the \ast district carved out the ikta of Amioha 
hit compnsed the irea of the modem distucts ol 
iireillv Muiadabad R impul ind Bidjnoie in Western 
Jttai Pudesh Foi the consolidation of his authontv 

!tcd rflltir 
of Amrohi 





1 fori 

; jouin 

i Persn 

1904 > 




Revolution of 190b he became editor of Madilts 
the record of the National Assemblv debites 
and latei of the ofhcial penodic lis Rumania u 
Daulati u han and ijtab in between he stilted hi< 
ownjoumil ball i)am In 1911 he entcird the 
ludicial service and held posts in Simnin 
Sawudjbulagh Sultinabid ind \ azd He died m 
Tehnn in 1917 

Amin had a wide range of inteiests horn geogra 
phv mathematics and lexicogi iphv to lnstoiv liter i 
tuie ind astiologv He was well vcised in Persnn ind 
Aiabic in both of which he composed poems and 
wis limilnr with a numbei of othei lmguages 
Howevei he was no ivorv towei poet his poems tol 

lite leflect the tuibulent politics ol his time in which 
he wis genei illv on the side of the C onstitutiomlists 

i al Din 

I SufT lhankah Among all these 
constiucted bv in of Suit 
kivkubid in 080/1287 is intact 

In the 8th/ 14th trnturv Amrohi became a centre 
ol Muslim cultui. md wis held bv 1 high noble ol 
the sultinite Foi instmce the Pnnce khidi khan 
the eldest son of Sultan Ala il Din khildji wis 
| ippointed its goveinoi tow lids the close of his fither s 
ieign In the time ot Muhammad b Tughluk 1 725 
52/li25 51) Ibn Battuta found -\mrohi a beautiful 
citv pi iced undei the |c 


z khimi 


\ fervo 

Bibliography Amnis Duani kamil was edited 
bv Wihid Distgirdi Tehian 1933 Biognphicil 
information in E& Biowne Littian histon of Pusia 
1500 1924 Cambridge 1924 lepi 1930 34b 9 M 
Ishaque Sukhamiaran I Iran dai as, I hadn n Cilcutta 
1937 48 b3 Rashid \asimi ■idabinat i nut a sir 
Tehnn 19 37 20 2 M Ishique Modern Pusian poitn 
Cilcutti 1943 pauim Muhim mad Sidr Hashimi 
Ta nkh i djara id ua madiallat i ban i Tehnn 1948 
80 98 J Rvpka hanmht Lih,aturs,esihiihh I eipzig 
1959 3 3b 7 ibid Histon of banian htaatun 
Doidiecht 19b8, 375 b, Bozorg Alavi, (nihiiht, 

Duung the ieign of Suit 
ost its impoitince is i pioi 

i Fnuz Shih Amioha 
lcnl capital foi idmin 
shifted from heie to 

minv s unts ind scholais Shavkh C a ildc 
dant of Shivkh Find il Din Gandj i 
Adjodhin was l lespectible 

Masnidi Ml Mahmud khan 

sandai Lodi The 


villages in maintenance grant in the pargana of Nindru 
(now in the district of Bidjnore). 

During the Mughal period, Amroha also produced 
famous Stiffs and scholars, such as Shaykh Ibban 
Cishtl during the reign of Akbar. Mir Sayyid 
Muhammad, the famous Mir c Adl (Chief justice) and 
Mawlana Allahdad (d. 990/1582), a leading scholar, 
also belonged to Amroha. Mashaff Amroha'f, the 
famous Urdu poet of the 18th and 19th centuries, 
was also born and educated there. Wikar al-MOlk, an 
associate of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and one of the 
founder members of the Aligarh Movement, also hailed 
from Amroha. It is now a talisil headquarters in the 
district of Muradabad in Uttar Pradesh. 

Bibliography: Abu '1-Fadl, A'in-i Akbarl, Eng. tr. 
Jarrett, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1927; 'Abd al-Kadir 
Bada'unl, Muntakhab al-tawarikh, iii, Bibl. Ind., 
Calcutta 1868; Diya' al-Din BaranI, Ta'rikh-i Firuz 
ShahT, ed. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Bibl. Ind., 
Calcutta 1862; Ibn Battuta, Rihla, iii, 436-40, Eng. 
tr. Gibb, iii, 762-4; TsamI, Futuh al-salatin, ed. Usha, 
Madras 1948; Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith, 
Akhbar al-akhyar Dihli 1914; Shams Siradj 'AfTf, 
Ta'rikh-i Fliiz Shahl, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1890. 


al-AMULI [see haydar-i AmulI, in Suppl.]. 

ANDIUMAN-i KHUDDAM-i KA'BA, a religious 
society founded by Indian Muslims in their period 
of great pan-Islamic fervour just before World War 
One. The Andjuman was started by Mawlana 'Abd 
al-Barl [q.v. above] and Mushir Husayn Kidwai [q.p.] 
of Lucknow who hoped to be able to defend Mecca 
and Medina by raising ten million rupees to build 
dreadnoughts and airships and to maintain armed 
forces. Such an ambitious programme proved imprac- 
ticable, and the final constitution of the organisation 
published early in 1332/1914 declared that to defend 
the Holy Places it would: "( a ) preach the aims and 
objects of the Andjuman to Muslims generally; invite 
them to join it; and induce them to render sincere 
service to the holy places; (bl spread Islamic ethics in 
the neighbourhood of the holy places; invite the atten- 
tion of the inhabitants of those places to a knowl- 
edge of the religion; promote intercourse and unity 
among them; and persuade them to the allegiance 
and assistance of the guardian of the holy places; (c) 
promote relations between Muslims and the holy places 
and extend and facilitate means of communication 
with the holy places". 

The leaders of the Andjuman came in large part 
from young western-educated Muslims of pan-Islamic 
predilections, for instance, Muhammad and Shawkat 
'All [qq.v.]. Dr. M.A. Ansan'and Mushir Husayn 
Kidwai, and 'ulama' who were in some way 
connected with the Farangi Mahall family [q.v. 
below] of Lucknow, for instance, 'Abd al-Barl, Shah 
Ahmad Ashraf of Kacawca and 'Abd al-MadjId 
Kadirl of Bada'On. The 'ulama' of Deoband, land- 
lords, and men closely associated with government, 
were conspicuous by their absence. Nevertheless, 
many, including women, joined the Andjuman. By 
Shawwal 1332/September 1914 the Andjuman had 
over 17,000 members, a central organisation in Dihli 
and branches throughout India: moreover, it had 
grown faster and spread more widely than any other 
Indo-Muslim organisation. 

The achievements of the Andjuman, however, 
were limited. One problem was that the Government 
of India, suspicious of the alliance between young 
western-educated politicians and 'ulama', refused to 
support it. The Andjuman's work was restricted to 

the Haajaj, and here Shawkat 'All strove to improve 
the conditions of Indian pilgrims and attempted to 
break the European monopoly of the pilgrim trade 
by setting up, with Turkish aid, a wholly Muslim 
shipping company. But the outbreak of World War 
One and the closing of the Hadfdf route put an end 
even to this work, and the organisation, without an 
obvious function, fell apart amidst squabbles between 
the 'ulama' and the young politicians. In 1334/1916 
'Abd al-Barl moved its central office to Lucknow 
and the organisation was last talked of in 1336/1918 
when he tried to restart it as a vehicle for a cam- 
paign to release Muslims who had been interned 
during the War. 

The importance of the Andjuman lies more in 
what it portended than in what it achieved. In work- 
ing to protect the Holy Places, the leading pan- 
Islamic politicians of the day, Shawkat and 
Muhammad 'Air, met 'Abd al-Bari and became 
murlds of this very important pir. More generally, 
young western-educated politicians came to appre- 
ciate the widespread influence in Indo-Muslim soci- 
ety of 'ulama' like those of the Farangi Mahall family. 
These same people were to come together again 
after World War One to organise a much greater 
effort for a pan-Islamic cause, the Khildfat move- 
ment [q.v.]. 

Bibliography: Mawlawl Tnayat Allah, Risala-i 
hasrat al-ajak ba wafat madjmii'at al-akhlak, Lucknow 
n.d. 16-17; Francis Robinson, Separatism among 
Indian Muslims: the polities of the United Provinces- 
Muslims 1860-1923, Cambridge 1974, 208-12, 214- 
15, 279, 281, 287. (F.C.R. Robinson) 

ANlS, Mir Babar 'AlI (1217-91/1802-74), Urdu 
poet, was born in Faydabad (Fyzabad) [q.v.] into a 
family which had produced five generations of poets. 
Some of these, including his father Khalik, wrote 
the characteristically Indian type of marthiya which 
thrived at public recitals in Lucknow, capital of the 
ShI'I Nawabs of Oudh. This type, which may have 
originated in the Deccan, was devoted to the mar- 
tyrdom of al-Husayn b. 'All at Karbala' (61/680). 
Anls moved to Lucknow as a young man, and devot- 
ed his life to writing poetry, especially marathl. He 
became the leading exponent of this form; thou- 
sands attended his readings in Lucknow, and in 
other Indian cities which he occasionally visited later 
in life. Some critics thought his contemporary and 

By the time Anls began writing, the main lines of 
the Indian marthiya had already been foreshadowed, 
if not fully established; and he used it to the full. 
Formerly in quatrains, it was now almost always in 
musaddai form. Starting as a short emotional and 
devotional lament, it was lengthened to over a hun- 
dred verses of varied content. Alongside the inci- 
dents involving al-Husayn and his followers at 
Karabala', Anls includes description of nature, such 
as landscape, the desert, and storms; character 
sketches of the protagonists; the horse, the sword; 
warlike accountrements; and a philosophising which 
gave universality to a superficially restricted theme. 
The language employs all the devices of rhetoric 
[balagha), yet there is an inherent simplicity and sin- 
cerity which contrasted strongly with the Urdu ghazal 
[see ghazal, iv] then in vogue. It consequently won 
the approval of forward-looking critics and poets 
such as Hall and Azad, and occupies an important 
place in Urdu literary history. It says much for 
Anis's artistry that he managed to sustain interest 
in an output estimated at 250,000 verses; but it is 

haidh, suipnsmg that the form ceased to be widely 
cultivated attei the end ot the 19th centur} 

Biblio S ,aphy Critical accounts of Anis and his 
mamthl mav be found in Muhammad Sadiq, History 
of Urdu httratuu London 1%4, 155-63, Abu 1-Lavth 
Siddikr, Lakhnau ka dabntan i iha'm, Lahoie 1955 
which also contains examples from previous and 
subsequent maithiya poets Ram Babu Saksena s 
Huton of Utdu htcmtuu Allahabad 1927, in a gen- 
eral chaptei on 'Elegv and elegv wntcis" (123 IT), 
contains a genealogical table of Anis's famiK 
Ip 13b) showing the poets in the famih before 
and after him 

Among critical studies of Anls are Amir Ahmad, 
Udgai i \nh Lucknow 1924, and Dja'fai 'Ali 
Khan, inn ki maithna mgan Lucknow 1951 Shibli 
Nu'manfs Muaazana yi AnU o Dabi, is still the stan- 
daid comparison of the two poets though heav- 
il\ weighted in Anls s favour Theie are numeious 
editions of Ams s poetiv, none complete One of 
the fullest is Mamthl Ann, ed Na'ib Husavn Nakwi 
Amrota 4 vols, Karachi 1959 The three-volume 
edition of Nawab Havdai Djang, Badaun 19 « 
is less full, but has an introduction bv Nizam al- 
Din Husavn Nizami Badaiini 

iJA H«-woodi 
ANSARI Sha\kh Murtvdi, despite his being rather 
unknown in the West, is considered to have been a 
Shfi muditahid whose vvidelv -recognised lehgious lead- 
ership in the Shi'i world has not vet been surpassed 
He was born into a noted but financial pool cler- 
ical famih of Dizful, in the south of Iran in 
1214/1799, his lineage went back to Djabir b 'Abd 
Allah Ansari id 78/597) a Companion ol the Prophet 
After learning the lecitation of the Kur'an and related 
pnmarv subjects Ansari studied under his uncle 
Shavkh Husavn Ansari until 1232/181b when he 
accompanvmg his father, Muhammad Amin, went to 
visit the shrine crtres of 'Irak While in Karbala', he 
attended the teaching circle of the then Shi'i lcadei, 
Sawid Muhammad Mudjahid id 1242/ 182b) who 
found Ansari a man ot extraordinary genius and urged 
Ansaii's father to let his son remain in Karbala' 
Ansaii then studied under Mudjahid until ta 123b/ 
1820, when Ansaii together with hundieds of other 
Iranian people fled Irom Karbala' due to the pies- 
suies imposed bv the Ottoman governor at Baghdad 
Dawiid Pasha, after the growth of the Perso-Ottoman 
hostihtv at that time (S H Longngg, Fom untunes oj 
modern Iraq Oxford 1925 242-9 Sir Percv Svkes, i 
Anton of Pcma n, repr London 1953 31b ft) Ansari 
then returned to Dizful 

In ca 1237/1821 Ansari again went to Karbala 1 
and attended the circle of the famous muditahid Mulla 
Muhammad Shaiit al-'Ulama' (d 1245/1829) In 
ca 1238/1829 he proceeded to Nadjaf and contin- 
ued his studies under Shavkh Musa Kashif al-Ghita' 
(d 1241/1825) and aftel a veal or so he again 
returned to his home town Dizful Heading toi 
Mashhad m 1240/1824 with the intention of attend- 
ing the circles for lehgious learning m drffeient 

Shavkh Asad\llah Burudjirdi (d ca 1271/1854) m 
Burudjird ('Abd al-'Azi? Sahib al-Djawahir, Da'vu 

yi Imamiyya yi Ithnd'ashanyya n, n d , 155, under "Asad 
Allah") and that of Saw id Muhammad Baku Shafti 
(d 1270/1853) m Isfahan I Ansari s biographv writ- 
ten bv Muhammad Rida al-Radawi al-Kh"ansari 
(wc) in Ansari Kitab al Mataaji, [al Makaub], 
Tehian 1908 1) each lor no moie than a month 

in Kashan, he decided t< 
found Naiaki's circle m 
Naraki also found Ansari 

aAhmadNaiakKd 1245/18 

.ceptionalh, knowledgeable 

Wished muditahid as leal 
ca ihakhmyat i Shmkh i 

In 1246/1830, 

Ansari left Kashan for Mashhad 
3nths living theie he went to Tehran 
■ returned to Dizful where he was 
as a lehgious authontv, desprte the 

He then , 

1249/1833 and ]oined the teaching circl 
'.All Kasjhif al-Ghita' (d 1254/1838) an 
to some sources, that of Shavkh Muhan 
Sahib al-Djawahir (d 1266/1849), but e 
and soon organised his o 


iTceTed "an" 

w phase 

n 1266/18 
ng recogm 

49 after 

all t 

Shfi commi 

nities which formed 
40 million across the 



that the msti 

ndja' i taklid \qc] re 


Hasan I'tima 

'The Twe 
f Ansari s 
d al-Saltan 

a, 'and th 

nes Mu 

of Iran 
us Sh 

iv e in Ind 

a, rn Russia, m son 

e of t 

d m sever 

A other 



and elsewh 

ere used 

to Ansari th 

-ir endow n 

lent funds 

alms ta 

ves, on 

fifth of their 

other sin 

h amount 

d to 20( 

% 30,000 00] 
1888, 136-7) 

annuallv ( 

d Ma'athn 

a lathcl 


Despite h 
leadership, 4 

s vast income and hrs overv 
ants nevertheless denied his 

of e\ 


lfe and hi 

nself lived 

an ascet 

c life, 

Muhammad Hnz al-Din, Ma'anf al ridial, u, Nadjaf 
1964 399-404) Instead he gave the monev to the 
poor and need\ to the students of iehgious schools 
and at times to those Muslims who on their wa\ 
to visit the shrine of Imam Rida in Mashhad, were 
taken captive bv the Turkomans When Ansari died 
in 1281/1864 his wealth and belongings weie worth 

his lollower 


and above all his scholarh qualifica- 
tions, deserved of course such lecognition, but othei 
factors also were certarnK instrumental in establishing 
his leadership the then great mardfa' i taklid, Sahib al- 
Djawahn, shortlv before his death declared Ansari to 
be the legitimate sole maidja' i takhd of the ShTa This 
indorsement was compounded with the eailier death 
ol othei distinguished religious authorities such as Shavkh 
Muhammad Husavn Sahib al-Fusul (d 1261/1845) In 
addition, this development was pieceded bv the grad- 
ual decline of Isfahan as religious centre a process 
which had begun its course since the fall of the Satawid 
dvnastv and was acceleiated b\ the death of such reli- 
gious authorities ol Isfahan as Shafti and Ibrahim 

Karbasf (d. 1262/1845). Consequently, Nadjaf began 
then to enjoy an unprecedented attention from the 
Shf a of Iran, and most of this attention was cer- 
tainly focused on the person of Ansan. 

Ansan not only established a new era in the his- 
tory of the Shf l leadership but was also an impor- 
tant figure in the field of ShfT jurisprudence, being 
credited with introducing a new methodology in the 
field of usul. His interpretation, for instance, of the 
"principle of no harm" [ka'ida la darai), which had 
long engaged the Shfi 'ulama', opened up a more 
settled way for practising idftihad in general and for 
dealing with the problem of private ownership in par- 
ticular. Ansarfs system in jurisprudence laid great 
importance on the margja'-i taklid's being the most 
learned man of his time; he said that 'akl (reason) 
and 'urj '(social conventions and common practices) are 
to be taken as criteria and bases for introducing new 
laws. His name is also mentioned as an authority with 
original views on such usul subjects as the principles 
of istishab, bara'a, and z<mn, each of which were the 
subject of an independent study done by Ansarf (for 
a concise definition of the above terms, cf. Dja'far 
Sadjdjadi, Farhang-i 'uliim-i nakli va adahj, Tehran 1965, 
51-3, 136, 359). 

Ansarfs school of thought has been clearly domi- 
nant in the Shf i clerical 'circles since the middle of 
the 19th century, and his views have been discussed 
and adopted by most of the Shf T 'ulama'. A descen- 
dant of Ansarfs brother has listed the names of 144 


.vho h 

"s influ- 

is books (Ansarf, ^indigani, 354-87). 
ence on the later 'ulama' can also be found in the 
bio-bibliographical dictionaries compiled on the Shf i 
authorities (cf. Bibi). The influence of Ansarfs ideas 
is further seen in the laws made for various Shfi 
communities, because many of those who were involved 
in the process of law-making were either Ansarfs dis- 
ciples or were indirectly under the influence of his 
thought. The Persian civil law which was substantially 
based on the Shf r jurisprudence may be mentioned 
as an example; and the man who "translated into 
Russian the Islamic law according to which the 
Muslims of Caucasus were being tried in the legal 
courts" was Mirza Kazim Bey, a disciple of Ansan 
iMahdi Khan Mumtahm al-Dawla Shakaki, Khatirat, 




Ansarfs circle of teaching was attended by m 
us pupils, many of whom became great mardja'-i , 


._ . .. , e.g. Husayn Kuhkaman (d. 1291 

1874), Muhammad Irwam (d. 1306/1888), Habib 
Allah Rash'tT (d. 1312/1894), Muhammad Hasan 
ShirazI (d. 1312/1894), and Muhammad Kazim 
KhurasanF (d. 1329/1911). There are also reports that 
Sayyid Djamal al-Din Asadabadi "Afghani" was also 
a pupil of Ansan (Asghar Mahdawi and Iradj Afshar, 
Madfniu'a-yi asnad va madarik-i capnashuda dar bara-yi Sayyid 
Djamal al-Din mashhur bi Afghani, Tehran 1963,"20) and 
that Afghanf studied in Ansarfs circle for four years 
prior to Afghanfs departure from Nadjaf in 1270/1854 
(Mirza Lutf Allah Khan Asadabadi, Shaih-i hal va athar- 
i Sayyid Djamal al-Din Asadabadi ma'ruf hi Afghani, Berlin 
1926, 21-2; but these accounts are controversial. It 
cannot be accepted that Ansan, despite his great cau- 
tion in issuing a certificate of idftihad, gave one to 
Afghani, then only sixteen years of age (Khan Malik 
Sasam, Siyasat-garan-i daicra-yi Kddfar, i, Tehran 1959, 
186, nor "has Lutf Allah Khan been correctly quoted 
by Nikki R. Keddie that "Shaikh Murtaza gave 
Jamal ad-Din an ijdzeh (certificate of advanced knowl- 
edge)" [Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-AfghanV: a politi- 

cal biography, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1972, 15-16); 
rather, Lutf Allah reported that Ansarl gave a certain 
certificate to Afghanfs father (Asadabadi, op. tit., 15, 
2 1 and the Arabic translation of Asadabadf s book by 
'Abd al-Na'im Muhammad Hasanayn, Beirut 1973, 
64; see also Abdul-Hadi Hairi, Andishaha-yi Sayyid Djamal 
al-Din Asadabadi dai piidmun-i mhitat-i musalmanan va 
inkilab-i mashrutiyyat-i Iran, in Yahid, nos. 225-9 [1978], 
47-52, 57-61, etc.). 

Despite his being a one-eyed man, Ansarf was quite 
productive in writing. According to a report, he wrote 
over thirty books (Ansarl, ^indigdni, 131-4), twenty- 
four of which are listed as Ansarfs published works 
in Khanbaba Mushar, Mu'alhfin-i kutub-i capi-yi Jam 
va Arabi, vi, Tehran 1965, nos. 126-35; many of these 
books have been published several times in India, 
'Irak, and Iran since 1267/1850. Two of his works 
are especially frequently consulted and have been 
considered by the Shfi 'ulama' to be of exceptional 
importance: Fara'id al-usul (al-Rasa'il) on usul and 
al-Makasib on fikh, which were first published in 
Tehran in 1268/1851 and 1280/1863 respectively. 
Both these have constantly been used as text books 
in all Shfi circles. 

One of the financial foundations with which many 
of the Shfi 'ulama' of 'Irak were knowingly or unknow- 
ingly connected was the so-called "Oudh Bequest". 
It was, in the words of the British Minister of Tehran, 
a "powerful lever which helped to promote good 
relations between the Persian ecclesiastics and myself 
and . . . afforded opportunities for influencing the lead- 
ing Persian Ulema" (Sir Arthur Hardinge, A diplo- 
matist in the East. London 1928, 323-4). The British 
authorities, however, did not succeed in influencing 
Ansari through the Oudh Bequest (Sayvid Muhsin 
Amin, A'yan al-Shi'a, xl, Beirut 1960, 43-6). He 

then rejected further sums (Mahmud Mahmud, 
Ta'iikh-i mwabit-i shasi-yi Iran va Ingilis, vi, Tehran 
1953, 1743). 

In the arena of politics and public affairs, Ansari 
was quite inactive. He refused to make use of his 
influence in the interest of his followers. Persian or 
otherwise, in their political and other struggles. 
Theoretically, however, he believed that the 'ulama' 
are not only the custodians of religions, but are 
also unquestionably responsible for judicial and polit- 
ical affairs also (Hairi, Slu'ism and constitutionalism in 
Iran: a study of the role played by the Persian residents of 
Iraq in Iranian politics, Leiden 1977, 60). Ansarfs 

; of i 

been criticised by contemporary modernist thinkers. 
Fath 'Air Akhund-Zada, for instance, said: "God 
has not given Ansari enough insight to understand 
why Iran is in the state of collapse and why the 
Iranians are suffering abasement" [Alifba-yi djadid va 
maktubdt, Baku 1963', 121), and Aka Khan KirmanI 
[q.v. above] believed that Ansari contributed to the 
people's ignorance and perplexity (Findun Adamiyy- 
at, Andishaha-yi Mirza Aka Khan Kirmani, Tehran 
1967, 66). 

On the other hand, his aloofness from politics 
was warmly welcomed by the political authorities, 
who seem to have taken it as a sign of his asceti- 
cism. Thus we come across the reports that the gov- 
ernor of 'Irak referred to him as the Greatest Faruk 
(i.e. one who distinguishes truth from falsehood) and 
that the British Ambassador allegedly said: "Ansarl 
is either Jesus himself or his special deputy on earth" 
(Hasan Khan Shaykh Djabiri Ansarl, Ta'rikh-i 
Isfahan va Ray va hama-yi d}ahan, Tehran 1943, 


inside the tront tovei) The cult formed iround him 

mad Tunukibum Ana al 

ulama Tehnn 188b 

led borne people to si\ thit An-, in hid met with 

Hibib Alhh Shu if Kish 

im Iubb al albab fi 

the Twelfth Imam 

alkab al at\ab Tehnn l^ 

58 Slnvkh Dji fn 

Mihbubi Mad, al \ajjaf 

a Itadiruha i Nidjif 

1 mm renowned for his tolennci his wisdom 

1958 Muhimnnd Hus i\ 

n Nisn al Sinn i 

his understanding ]ustue his pitt\ uid nobihn of 

Ta nkh i hum kum 197 

1 Muhimmid Ah 

thinaei the leidei of the Bthi is Mn/i Husiin 

I innmi \Ia hhad al Imam 

, Nidjif 19j4 Aghi 

Ah Nun known is Biln All ih [,/ ] included Ansui 

Buzuig Tihiam Uusaffa al 

imons; those do.tois who hive indeed diunk of tin 

al ud}al Tehnn 1459 iden 

al Dhan a ,la tasamj 

tup of lenumntion 'Abb is Efendi 1 Abd il B ill i ) 

al Shi a i xx 193b 74 ide 

m Tabalat a lam al 

ilso lefened to Ans in is the illustnous ind eru 

Shi a i n Nidjif 1954 62 

Muhimnnd Mihdi 

dite doUoi the noblt md ( elebi ited siholn the 

fat al Shaikh al insau 

sell of seekeis itttr tiuth (Shcn<hl Lfiendl (,ad pass 

in Mad/allat al \aajaf n 

10 8 (1461) 29 ff 

is h Wilmette Illinois 1944 14i) Ansm is thus 

Muhimnnd Hishim Khu 

isim Muntakhal al 

pr-used because he did not shait the (ondemnition 

lata, ilh Tehnn nd 

Mull i Ah Uiiz 

b\ othei Shu ulama of the Bibi tilth md ntuils 

khivibtm Kitab i ulama 

i mi, a sinn Tibnz 

He did not ittend the meeting (.omened b> the Shi i 

194b Nisi All ih Tin lb Di 

zfuh Lama at al ba)un 

ulama m kiznrmn in la 1863 foi detei mining on 

np nd Habib Allih R 

ishti Bad,, , al afkar 

the binishment of Bihi All ih md his idheients 

Tehnn-* 1895 Ah Akbn 

Nihiwmdi ikhlak , 

horn Ii ik (Muhimmid khin Z i im ilDmh Miftah 

Bab al abaab Cmol903 347) Aicoidim; to Bibl 

souues ht did ittend the meeting but is soon is 

1957 Muhimmid Mihdi 

il Kizimi ihsan al 

hi ? hl> mflu 

Him \\) 

> did th. 

llama pa,t. 

tjHik in 

thi Pa sum 

1 R, olutw 

of 190) I'M) 

in HI 

xvu 1 197f» 

27 o4i 



In iddition t 

, the sot 

ices mm 

n the tex 

see Muh tin 

mid Ah 

Mud u i is 


al adal 

i Tibnz 1967 Abb 

s kummi 


al ahbab 

Nidjif 1929 


Fata id al 

, f, ah t, 

adhhah a 


T, hi m 

1947 id 

em alhuna 

a I all i 

b 3 vols 


9 ib Al 

Mihfuz Sir 

ha) a al 



// ulama 

in Madialla 

al \adfaf no 10 


j ff H in 

nd Alsni Rel 

gion and 

17P5100) Bei 

sele\ md L 


mid Bik 

r kh ins ui 


al diannat 

Tehi m 

1S89 M 

izi Husi\n 

Nun U 

istadiak al 

una il 

m Tehr 

n 1949 Ah 

il \\ ud 

i Iamahat 

idjtima n 

a mm ta' 

,lh al Ira) al 

adith l i 

B ighd id 

Ghul im 

Hus iv n Mu 

ihib f d 

Da',, a al 

ma' a, if , 

fa, i l 

Tehnn 1% 

i Abd 

il Husivn 



I fad, la Nidi 

it 193b 

Uuhsin il 


al \adiaf al ashmj I 

ama al 

in al a lam 

in Uadfallat 

1 Rabita 

no 193 

1 1038) 2 

3 ft Muitidi 

Mud n i 

si Ta nkh 

m 1929 Muhimmid T ih i NidjifT Man 
,lal J, ahtal al udjal Nidjif 1921 Abd 
i Mimiktm Tan) th al makal ft al 
' Nidpf 19,3 Djitir khihli Mausitaal 



md Ah 

d ha^im 

Nidjaf 1972 Nidji Widi 
al \adiaf i N idj it 197 3 Muhimmid Mu n 
Faihaniialam \ Fein in 19bb undei Ans m 
Murtidi \1 \ ism I stub al dirasa al dimna 
madra a al \ad l af in Mad/allat al \adjaf i no 
(1956i 2 tt Abd All ih " " " " 


sadaj j, 

,,lh al \ 

N,djif 1961 (■*> irt Ansa,, Sha,li 
in Lujiat nama >' Dihlhuda no 86 
Di\ i il Din il Dikhili Ta ,i)Ji al hau 
fi diami al \ad,af al ashiaf in Madjall 

e Bibl h 

the s 

) Muc 

n this 

ilh consideied to be the 
isnnil plmt nimel> eithei Pmata nuuionata L oi 
SaruKolla L oi P squamosa L But in 1S79 \\ 
\mo<k wis iblt to prove thit it leist the Peisim 
ii( oc oil i is the piodutt of whit he c tiled istia^alus 
mowlla D\m (Ieimminosie) \\idel\ known in intiq 
t\ the diug his pi u Ik ilh dmppeired horn the 

Euiopean store of medicines, but, according to 
Me\erhof, it is still well-known in the Orient, espe- 
cialh in the drugmarket in Cairo 

According to Dioscondes, the yellowish bitter resin 
was abo\e all useful for causing new flesh wounds 
(Grip!; "flesh", KoXka "glue") scar over Already al- 
Kindi used it as component of a good number oi 
iecipes (Akrdbadhin, see Bibl below), among others 
ioi lepros\ The most detailed description is gi\en 
b\ Ibn al-Ba\tai on the basis oi Greek and Aiabic 
sources as well as his own observations The lesin 
consumes the festering flesh oi putrescent abscesses, 
assists the npening oi tumours, carries away mucus 
and \ellow gall, and is a remed\ ioi inflammations 
oi the e\e, ior agglutinating eyelids and ior exces- 
si\e secietion oi the eye Taken internally, the resin 
is a strong purgative, but causes also the hair to 
iall out The best Sarcocolla consists of crushed, 
white seeds, mixed with walnut oil Measured out 
n diffeient wa\s, it can be mingled with othei diugs 



When taken neat, the resin can be lethal, therefore, 
the dose should not be more than 2' 4 dirhami, Ibn 
al-Ba\tar, howe\er, maintains that he saw in Egypt 
women pai taking, immediately aiter a bath, oi up 
to 4 ounces of anzarut, together with the pulp of 
the \ellow melon, hoping to increase thus their 

Bibtiogtaphv Dioscundes Materia medua, ed 
M Wellmann, n, Berlin 190b, 102 (= lib m 85), 
La 'Materia medica' de Dtosiorides, n (Arab tr of 
Istaian b Basil) ed C E Dubler and E Teres, 
Tetuan 1952, 280 i , The mtdual formulary or 
Aqrabadhin of al-Kindi ti M Le\e\, Madison etc 
l%b, 23b (no 25) Bnuni, A al Saydala ed Muh 
Sa'id, Karachi 1973, Arabic, 70 i , Eng , 45 i , 
Ghafikl, al Djami'fi V aditiya al mufrada, Ms Rabat, 
Bibl Gen k 155 I, iols 2bb-27a, The abridged 
version of 'The Book of simple drugs' of al-Ghdfiqi 
by.. . Barhebraeus, ed. and tr. M. Meyerhof and 
G.P. Sobhy, Cairo 1932, no. 37; Suwaydl, A', al- 
Simat fi asma' al-nabat, Ms. Paris ar. 3004, fol. 
15b, 137b; Ibn Biklarish, A'. al-Musta'ini, Ms. 
Naples Bibl. Naz. Ill, F. 65, fol. 14b; Ibn al- 
Djazzar, al-I'timad, Ms. Ayasofya 3564, fol. 13b; 
Zahrawi, Tasrifi Ms. Be 5 ir Aga 502, fol. 500a, 7; 
Maimonides, Sharfi asma' al-'ukkat. Un glossaire de 
mature medicate ... ed. M. Meyerhof, no. 4; Ibn 
al-Baytar, al-Djami', Bulak 1291, i, 63 f, tr. L. 
Leclerc, Notices et extraits . . . xxiii/1, Paris 1877, 
no. 171; Ghassam, al-Mu'tamad fi 'l-adwha al- 
mufrada ed. M. al-Sakka', Beirut 1395/1975, 10; 
Die pharmakulogischen Grundsatze des Abu Mansur . . . 
Harawi, tr. A. Achundow, Halle 1893, no. 34; 
Tuhfat al-ahbab, ed. H.P.J. Renaud and G.S. Colin, 
Paris 1934, no. 35; RazT, al-HawT. xx, Haydarabad 
1387/1967, no. 44; Ibn Sma, Kanun, i, Bulak, 
248; Ibn Hubal, al-Mukhtarat fi 'l-tibb, Haydarabad 
1362, ii, 23 f.; DawQd al-Antakl, Tadhknat uli V- 
albab, Cairo 1371/1952, i, 60; Nuwayri, Niharat 
al-amb, xi, Cairo 1935, 315; El Libra Agrega de 
Serapwm, ed. G. Ineichen, ii, Venice 1966, 196; 
H.G. Kircher, Die "einjachen Heilmittel" aus dem 
"Handbuch der Chimrgie" des Ibn al-Quff, Bonn 1967, 
no. 21; W. Schmucker, Die pfianzliche und miner- 
alische Materia medica im Firdaus al-hikma des 'All ibn 
Sahl Rabban at-Tabari, Bonn 1969, no. 79. 

(A. Dietrich) 
APE [see kird]. 

'AR (a.), "shame, opprobrium, dishonour", 
has undergone in North Africa a semantic evolution 

[q v], that is to sa\, < 
which should be taken 


ed and n 

if you d 

n effect "the shame shall be 



ie Takroiina, Pans 1925, 200, 
215-6, where the challenge is addressed to a deceased 
saint and the appeal is ioi lain) When applied to 
a h\ing person the iormula presupposes a tiansier 
oi responsibility accompanied b\ a rmstical s 

afflict the 

.an whos, 

which v 

t fail t 

lfied To this 
sense ol 'ar, cm rent even m Tunisia, there is added 
in Moiocco (where the term was adopted by Berbei 
in the ioim a'ar. Far), a new sense which appeals 

'ar — under youl protection" (ci W Maicais Ttxtes 
arabes de Tanger Pans 1911, 396) The sense of "con- 
ditional malediction' lE Westemiarck Sunwantes 
paiennes dans la uulisation mahometane. Pans 1935, 87) 
continues to underly it, and irom "mystical respon- 
sibility (G Maicy, Le droit loutumur zemmour, Algiers- 
Pans 1949, index s % a'ar), we pass into the matenal 
world when 'at comes to designate the indemnity 
due in cases of breach of honour 

In iact the "throwing" (Arabic \eib rma, Beibei 
gjr) of the 'ar is effected by means of practices alread\ 
in part attested in the pre-Islamu penod, for exam- 
ple touching the pole or the coids ol a tent, taking 

hild 1 

- Well 


223 ft ), which permitted a solitarv perst 
tive to obtain the status ol dakhil or of qjar and in 
consequence the protection oi an individual a clan 
oi a tribe (ci B Fares, L'honnair ihez let Arabes avant 
I'lslam, Pans 1932 88-9) J Chelhod (Le droit dans la 
societt bedouine. Pans 1932, 222 IT) has called atten- 
tion to three terms in current use, of which the con- 

( 1 ) dakhil "an oppressed or hunted man who seeks 

prising especially a gesture of humility; this prac- 
tice, introduced by the formula ana dakhil 'alayk, 
constitutes the dakhala and implies, on the part of 
the beneficiary, a recompense for the services ren- 
dered by the protector, henceforward responsible for 
the conduct of the affair in which his intervention 
has been sollicited. A much attenuated vestige of 
this type of requisition survives in the Oriental 
expression dakhilak, which means nothing more than 

safeguard his rights, 

"I beg you ; 

(2) tanib "a man 
escape from justice or to save his lite, leaves the clan 
of his hirth, alone or with his family and goes to 
establish himself in a different tribe which promises 
to assist him". This term is to be linked with tunub 
"tent-cord" [see khayma], the suppliant being obliged, 
originally, to touch at least a cord of the tent of the 
one to whom he appeals; while in Morocco this ges- 
ture is still a part of the ritual, it has been forgotten 
in the Orient, where the tanib pronounces the same 
formula as the dakhil, but enjoys a wider protection 
and owes no indemnity; and 

(3) kasir, also a refugee, but entitled to make use 
of his prestige among his former group with which 
he has not severed all relations. 

In all the cases cited above, the Bedouin who has 
granted his protection cannot again withdraw it, 
and if he falls short of his obligations, tacit or ex- 

Pans 1948 45 n 3) : 
rather to impK the idee 
the husband who did n 

of which dishonoui 

'ar thus implies a transfer 
: obligation, lor the supplicate 



hing the ec 
,pon him < 

misdeed and 


rsued b\ 
on as the s 

opes oi the 
las penetrat 
spectacular w 
the suppliant 


e of the tc 
his home 

etim Howe 

obliged to 
ner from 
ot blood o 

n the threshold of the 
he tent of the member 
t appeal has been made 
int the request presented 

impK percerves it, here t 
o the blood [se 

Jt is still moie 
eiested paitv of 

lude the eating 
house oi at the 

le The latter is 

Supplement], which posse 

to appeal for the aid of anothei 

request to the authorities or to £ 

in the pool 
e eflicao of 

dam, in the 
ue. FmalK 

id, 87-107) which ma\ be passed 
ent except to ietall that the per- 
lot peimitted to refuse and that 

■s when 

n has 


the tribe a mosque, oi the tomb of a saint er 

a right of as\lum lareK wolated 

quoted at the beginning of this ai 
example of 'ar exercised with regard to a Turn 
nt The Moroccans also use it towards their s< 
• below), to whom the\ offer sacrifices to oh 
lr intercession, the\ also emplo\ othei proc ed 


ings, c 

\ to bung about a change ot mind on the part 
tathei who has ietused to grve his daughter in 
age to a smtoi, to oblige the paients of a mm- 
man to accept the dna and not to insist on 

>e it on anothei whose cooperation it is seeking 
sample in the hanest 

>men tan also have recourse to the 'ar, undei 
ising procedures of 


f Moi 

handle the mechanism of a mill from that moment 

■ of the piopert\ must man\ hei and 

compensate the abandoned husband or take 

flight \ fugitne who has succeeded in sucking a 

iman s nipple obtains hei protection and that ot 

i husband and eases are known of adoption b\ 

khng (see G Maitv in £l/i k\i\(l<H(>) '157- 

1M or e\en b> simulated suckling [see for instance 

o the 

usualK alter e ( 

(also sometimes one icfused b\ a fathei whose daugh- 
tei he has asked foi in marriage), has imposed the 
'Si and obtained the piotettion of another gioup 
which he makes hencefoiwaid the benefit iar> of his 
woik He becomes amazzal when his piotectoi has 

ei woman o\ei whom he holds the right oi d)ab> 
[q i in Suppl], the maniage-pnce must be paid in 
woik o\ei a prescribed period If the head oi the 
famiK so decides, the amazzal ma\ be adopted and 

though he is the daughtei's husband In ceitain par- 
term designating the sti anger adopted b\ a man and 
the amazzal m the true sense of the woid, in this 
last case, a widow who is the head of a famih ma> 

1\ when the pi e-ai ranged maniage-pnce has been 
paid in full This institution gnes rise to judicial 
arrangements, the details of which cannot be dis- 
cussed here (see G Mau\, ~emmou>, index, G Surdon, 
Institutions tt wutimm des Berlxm du Maghrib, Tangiei- 
Fez 1918, 244-50) 

In spite of the absence, in Berber speech, of an 

ieatuies which ]usti(\ a treatment distinct from 
that of the ancient djiuar and its aspects which 
define within strict limits the protection accorded 
b\ onental Bedouin to strangers to their tribe 


omb of a saint, or furtheimore, of slaughtering 
mmal there as a form of 'ar, and the Juhaha' 
make the comment that the deceased would not be 
able alone to fulfil the lequest The\ object in other 


wavs besides to the use ot the woid 'ar and onl\ 
permit these rites when their objeU is to obtain the 
baraka of the samt 01 when an animal is sacnficed 
for the distribution of its meat to the guardians of 
the sanctuarv 'see al-kattam Sola at al anfas 1 

Bibliography In addition to references given in 
the article see & Kampffmevei Tuti aus Fis 
Berlin 1909 (text \ ), E Westermarck Ritual and 
belief in Morouo London 1928 idem L 'ar the trans 
Jennie of conditional turns in \loiouo in Anthropological 
issais pnsinttd to EB Tylor Oxfoid 1907 361-74 
\ Jaussen Coutumts dcs Aiabts au pa)s di Mciab 
Pans 1948 187-220 [Ch Pellat) 

ARAGHUN Arabic name corresponding to the 
Spanish Aragon In fait this woid has both a geo- 
graphical and a political sense As a geographical 
term it refers to a n\ei dominated b\ the foi tress 
ol Shantamanwa the first of the defensive svstem of 
Navaire (al-Him\an Rand no 105) This watercourse 
uses on the southern slope ot the Pvrenees near 
C anfranc aftei passing the tow n ot Jaca the Sien a 
de la Pena diverts it towards the west watering Berdun 
Tiermas Sanguesa Rocaforte Aibar C apan oso and 
\illafranca bcfoie joining the Arga and flowing into 
the Ebro in Navarre 

This Uadi Araghun would seem to constitute the 
natural path of incursion into the Christian kingdom 
of Navarre Having followed the river as far as 
Sanguesa the Muslim forces followed the course of 
its tiibutarv the Irati in the direction of Pamplona 
This is to be inferred from Ba\an, u 148 
Muhammad b 'Abd al-Malik al-Tawil marched in 
298/911 towards Aiagon with the object ot captur- 
ing Pamplona and linking up theie with 'Abd Mlah 
b Muhammad b Lubb This is preciselv the route 
used in the famous campaign ol 'Abd al-Rahman III 
m 312/924 The forces of the caliph coming from 
Tudela attacked the stionghold of Kaikastal/ 
Caicastillo on the mer Aragon Maikwiz/Marcuella 
Sanguesa Rocafoite and Aibar Lumbier and 
Pamplona [Muktabis v 123 Bnan n 18b A Canada 
La Campana musulmana de Pamplona Ano 924 Pamplona 
1976) In 325/937 we find the same juxtaposition of 
details when the geneial Ahmad b Muhammad b 
IHas was sent with 1 500 horsemen on a recon- 

Araghun tUuktabis v 271) 

Foi Razi it was also a mountain range (Cronua 
mow ed Catalan Madrid 1975 48-9) E en su 

termmo (de Huesca) ha otro (.castillo) que hi non- 
bre Toha, vaze cere a de la siena de Aiagon E Aiagon 

vazen dos castillos muv buenos el nno ha nonbre 
Sen e el otro Ben e vazen en dos penas que son 
encima de la siena de Aiagon e corre poi entre ellos 
un i no de Flumen E de las sierras e logarcs 

nombrados en fortaleza son en aquella tiena que se 
avunta con monte Aragon que ha nonbie Monte 
Negro e non lo podra pasar ome a cavallo que ande 
bien en menos de tres dias Al-'Udhn (Masalik 
56) states that the town and district of Huesc 1 lies 
in the vicimtv ot the Lfrabal Araghun, lenowned among 
the Chnstians 

If it is accepted that this v illev was the route 
emploved bv the vanous Muslim expeditions not 
onlv tow aids the Christian centre of Jaca but also 
and especiallv towaids Navarre it must be assumed 
that it was organised as a frontiei for the defence 
of Pamplona This defensive function would cieate 
a centre for resistance and foi counter-attacks. The 

lad absorbed the old kingdon 
Leon The Chnstian advance at the expense ot al- 
Andalus would henceforward be the product of these 
two fiontiei forces hashtala [qi] and Araghun 

In fact these two kingdoms were to shaie between 
themsehes then future conquests This gave use to 
various foimal treaties Tudellen (1151), Cazorla 
(1179) and Almrzra (1244) (Roque Chabas Duiswn 
dt la conquista di Espana nueia entie Aragon > Castilla 
in Coneioo Hist Aragon Baicelona 1909) in which 
weie fixed the respective zones of the legal expan- 
sion of Aragon and C astille The former having 
achieved bv 1238 its own paiticulai reconquest 
tuined its attention to the sea It was then that 
there took shape the bioad outlines of its policv 
towards Africa (C h E Dufourcq LEspaene catalane 
it le Uaghnb aux Mil et Ml sueles Pans 1965) the 
Meditenanean (Coisica Sardinia Sicilv and the 
kingdom of Naples — in competition with the Angevin 
dvnastv) annexation of part of the Bvzantine empire 
ithe duchies of Athens and of Neopatna) of the 
island of Cvprus and commercial lelations with 
Mamluk Egvpt (A Masia de Ros La Corona de Aram 
1 los- ts-tados- del \ortt dt Afma Barcelona 1951 A 
Lopez de Meneses Los tonsulados latalants de Altjandna 
) Damasio in d reinado de Pedro 1\ el Ceremomow 
Saragossa 1956 F Giunta Ar agonist t Catalan, ml 
Meditenaneo Paleimo 1959 L Nicolau d Olwer 
Lixpansio di Cataluma a la \hditenama Oriental, 
Baicelona 1926) After the union of the kingdoms 
of Aragon and Castille in 1474 Spam inherited this 
interventionist line to the Mediteiranean attempts 
it invasion ot Algieis in 1519 and 1541 (dnected 
against the piracv of the Barbarossa brothers [see 
SrCtdj and khv>r al-din b <vrb <vross a] ) conquest of 
the island of Djerba (1520) the capture of La 
Golletta at Tunis (1535) (EG Onmeios La politua 
norhafneana de Carlos I, Madrid 1950) and the bat- 
tle of Lepanto [see a\ nabakhti] in 1571 

But Araghun above all has a political sense 
According to al-Himvan (Ravid no 8) it is the 
name of the teintorv of Ghaisiva b Shandjuh com- 
piling cantons ibilad) staging posts (mana il) and 
distncts (a'mal) Accoiding to Makkan ( \a]h ed 
Benut l 137) The fifth region passed thiough 
Toledo and Saragossa and then envuons towards 
the temtorv of Aragon to the south of which lies 
Baicelona As a political concept its borders weie 
constantlv changing Just as al-Andalus did not cease 

constantlv expanded So its histoiv is founded on 
the iccession of the Muslim thaghr al a'la [qi], st 
of the Upper March Its growth took place at the 
expense of the neighbounng Hispano-Arab states the 
Banu Kasi Tudjibids, Banu 1-Tawil Banu Hud, 
Banu Razin Almoiavids, Banu Ghamva and Banu 
Maidamsh [qm] following a continuous advance 
during the 11th- 13th centunes The pnncipal land- 
marks of this reconquest aie the taking of &raus 
(1083j Monzon (1089) Mquezai (1091) Almenaia 
(1093) Huesca (1096) Baibastro (1100) Balaguer 
(1105) Ejea and Tauste (1106) Tamirite (1107) 
Morella and Belchite (1117) Saiagossa (1118) 
laiazona and Tudela (1119) Calatavud and Daioca 
(1120) Alcamz ( 1 1 24) Toitosa (1 148), Lenda Fiaga 
and Mequmenza (1149) Teruel [ia 1157. \alderobes 
(1169) Caspe(1171) Majorca ( 1229) Moiella (1232) 
Bumana (1233) Peruse ola (1234) Ibiza (1235) 
Valencia (1238) and Minorca (1287). The expansion 


i (7bj t 


b against the Lev ante and And. 
batk numerous Mozaiabs [q , 
bled and equipped 4 000 hoi sei 
thev selected with then squm 
swoie b\ the Gospel that not 
deseit his companion' Fust <: 
offensive took place (aititles bv D M " Dunlop 

Cutler and \ 1uiki m 41 4ndalus 1° 

19bb Chalmeta m Rl \I xx 1972), to 
Council ot Toulouse m 1118 which p 
expedition against Muslim Spam Til 

Nice Antioth, and espee lallv Jeiusalem Gaston 
Beam i made possible the capture of strongholds h 
erto impiegnable The trieat campaigns of James I 
the Conqueioi the Bale am islands in 1229 and 

crusade iR I Bums 77« (msatlt, kingdom of laltmia 
Cambndge Mass 1%7) Hie ro\al house ol Ai agon 
was s\stematicall\ moie toleiant than Castile towaids 


while that ol 

the Banu Hud used to be \bu Maiwan <Abd 

Alfonso I was 

al-Mahkb 'Abdal-'Aziz who possessed \ alencia 

ol the Hultil 

and its sunounding ten Hon The Fiontiei was undei 

i aid in 1225- 

the contiol of Abu Marwan b Razin whose uile 

extended as tai as the liontieis of Toledo The toui 

chose assem- 

paits of Spain aie uikd b\ foui kings one is con- 

stituted bv the afore-mc ntioned \iagon and lies to 

\ a'gieed and 

the south-east The fust town at the south-east 

boidei on the Meditenanean coast, is Bauelona fol- 

psv etiological 

lowed b\ Taiagona, then Tortosa In this legion 

Dunlop A 

the non-coastal cities aie Saragossa Lenda Fiaga 

52 1%3 and 

and CalataMid all undei the uilc of the king of 

I [Raud no 182) 

■xtensive and his kingdom is gi 
ilcs Bauelona Aiagon Jat 
a, Dema Ma]oiea, and Minoi 
iking of \ alencia b\ James I 
nahk oi taghnat 4>aghun 

Menendez Pidal La Espuna dil (id Madnd 1951, 
483-93 RI Bums, hlam undo th< (nistuhs Pimcetoi 
1073 118-38, 173-83) These . xplan 
the importance of the Mude]ais it/ i and Mache 

Af I in \Itm Fat Fa ~<7hhj.i;« l 

142 ^i IW-U') 

and L Piles, La situation sotial dt It 

s moms dt nahn 

go in la liihmm dtt s At Madnd 

1949i and latei 

of the Monscoes i (/ .,andT Halp 

enn Donghi e , 

tonflitto national monstos ) tristitmos 

u/os in laltmia 

m (HE xxm-xxiv .1955) ^- 1 1 S xxv 

-xxv, (1957) 8 5- 

250 idem Rtiouutnitnh dt niihsatwr 

maiimi dt I alum an \] I s in 4 

154-82 J Regla Estudws sobu los 

iimsios \ alencia 

19b4 MS Canasc. 

El pmbltma momio tn 4rai;,m al tomit 

Ko dil mnado dt 

Fthpt II \ alencia 19h9) in these le 

ions wheic thtv 

f local loids 
xanco /skunk lE Hino]osa Mi , quint 
i Ohms Madnd 1948, 245-501 It i 

: that the 

i this 

,1 al,an 

i [at 


ions' 1 ' 

t l<uirs\n°hct 


ed tan 

\ supeihcialK ir 

ir c 

,i Madnd 1879 idem 

1,1 J M. 

las \ a 

mgo and Guai 


m Pallais like 

1, B.iga 

da Ri 

polles and Besa 


he tex 

ts lack piecisio 

) Shihab and al-Husa\n b Dadjn 

Foi the 

a region but also all the temtoiies of the political 
entit\ embodied in the Kingdom of Aragon In this 
context aie included Catalonia the Balean. Islands 
and \ alencia Al-Manakushi iMn'dfib 50-1 2 35 2(>7) 
defines its extent in 1,21/1224 thus 'The Banu Hud 
possessed the towns of this legion lal-Andalus) 
Toitosa and its envnons Saiagossa and its emu oils, 
Fiaga Lenda and C'alata\ud Thev ait now in the 
hands of the Flanks , belonging to the prince eif 

4iaghun The lattei has the boideis ot the kingdom 
of Barcelona to the Fiench hontiei Neighbounng 

li 50 

7) on te 


mil [,/, 


hi govern 

'\\ lit n 

the Musi 

n the l 

fa and 

the Hig 


ua Rasi 

42- i) 

132/750, the siti 

ualt his 



theic In 

ike out th 


ten mt the maitla Bidr The Yemenis Suhunin b 
\ikztn ilkilbi ind il Hmnn b 1 dliM il \ns lr i 
b\ promising Siri^ossi to Chirlenntme encouri^ed 
.indeitike his ill filed expedition of 778 This 

Uppei M 

ludjibid Bu 
id b\ the 
\mius b \ 

n in the r< 
f Bihlul 


,1 Hue 


■d luth. 

nimt oi ilHikim I but the representative of the 
mutallad fimilv of the B inu K isi Musi b Musi 
(7/ ] a belled in 842 it Tudeh took possession of 
S ingossi ind Huesti ind dec hied himself the third 
kin? of Spun To cuib him the ami, Mulnmmtd 
instilled it C ihtiuid ind Diroti the Tudiibid Binu 
Muhidiir who h ivin^ succeeded ti insfoimed them 
selves into autonomous loids of the Mirch of i 
moie tlnn e hin^eible loviltv In the north we find 
in the 10th eentuiv the Bum Shibnt b il Tiwil 
-it Hutu i \11 these peoples did not hesitite to ph\ 
tlu Fnnks the \nbs the muaillath ind the Niv ino 
\iiironese (with whom the\ hid f imih ties) off 
gainst then mils Muslim is well is Chnstnn 
Such wis ilso the polu\ of the Binu Hud who 
emplo\ed the C id ind weie ible toi i lone; tim< 
to bihnce the imbmons of the \lmoriuds the 
tl« Cdtihns the NiMrrese ind the 

C v- 

s tint 

s lesnl recognition of the North P\ie 
b\ tlu emnite of C ordov i Thinks t 
lbute of 70(1 dinar* ind the stilus of 
e.e wis ,/«„[,/<] of tl 
nu ho nl Udhn W i 
'w b ,apli\ In iddition to souius mentione 
• J \leminv La gtopajia dt , 


s of Iniir< 

n los 

i Gn 

C Dubler las 
indalus win 11953) 337 73 F Heinindez El 
\Iontt ) la l>mmaa del Pud to in ibid xvn (1952) 
319 68 H Mones Ta nkh al djujrajna ft I 
■indalus Midnd 1967 \fil Tuik El rano dt 
Zaia^Kaentls \I Midnd 1975 J Bosch Histana 
dt llbarratin musulman Teiuel 1959 J Font \ Rius 
La itamquista dt I tnda Lendi 1949 \ Hum 
Mil ind i Histoua dt \ altntia mumlmana \ ilenui 
1969 J Licirri Histana dtl rano de \aiana 
Pimploin 1972 idem La tonquista dt ~ara^o a po, 
41/onm I in indalus \n [1947) 65 96 idem La 
itttmtjuista i Hpoblaaan dtl allt dtl Ebro in Est E 
\I ( iiazon n 1 19461 V\ 8j idem la npoblatwn 
dt ->«,».,« l"» ^/"">" (/ Batalladoi in Est Ha 
Soaal Esp Mtdnd 1949 205 23 idem Onpn.s 
dtl ttmdado dt \iagon Sni-.ossi 1945 E Leu 
Hist Esp mus index J Milhs El ttxts 



Gil La Pont, 

in bol Ha (,to Bap A,t K on iv (1907) 

(P C helmet M 

ARAT Resiiid R^hmfti up to 1934 GR 
tUiHMATi modem Tuikish Resid R\hmeti \rat 
Iuikish scholn and philologist (1900 64) Bom 
it Eski Udjum to the south west of Kizin he 
a is the son of Abd il Reshid Ismet Alhh of i 
imih ot inudamsitn who enne;i ited horn kizin ind 
let up i hereditirv madrasa there He ittended mi 
oils schools in his home town ind liter in kiziKir 
Petiopivlovski md in Hirbin in Mimhuni where 

hlE-h s 


in Titirs in Hubin ind con 
tnlmted to \inous pipers In December 1922 he 
left for Germinv ind he emolled in Beihn 
Umveisitv wheie he wis tinned in Tuikish philol 
og\ b\ \\ lllv Bint? He obtained his Ph D in 1927 
with i thesis on Dit Hilfsitrbtn und [ trbaladitrbitn im 
■iltaisthtn which wis published in Iral altaistht 
Jahibuthtr un/1 4 (1927) 1 66 He then joined the 
teuhine; stiff of the Depirtment of Onentil hn 
t?ui£;es it the Umversitv In the sime veil he mu 
ned Dr Ribi 1 ilso fiom the kizin nei whom 
he had met in Hiibm In 1928 he wis nnde i 
leseiich issistmt in the Piussnn \cidemv In 1933 

ottered the chiir of Tuikish philoloi?\ in the 
Um\eisit\ ot Istinbul where he tiut>ht until his 
deith He wis the director ot the Institute of 
Turtoloe^ (1940 50) founded b\ Fu \d koprulu m 
1924 ind i visions; protessoi in the SO\S London 
1 1 04') 51) He died in Istinbul on 29 Novembei 
1964 RR \nt who contributed ereitlv in intio 
due mt; the histont ind compnitive ipproith to 
studies of Turkish hns;uis;e ind dnlects wis i sthol 
ii who piefened to limit Ins efforts to 1 given nei 
ind to deepen it nthei then spreid o\er mm\ 
problems md coimite fields He remuned stntth 
interested in linguistic ind philoloaicil problems ind 
text tiiticism He is the mthoi of the following 
rrnjor works ~m Htilkundt dti I ijunn 2 vols Berlin 
1930 2 Du Lt^tndt urn OJu^ Qai-han (with \\ Bine;) 
Beihn 1932 Tuihstht Turfan Ttxtt ui Berlin 1936 
In uirhk dt Mehmtd II It Conqanant m innali RIS0\ 
xx (1940) Bibur Ukau 2 Mils \nkm 1943 6 
hutad^u Bihg icnticil edition) Istinbul 1947 ittbttu 
I liakauk Icnticil edition ind modern Turkish pir 
iphnse) Istinbul 1951 lusuj Has Haab Kutad K u hl K 
(Modern Turkish pn iphnse) \nkiri 1959 Turk 
sutltrmm tasmfi tn T\I x (1953) 59 139 (i sum 
mn\ ol former ittempts to chssifv Tuikish dnlects 
tosrthei with i new pioposil undei the influence 

sue decent) msteid of kht,e idnlect) of stindird 
Tuikish) Eski turl sim (Pie Ishmic ind enh Ishmic 
Tuikish verse texts modern Tuikish pinphnse ind 
notes) posthumous \nkin 1965 

Biblwztaph) Rtsit Rahmtti irat it in— \ memo 
ml volume published b> Tuik kultuiunu <\nstirmi 
Enstitusu Ankui 1966 pp x xxx (the pnnci 
pil source for bio^nphicil ind bibliogr iphic il diti 
on \rit up to the d ite of public ition) 

(F\hir Iz) 
ARBAUN HADITH i s^enre of htenrv 
md religious woiks centied round 40 liadith* of 
the Piophet 

This t\pe of woik his msen fiom one ispect 

mumt\ who lenns 40 fiadithb connected with the pre 
scnptions of the filth will be msed to life b\ God 
imons; the mthorities on the hw ind the sthohr 

3 ndir\ 1 

:o be to\( 
oneself t 

e the (. 

Woiks in this citesron of arba un hadith mi\ be 
Aiitten in piose verse or in the two combined The 
ontents mu ilso differ some wnteis ind compil 
'is ire content to s;ithei together the hadithi, oth 
•is idd to them exphmtions whilst \et others idorn 
md complete these texts b\ means of itcounts 
nat ind homilectu nntenil The elements of woiks 



,n this ,cne,al cate.oiv a,e sel 

cted atcoidins> to dii- 

•\ubin as Raw nil sec Bibl ) the coned foim Rawiamii 

feline; piinuples ahadith kudu 

ta ol divine mspna- 

is luithei B?\en m \akiit, Biddan, ed Benut l 15 3 as 

ot the Piophct hadiths 

the kasaba of this district ol 71 villages and b\ Sam'anl, 

imah, ed Hyderabad l 167-70 who visited the dis- 

s aic also found cen- 

tnct personall\ and who has a lom> list ot the 'ultima' 

tied on a paituulai subject 

tric qualities of the 

of \.ghivan 

km 'an, the essential pnnciples 

ol Islam the Piophtt 

In rimund times we find the admmistiative cou- 

and his Companions 101 even h 

s diildien and Ejiand- 

pling Djahan u -\ighi\an and then in th, Salawid 

childieni sects and mvsticism 

knowlede;c and th, 

scholar politics and law the 
moial lit, etc 

hoh wa, socal and 

ot kalldai ithus as a single tnulda, undei Shah Saff 
in 104b/1030) B\ modem times hovvevu the name 

The s<eni f is called uhil h 

adltl, In the Pei sums 

of \ighi\an diopped out ot usae;e 

and kid hadith bv the Turks 

It de\ eloped til st ol 

Bibliogtapln In addition to th, sounes men- 

all m \iabic and developed 

the oldest collections aie th 

\djuiil id 3 50/442) and 

ol Ibn Wad'an d 

yand loutn du Khmassan a 1 tpuqut mans,alt m Lt miimli 

4<I4/1101| But the most cc 

lebiatcd is that put 

to^ethei In MuhM T-Din \bu 

/akanvv.V \ah\a al- 

iC E Boswortiii 

Nauaul (631-71)/ 1235-77) th 

objeit <il numeious 

'ARIF CELEBl dtiMsh mvsti, yiandson ot 

commentanes m \iabic and 

lanslations into othei 

Mawlana Djalal al-Dln Rfiml and the thud khalifa of 

Islamic lans>uas>es The fiist til 

d hadith , ollections in 

the Mawlawiwa oidei was bom at konva on H Dhu 

Peisian which have come dov 

1-ka'da 070/7 June 1272 as a son to Sultan Ualad 

in the bth-7th/ 12th- 13th cent 

lies sc the Tablh al 

and ratima Khatun the daus>htei ot the i-oldsmith 

kulub of Muhammad b Muharr 

mad b ' Mr al-taraul 

Salah al-Dln His actual name was Djalal al-Dm 

rains the Taidjuma )i hba'ln hadith ol < Mid j Ulu '' Vnf has be. n derived 

al-Rahman DjamI 1817-08/1414-02) Th, vvoiks of I •\nc\tensiv, biotrraphv with mam has?oi<raphit tiaits 

Nawawi and DjamI weie tianslated into Tuikish I is contained in the eighth chaptei ol the Manakib al 

and published on manv occasions 'anfin bv -MlakI [,/ , ] Bemt; one of '\nf s pupils -MlakI 

It should luithti be noted that th, Tuiks not onh was an evewitness to a sneat pait of his life and aeeom- 

oldest one of these in Iuikish known ""to us is the ' Tiak and Peisia as well On one oi c asion Sultan Walad 

\ahdj al faiddls of Mahmud b 'All il!th/14th ,en- ' sent him to the touit of the Il-khan at SulUmwa to 

turvl, followed in the next on, bv kemal Umml mans- lemonstiate against th, pio-ShTa pokv adopted bv 

lation after 815/1412) and also '-Ml Shir Newa'I 1845- Oldjevtu In 712/1312 '\nf succeeded his tathei as 

000/1441-15011, and then in the lOth/lOth centmv the head ot the Mawlawiwa His death occurred at 

bv FudulIi?885-0t,J/^1480-155(» Usullid 075/1508) Konva on 2i Dhu 1-Hidjdja 710/5 Nmunki 1320 

New 'I 1042-1007/1535-00, '\shik C elebi Natta'a His tomb is still extant in the Mavvlaul tiabi 

(tianslation 070/1571) and Mustafa 'Mi itianslation The anecdotes iclated bv \llakl depict ' \nf as a 

1005/1507, This vvoik of tianslation was fuithei pur- colouiful personahtv Through his , onduc t he 

NabI 1 1052-1 124/1042-1712) 'Oth 
11120/1708) Munlf (1145/1733) 'Oi 
(publ 1320/1008) and \hmed 

Biblia«,tipln \bdulkadn kai 


mud in 


tnct of noithe 

in khi 

ravin It 

a\ (o the 

of Kuca 




the hillv r 

of the 

modem Kuh- 



and the h 


aiound the 

of the k 


not to 

e identified w 

tth the 

district o 


in Suppl ] lym^ f ui the 

vas clone 1 

Tin lands of th, Eask 

7! (ahphii, 


ted bv B Sp 

>onei l 

i his 4; ? A 

>e7» Tin a 

Ja/ami in 

luskm Mimas, 

n Jnal of th, Butnh 1, 

of Pima 

n Studies in 



The nam 

325-074 H Rittei 


'\RIF MIRZ\ — \RN\B 

wishes ind two \ens hter wis obliged to diunit 
hei he ne%ei mimed ignn LeiMng ioi Tehi in 
he took sen ice it the couit of Muz iff n il Dm Shah 
where his singing lttricted the mention of the so\ 
ereign ind leiding couitieis Couit life houeser did 
not ippeil to him and he letuined to Kizwin 
wheie he iemained until the 1006 C onstitution il 
Resolution of which Ik w is one ot the le iding spu 
its His outspoken md leckless \eises usuilh, sunt, 
it public concerts mule him m in\ enemies indud 
lng e\en his ioimti hiend the poet Indj Mirza In 
1915 he joined the inuhadiaiat to knmanshih whence 

Dunns? the next feu veils 

he gi\e his 

cessi\tl\ to Col Muhimrr 

id Tiki kh 

dent gendiimeiie oflicei u 

khui is in 

md Ridi KJiin In 1424 

of the estibhshment of ! le 

continue his public concei 

s ind letue 

po\eit\ in 1934 His Dua 

in 1924 togethei with m 

of Rousseius Confisswns 

\nf wis i mm of dem 

h like disposi 

souue si\s that m iddition he composed ten letteis 
m \eise iddiessed to Kh idja Pn Ahmad b Ishak 
ind a \eisihed woik on Himfi filh oiled \la la budd 
madhhab Imam i^am None ol these woiks his \et 
been published 

Although the luthors of contempoi ir\ tadhkuas 
iedit him with in elegint stvle md considerible 
3opuhnt\ m the modern penod his woiks hi\e 
ecened onlv cut son mention 

Bibliography '\hshii Niui l Uaajalis al naja ,s 
madjlis i attual DiulitShih Tadhkna ed Biowne 
434 40 Biowne LHP m 490 495 7 E \a 
Shitir Shi, i falsi dai ahd i Shahnikh Tehi in 
1334/195b 101 2 17b b 21b 7 

lj\\ Clinton, 
ARIN [see mjbbvt al ard] 

ARNAB (A I pi aranib in poeti\ al aran, 
&i immiticalH this noun is feminine ind denotes 
the hire with the generil 

ithei a 

e Ch : 

, qlulqut 


Biblw^apln -\ttei the edition ot \nl s Dntan 
published b\ Ridi zidi Shitik in Beihn 1924 tin 
thei wntmgs ippeued in MR Hiz u inf nama 
u Hikiu Shniz 1934 ind Siy\id Hidi Hun 
Kuiush L}ild i diatuum i dm an , Auf lehim 1942 
Biogi iphic il mfoimation is to be found m E& 
Biowne Pins and pot tn of modtm Paul Cimbndge 
1914 250 2 M Lshique Sukhaimaian i I, an dar asr 
i hadir i Cilcutn 19,3 191218 Rashid \ isimi 
Adabmalimuasir Tehi in 1437 64 70 M Islnque 
\Indan Persian puttn C llcutta 1443 passim SiyMd 
Muhimmid Bikn Burki i \ul_han Lawn i nami u 
muasu i Tehi in 1450 H9 61 J R\pki hamsilu 
Lihiatur^schuhh Leipzig 1959 352 3 ibid Histon 
of banian httiatmt Dordie. ht 1968 372, Bozoig 
■\li\i Ot thitfitt and Entuitllung dn mndtrntn ptisistlun 
Liltiatu, Beilin 1964 36 44 

iLP Llwell Suttoni 
ARIFl Mwlw* NUhmud Pel si in poet 
\ irtualK nothing is known of the hie of \nfi except 
the ippioximite dites of his bnth ind deith (791 
8i3/1389-1449i md tint he belonged to the cncle 
of poets thit tlouiished at the couit ol Sh ill Rukh 
[q 1 in the first hilt of the 9th/ 15th centurx 

Iht best known of his woiks is i bnel mathnaixi 
of some 500 Aai/s entitled (,u\ u at a an or Halnama 

which h 

g his fitt: 

t undo the title 77<t 

\e cording to Diwht Shih \iiff wis the iuth< 
cf numerous pineg\rKs of the kings md polices 
his di\ ind of JitKtils ind kit as is well The sin 

laisan in Tuiki 


abtkm Ipl 

\mong the oidei of 1 igomoiphs md the timih 
of leponds the genus Upus is lepiesented in Ishmic 
hnds piedomimnth b\ the Itpu taptnsis or C ipe 
hue Its bleeding giound sti etches horn -Xinc 1 (Cape 
of Good Hope) to China tShintung boidenng on 
the \ellow Sei ot \sn) In the Mediteinnein zone 
it is found with the plnns species / granatin I (Spun! 

ind / kahlitus lAlgena) / tunttat (Tumsii) ind / 
tut childi (Eg\pt) in western Morocco the smiller / 
atlanhtu is ilso found In the hills ire found / mam 
tonus md / ptdiatus (Moiocco) ind / stpanu I \lgenai 
The chinctensticilK desert hue / arabuin is found 
on the borders of the Sail in together with / pal 
lidwi I haittrti ind / bartatus Irom Moiocco to the 
Sinn pemnsuh \ svstemitie stud\ of the hues ol 
the \ribnn Pemnsuh his \et to be nude The 
species / lurnpaius is represented in the Neai Eist 
" " -d pi ices is well is / niiatus (Lebinon) 

ith \eir to honom i prince Muhimmid issu 

be Muhimmad b Busonkor (Browne LHP n 

The subject of the poem is 1 mvstic il loimnce r 

l demsh ind 1 pimce whom he hist sees phving 

polo The gime ot polo piovides the prec' 

imigeiv RS Greenshields published m e 

this work of which th 


■ lbout the gender ot the 
misculme with an isso 
• al If sah fi fikh al lugha 
ntr\ people both seden 

s bv - 


buck wis cilled khu ^ (pi khi „a« akliK a) oi 
haishtib or luffa (Maghnbi akiush] The temile or 

; she wis cilled afahmaush The lev ret wis cilled 
Uiunik (pi kharamk) or the khauta ind the wean 
mg suhta ( Maghnbi khaibush ha, bush Timahik 

Fiom an ethnologic il point ot 

■it pit-dominant Most of 

the Be dou 

en lecoide 

ti al-kazvum I'-igja lb " 

trial hlukat 

aigin) al-Damni iHmat 

«<V1<)37 1 20-3i and 



lese i.toi 

whence t 

le s.iMiig to sv\ei\e moie than a 

and the 

ucknames the hunters sn\e it c mph 

and aim 

at When a haie is suipnsed tt it 

the leap 

inafajai it makes is so mstantanc o 


that it has become an illustiation 

iMth hare s kidnt\ 

ttl the wild nbbit simph 

" the tin own cud^d I 
can wiekfso skilhilh . 

ltlitulrs with it wis Ibn al-Mukatta' When h< 
anslating tin tables ot Bidpa\ from Pahlau h( ( nt , 
•ltd tilt rvpiuvlh Indian episode of the c 1< phants < 

clever rabbit Fa\ruz 1= Felix became their spokesman 
and dio\e awa\ the elephants b\ a trick I see Kahla 
iiaDimna, Cairo 1431 207-9) This ston could not 
possibh be concerned with hares foi the\ do not live 
in colonies and the\ do not tunnel undci ground Once 
the domestic labbit was being bied on a laige scale 
it became necessan to add epithets to arnab to make 
the woid moie specific, amab baimya or uahshiwa was 
used for the haie and amab ahliyya oi dadfma or bal 
adnia for the domestic labbit but the wild rabbit 
hardh had an\ specific name In the Muslim West 
the same confusion did not anse because in Spain 
as well as in the Maghrib the wild and domestic 

counuit Sp ,ont/o Port lotlbo It lomgho Eng aim 
Get hamnihtn Swed hum) The Hispano-\iabic 
names kumlya/kumba kulhn lulmn are still found m 
the Maghub as kamn/gamn (sing a pi at and 
knaun/ ejwun), Kalin (pi Uaum kumn/gunin ganun and 
Kabvle agumn (pi iguiunm) Besides amab Hispanu lan- 
guages use labbat (pi al) ultimatch demed fiom 
Ibeio-Roman lappaw (horn bpons Sp lubn Catalan 
llebri Prov libn, Fr hait/lapatait/lapin) \s for Tunisia 
Ibn SaTd (in al-Makkaii inalnhs i 122) notes that 
the pi attic e of raising rabbits foi fur was introduced 
there from Spain in the 7th/Hth centun the wild 
labbit is to be found onl\ on some coastal islets but 
it is common in Algeria {imniului algirm) and m noi th- 
em Morocco 

According to kur'amc law the flesh ol a hare 
which has had its throat cut ritualh ma\ be con- 
sumed the doctois ol law agiee unammousH about 
this foi the hare is a product ol hunting and the 
animal is heibivoious and not carmvoious It is true 
that some hadith*, suggest that the Prophet 
Muhammad abstained from eating haie but no-one 
accepts this as a iormal piohibition [but see ha\ kv. \n 
concerning the Rafidis] This pei mission extended 
ipso fatto also to the labbit when the animal was 
introduced to Muslims In al-\ndalus the labbit was 
highl\ prized and the onl\ testnction imposed on 
it was that it should not be sold around the Gieat 
Mosque Instead a place was chosen In the muhlastb 
and theie the\ had to be oiteied toi sale propeih 
slaughteied and skinned so that the meat could be 
seen to be fresh (see Ibn '\bdun-Levi-Piovencal 
Sailh musulmam an dtbul du \II siecle Pans 1947 


In p.e- 

o the haie s loot as a talisman [Ka'b al amab) 
consideied to be a protection against all eul 
and motheis would aifix one of then chil- 

spells which weie alwa\s to be leared in unknown 

In Gieek medicine a number of specific \ntues 
were accoided to particular oigans ol the haie The 
flesh was thought to ha\e laxative and aphrodisiac 
piopeities Latei Arab medicine confirmed the \iews 
of Hippocrates and Galen on this subjec t but added 
some new empirical prescnptions Perhaps the most 
important parts were the brain and the gastric juices 
{infaha) the biain was the best remedv foi ti ena- 
bling and scmlit\ and it could be vpphed to an 
infant s gums to suppress the pain in teething but 
if it was mixed with camphoi and drunk it was 
thought to be an infallible lo\e philtie The gastric 

with a vinegar base and used as an antidote for all 
kinds of poison It is interesting that modern su- 

remed\ which has am real chance of fighting the 
poison of the phalloidine (death s cap) fungus othei 

and stomachs of leponds Peihaps aftei all Arab 
empnical medicine was not ]ust puie fanc\ Dried 
and powdered haie s blood had iecogmsed healing 
qualities foi sores and wounds and helped to extiact 
foreign bodies like sphnteis and thorns 
it was also used to tieat anow wounds In surgerv 
lepond hair was used instead of cotton wool as an 

Since Sasanid times in ban haies and labbits have 
held a position of not negligible impoitance in the 
field of Muslim art Thev figuie eithei as a decoia- 
ti\e motif incorpoiated into a hunting scene or are 
themselves the main theme of inspiiation Besides the 
mass of Peisian miniatures piobabK the most tvpi- 

the incident mentioned above wheie the wil\ Favruz 
harangues the king of the elephants it is found in 
Svnan manuscripts of the 8th/ 14th centun of Kahla 
aa Dinma (Pans BN ms Al 3467 foi 70 and 
Oxford Bodl Libi Pococke 400 foi 99 1 Iiaman 
ceramics which also inspired those of Fatimid Egvpt 
fiequentlv incorpoiate the motif of the haie There 
is a glazed ewei fiom Gurgm fbth/Uth centun Pans 
Mus Aits Dec ) which is decoiated on its bulged-out 
sides with a fneze of hares chasing each other in an 
endless circle Another e\ample is the remaikable 
glazed Fatimid cup of the 5th/ 11th centun I Pans 
Louvie coll F Sane) with its white base decorated 
with a beautiful hare sti oiling among the floia s\ in- 
housed b\ the stvlised Kufic inscription on its mar 
gin Persian silks and carpets from even penod but 
especiallv fiom that of the Safawid dvnastv (lOth/lhth 
centum assert then inborn taste foi nature Animals 
aie poitiaved as living in an eaithh paradise with 
hares and gazelles gambolling among then carmvo- 
ious enemies and theie aie hunting scenes com- 
memorating famous slaughteis b\ battues of which 
the Chosroes weie so fond All these inteipietations 
have been caiefulh, represented in bionze, copper and 
lvon and heie also haies and gazelles have their 
piopei place The Fitimid goldsmiths in Egvpt fol- 
lowing then Persian predecessors were skilled in 
portraving animals and birds in metal even on com- 
monplace objects as is shown b\ the famous haie 
on the alert' bionze aquamanile This is the pioud 
possession of the Museum of Biussels (coll Stocletl 
and naturalists are amazed at its realism The same 
Persian animal themes are found on carved lvon cas- 
kets (p\\es| fiom Egvpt through Siuh to Muslim 
Spain and in Mesopotamia thev aie even found on 
the stone of lintels and dooi cases in \itukid art 
I (>th /12th centum 

In zoologv the name amab bahn tianslated fiom 
the Latin Itpus marmm sea haie' has been given to 
aphsia dipilans a nudibranch mollusc of the older op 
isthnbmmhia It is found wideK in the sea and ancient 
man treated it with a piofound disgust as much foi 
its hideous appearance (it looks like a slug with a 
haies head) as for the nauseating violet secretion 
which it emits in self-defence and which was thought 
to be a deadh poison (see al DarmrT op at i 23) 

FinalK, in astionomv al amab \larnab is the 

Orion the legendan huntei The first stai of the 


eonstelht.on is t . 

lied 4rneb 

,a Upon 

see 4 Benhimoi 

idi hs twin 

UEO 41geis [1')! 

il] 179 80) 


Besides tin 

see ilkushidj] 

im Kitah al 

Uastnid u 

ed 4 r-ilv 

, Bis>hdid 


kilkishindi Si 

alhayatan C 

mo 19 32 

151) Il.n 

Utilhassas \ui 

7b 9 G Be 

noist Lit ii 

Pins 194b I 

Bhniou ( 

mondt .toll Qur 

• mis ]e'i Pi 

us 195 1 \ 

eu\ I« A«/n< 

1 Puis I89i 

DL Hun 

ison Tht 

4;«A,« London 

taunt nmjt 
Hem Us ill 

-,■> 5 95 1 

I92b 45 b H 

Limit i( < 

Pins 1951 li 

4 G Migec 

.n !/«««(/ 

man (\its pi istiques et indii 

studs) Pu 

Mountfoit Pol. 

"::' d o L a £: l 

;/ Iondon 

ARMOUR [se, 

■ S,L,H] 

ART [see F4N> 



Me\eihot md 
13 1 174b 17n 

m in s height The 1. 
i ime into \i ibic thn 
n |rupai\r| IHtipTOi,! e 

bt en t olleeted b\ 1 Lou lD,t Flow ihi Juda, 
2i7 7 + 1 imoni uhith ue mim moie oi less I. 
1\ dttmtd sMiomms Ott isionilh mutk is r 
tinned in the hadith iDmmi set \\ < nsi 

the \eises quoted b\ them iDiniwui A al \ 
ed B Irwin Uppsih \\ lesb iden 1955 2 r 

1972 32) but the phut vvaTm.mU used is r 
uine Like Diost ondes the Vi ills kmu the 1: 
.■•iiden mwtle uil as al bustani al as tad, md tilt v 

\ flesh Rizi othei 

Hdk 1 9i no ID Ri/i Hiili 


t m 

o "l9 ! 

i 17 1 



H C 



da dun 



al Out/ 


,m 1%/ 




,r D, 

■ Ulan 

Mala, a 

Rtihhan , 

■it Tali 

an Be 

,nn 1%' 

i\ Du 


ii ii 

M ASAD |ste 

' MINn 

lKAT \I I 

31 Rl 



! MUSA b 


B 4BD 

U 1 



al U<ma U pieseixed 

khilduns lesu 

me on this sublet i Uu, 

' atlin 

win il 

horn i boil in the i 

ngu'.n 1 ,! re^m 1 mi" hnfmm 


uh pe 

gition In putting th. 

ring The m milold s\mboIu il 

tint some ol 1 

i \pl unt d not so inn. 

the 1 

mnran? ittubuted t 

o the niMtlc on kstnt o( i i 

sions b> the Isneht. 

< litt tint Ibn Musi x 


to line i em lined ui 

ikntmn to Ishm ittoidin., to 

in 4.1 lb legend it i 

a is biou s ht horn Pu idisi In 

si hook ol hath 

th On this bisis the 


lOl s 1 

i Ibi 

1 1 llll 

Biklwzuiphi (1; 

.esides the uoiks quoted in the 

whose mitt i nl 

his bet n tiktn into 


,ldei in 

utitle, Diosconc 

:les Uattna mtdua id M 

md pi op i_, lit d 

pet 1 1 

\\ Him inn i Belli 

in 1907 105 1 |= lib i 112) 

tt RG knout \ Isad 

La Uataia mtdua 

dt Dioscondt n i4nbu ti 

Vsid is kno 

un piimuih is ti msi 


1 of t 

Istit-in b Bisil) , 

•d Dubler md IYies I etiun 

Kitah al Tidjuit 

in tit 

ul uk 

1952 109 1 Bn 

urn Saidala ed HM Slid 

I un ibl 

kinchi 1973 \i, 

ibic j 3 1 I ng 22 1 Gh ihki 

s i 12 RG khou 

\\ tilth 

Diami Ms Rib it 

Bibl Gui k 155 I lols <H 

Uunabhth 28b 

11 tsp 292 \sid s u 


st m t 

10b Tht abridged 

a sum of Tht Book of tlu stm/il, 

\ till. Ill lit ill 1£ 

;< is no doubt exphmt- 

■d b' 

. tht : 


Wahb As a tiansmittei he is af 
a numbei of historual and isiet 
Futuh Urn of Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam 

i laige 

with his 

the mijontv of thos 
uted to his Egyptian masteis of an ascetic and pious 
natuie Othei works are fuither attnbuted to him 
\lmnad had b \Iusa ilbn Khavi Fihmt 141-2 Ibn 
al-Faiadi) the foui versions mentioned b\ the isnads 
of Ibn Khavr weie the w oik of one Nasr b Maizuk 
Not one of them seems to have appealed m book 
foim Then there is a tieatise entitled Risalat had 
b \Iuut da had b al Fwat [142-2H/759-828] ft 
lu um al iunna ua I tahdhn nun al bida' (Ibn Khavi 
299 1 (see R Savid who seems to have discoveied 
a manuscupt of iti Ibn Khavi (270) also mentions 
Fada il al tabun l book that he attnbutes to Sa'id 
son of Asad which Ibn Hadjai had seen in two 
\olumes and which appaientK contained accoiding 
to the last-named a gieat dt al of infoimation affoid- 
ed bv the father (Asad) and his aide (Ibn Hadjar 
ibid I Finalh theie is the Kitab al ~uhd ua I'lbada 
ua I nam' (Ibn Khavi 27(1 Hadjdji Khalifa v 91) 

important woik and according to Ibn Khavi com- 
pnsed s<veial books ikutub) conespondmg to the 
thiee paits of the title which he supplies 
Unfoitunatelv onK two copies of the hitab al ^uhd 


ved in B 

(Spienger 495) the othei in Damascus (Za 

madj 100/1) The fust was edited bv Leszvnskv 

who in the guise of an intioduction devoted a 

them with then paiallels in Judaism and Chiistnmtv 
but was not at all concerned with the author him 
self The author of the present irticle has le-edit- 

adding to it all the ceitifi 
of them with a stud\ of / 

most flexible 

which t. 

eadmg m both 
ised heie in the 

ited bv Ibn Kha 
dimensions of a single woik This book peihaps best 
lllustiates the influence of the author and his un- 
title in geneial from the formative penod of Islam 
foi it is the second woik of its kind aftei the hitab 
al Zithd « liaka'ik of 'Abd Alhh b al-Mubaiak 
which piovided a model for it both in content and 
in title although Asad does not acknowledge this 
It is made up of a collection of tiaditions with 
eschatological questions while the othei lost por- 
tions corresponding to the hulub al'Ibada ua I uata' 
mentioned bv the bibhogiapher must have contained 
the lemainder of the themes encounteied in the 
work of Ibn al-Mubai lk pietv ascetic meditation 
etc (see Khourv had V) fl Abbott Studies n 2^7 

Bibliography Abu Nu'avm, Hiha vn m IT 
Dhahabi \hzan i 207 idem Hujjaz 1375/1955 
i 102 Hadjdji Khalifa v 91 Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam 
Futuh \hsi ed Tonev index Ibn \bi Hatim 
Diarh i 338 Ibn al-Faiadi no 484 Ibn Hadjai 
Tahdhib i 260 Ibn Khaldun Mukaddima Beuut 
19hl 5b4-5 ti Rosenthal u 170-1 Ibn Khavr 
al-Ishbih Fihmt 141-2 270 299 Ibn Hisham 
A alTtajan 2 ft Ibn al-Mubaiak K al ~uhd 

ika'ik ed , 

1966 'Umar al-Kindi 



1967 2^7- 


Chicago 1957 index 
45 where Asad is suggested as the possible 
authoi of a two-page collection of traditions on 
papvius F Krenkow The tuo oldest books on 
habu folklore in K n (1928) 55 ff RG 
Khouiv Important, it authentuite de<, texts di Hihat 
alauliui' in SI (1977) 94-b idem Wahb b 
Munabhh Wiesbaden 1972 28b ff Brockelmann 
S I 257 351 Sezgm CAS i 354 5 The main 
studies on Asad s woik aie R Leszvnskv 
Mohammtdamsihi Traditional uber 
Geriiht Eiru ittghuhindi Studie it? judisi 
und mohammtdanisihin Esihatologit 
1909 (contains an ed of the A a/ ~aM based 
on the Beihn ms with a studv ) RG Khouiv 
had b \Iusa hitab al ~aA</ new ed with a 
studv Wiesbaden 197b R Savid is preparing 
in Beirut an ed of Asad s Risala 

(RG KhourM 
al-ASAMM Abu Bakr "Abd al-Rahman b 
Kavsan died 200/816 or 201/817 earlv theologian 
and mujasnt commonH counted among the Mu'ta- 
zihs although alwavs tieated as an outsidei bv the 
Mu'tazih tabakat In his vouth he served together with 
other mutakallimun like Mu'ammar Hafs al-Fard and 
\bu Shamn al Hanafi as adlatm [ghulam] to Ma'mai 
\bu 1-Ash'ath a Basran phvsician with certain philo- 
sophical leanings (cf Fihmt ed Flugel 100 11 28 
ff) In the latei davs of Dim b 'Ami [q i ] le in 
the last quartei of the 2nd centurv AH he cieated 
in Basia a ciule of his own Abu 1-Hudhavl did not 
like him he called him with a Peisian expression 
khaiban the donkcv -driver obviouslv alluding to his 
low ongin (cf Malati Tanbih ed Dedenng M 11 
12 ff ) But Abu 1-Hudhavl became influential onlv 
when he had been called to Baghdad bv al-Ma'mun 
aftei 204/819 at a lather advanced age in Basra al- 
Asamm seems to have enjoved the highei piestige (cf 
Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbir Fadlaliti a I ed Fu'id Sayvid 
2b7 11 -5 and pu f ) This mav be due to his even- 
tual ulations with the Ibadiv>a who had at that time 
not vet entirelv left the town (Abu Hav>in al-Tawhidi 
intioduces him as sahib al Ibadma in his Basa'u ed 
Kavlam n 825 ult f) But it mav also be attnb- 
uted to the fact that he w is a prolific wntei Ibn al- 
Nadim mentions 2b books none of which is 
unfortunatelv pieseived (cf Fihmt ed Fuck in Shaft' 
conini olum, 68 11 5 ff) All of them tieated of the- 
ological and ]undical subjects But he seems also to 
have been a poet (if the 'Abd al-Rahman b Kavsm 
mentioned bv Djihiz Hawaiian iv 205 11 G ff is 
identical with him cf Goldzihei LI vi (1916) 174 
n 2) At least he was known to be eloquent al- 
Djubba'i still acknowledged him as such (cf Fadl al 



mentioned m Djahiz Bay an i 80 11 11) With the 
luthontv of an expert he passed a seveie judgment 
on Ibn al-Mukaffa' (cf Djahiz Dhamm akhlak al kut 
tab in Rasa'il ed 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Harun 
ii 195 11 7 ff) 

His solidarity with certain Mu'tazih ideas is attested 
bv his repeated polemics against the pre-destmanans 
(il-Mudjbira cl titles nos 5 and 14 in the Fihmt also 
no 11) and bv his leflections about tawhid (cf title 
no ?) But he did not accept the tenet of al marula 
barn al manzilatayn (cf Ash'an Makalat al Llanumn 269 
ult ff) he believed that the fasik 

e ol li 


and b 

good deeds he has perfoimed (ibid 270 11 9 ff) The 

lie condemned to c 
imm did not bise 1 
* on Kur inic eside 

ion i His ideas on the pnnciple 

9) equills did not i 
othei Mu tazihs (cf 
himself on i pec uln 
Ibn Hazm Fnal is 

) He 

othei Mutizrhs did not sd touch the problem (ct 
title no 2\ a fieice opponent of this doctnnc \ l/id 
b Hnun (dud 20 r i 01 20b/820 822) siss him heie 
is in line ssith Bishr al Muisi ssho Ms soungei 
thin he md whom he mis hue lnlluenccd ict 
Bukhaii Khali al af'al in N ishsh ii T tlibi II a id al 


11 111 

tint Ihunnnn b Ashns lecommtnded him to il 
Mi mun sshen the ciliph wis still in Muss (d Fihust 
ed Fuck t>7 11 4 fl I He chshed ssith Hish im b 
alHikam ceitunls bee lust of his strongs inti Shi i 
feelings (cf Fadl allheal 257 lpu t and title no 
H) but ilso because of Hishims mthiopomoi 
phism Ict title no 10) ind he attacked the ana 
dika and the Dahrrvsa piobabls in c onespondence 
with the pohes pursued bs al Mahdi 158 69/775 

The theologuil doc tune most stiemds connected 
with As minis name wis his del 

[q ] ind mis hise brought him into 
nection ssith Hish im b al H ik im [q 
Bam it n 825 ult 11 ] He seems to 1 

o Dn- 

seises uid can theie 

not so much i diflei 
nition and in the cc 
he wis led to dens 
(ct Ash in Makalat 
fl Ibn Hazm Fnal 

ntus Like Dn u 
tence of the soul 


i28 1 
1 Hudhas 

s he s. 

attic ked toi 
led to shoss t 

doc tune bs Abu 
]undical obligations ai 

his piosteimtion in pusei oi his bem^ flowed m 
case ot adulters ct Fadl al i ti al 262 ipu 11 
Hish am al Fuss in a disciple ot Abu lHudhnl 
seems to hase been mainls shocked bs the ensuing 

bio id sense wis considered as the onls undent bs 
alNizzam ct the title ot Fuw iti s book in Films! 
ed Fuck 59 1 1) Mans opponents and influenced 
bs their polemics the htei heresiogi iphc is tended 
to understind Asimm s deni il ot the lccidc ntil < lni 
ac tei ot quihties as i dennl of quihties is such id 
Ash an Ai 11 12 fi Bighdidi huk 90 11 8 
t/llb 11 it idem I sul al dm! 11 14 11 etc j He 

.aided t 


him not in obligators ittnbute of humin societs 

eons sshich cin do ssithout i lulei [ct Baghdidi 
I sul al din 212 1 10 and 271 II 14 t mmslatei 
souices like Miss ardi al ihlam al mltanma ed Engei 
S 1 7 Ghizzih Fadaih al Batinma ed Bidissi 
170 11 5 11 Rtzi al \luhassal 17b 11 9 f etc ) 

against human nnquits Theoretic ills speiking urn 
seisal knossledge ot the km in should be sufficient 
in oidei to keep i societs in oidci (cf Pazdassi 
f ill al din ed Lmss 18d 11 1 1 ff ) but the leah 
ts being impel tee t the Muslims alsviss decided to 

done bs consensus (cl Ash in 400 11 b 1 Baghdidi 
hail 150 11 4t/lb4 11 1 fi etc I and one e some 

seisible esen if i nioie ippiopinte lafdal) candidate 
presents himselt itteissiids (cf il Nishi al ikbai 
lull almlial ed sin Ess !} 99) Aimed lesistince 
against l mlei is onls illossed it this peison his 

Applied to the histoncil lealits ot the p ist this 
meint th it al Asamm iceepted Abu Baki and Umai 

then election Attei Umai s death the afdal w is Abd 
ilRihmm b Assi who demonsti ited his sntue bs 
renouncing the e iliphite ten himselt Uthmm was 
onls second in link attei him id Nishi Lull 
almhal \ 100; In conti 1st to him Ah wis not 

ssis theietoie uniighteous (ibid 5> 101) This does not 

m the case of his w n igunst Tilha and Zubasi and 

tial issessment would hase to pioceed horn his inteii 
tiems ind those ot his opponents whethei he acted 
out of mere despotism oi in oidei to put things light 

we hise to suspend judgment It is cleai hossesei 
tint Talha and Zubisi had a leitun supenonts osei 
All ipeihips bee uise thes sought lesenge toi Uthmm) 
md tint Abu Musi il Ash m ssas light when he 

gleiulei iel al MufTd A al Qamal N idj if H82/195? 
2b 11 Id fi ti M Rouhim La uluite dt Bassma 
Pans 1974 17 ind shoitei Ash in 457 11 13 fl 
ibid 45i 11 lift Mu iwisi was light in his lesist 
mee igainst Ah bee uise he hid been let, ills 
ippomted goseinoi ot Ssna bs Umu ind confiimed 
in his oflice bs Uthm in he would hise onls been 
obliged to hind osei Ssm to a mlei who had been 
elected bs consensus let Nishi t? 102) 

Thus hi Asamms theois could be le lint horn 
his books mainls his A al Imatna Ict Filnisl title no 

opposition espenills horn the Shi'is ind horn the 
olognns ssmpithetic to them horn Bishi b al 
Mutimn icf Filmsl ed Flugel lb2 1 21| piobibls 
fremr the eails Shi i Fidl b Shadhan (died 250/874 
ct Tusi Fthml 150 11 10 1) ind esen much htei 
fiom the shaikh il MutTd (died 4H/1022| ssho ilso 
seems to quote horn the emgin il in his A al L\amal 
2b 11 lb ft Al Nishi ilso pieseises hemesei in 
onl tudition horn Asimms closest adherents sasmg 


that there may be seveial rulers at once in the Muslim 

co-ordinate their effbits in righteousness. He based 
this theory on the fact that the Prophet appointed 
governors foi diffeient legions and that, aftei his death, 
his prerogative had been transferred to the popula- 
tion of these regions, who may decide accoiding to 
their consensus. For his own time, al-Asamm deemed 
this even to be the better solution: a condominium, 
with its smaller political entities, would allow closer 
contact between the people and the rulei icf §§ 103 
f). As to the origin of these ideas, Goldziher sug- 
gested the influence of the Pseudo-Aiistotelian rkpi 
PaotXeiai; which may have been translated thus early 
(cf. hi, vi (1916), 176 f. and Cheikho's edition of the 
text in Machnq, x (1907), 311 ff; for an analysis of 
the text itself S. M. Stern, Aristotle on the World State, 
Oxford 1968, passim, M. Grignaschi in BEO, xix 
(1965-6), 14 and M. Manzalaoui in Onens, xxiii-xxiv 
(1974), 202). But it seems easier to assume that they 
were stimulated by discussions in Ibadt ciicles in Basra 
(cf. EI 1 , III, 658a, and Boswoith, Sistan undei the 
Amis, 88). 

Asamm's high appteciation of the consensus led 
him to the theory that the 'ulama' , if they are suf- 
ficient in number not to agree on a lie, are able 
to issue laws (cf. Ash'an 467, 1. 6 f). For their 
idjtihad is not a matter of mere probability; every 
true judgment is based upon an irrefutable proof. 
Among muditahidun of different opinions, therefoie, 
only one is right (cf. Abu '1-Husayn al-Basri, al- 
Mu'tamad, ed. Hamidullah, 949, 11. 10 ff.). In prin- 
ciple, there is no difference between juridical and 
dogmatical verities in this respect (cf. Kadi 'Abd al- 
Djabbar, al-Mughni, xvii, 369, 11. 17 ff.i; but we may 
distinguish between eirors which lead to unbelief 
(about God and prophecy), other ones which lead 
only to sinfulness [Jisk; about the ru'ya or about 
khalk al-Kur'an, e.g.) and those which result in the 

questions (cf. Ghazali, MustasJdT ii, 107, 11. -6 ff.; 
ShlrazT, Luma', Cairo, Subayh, n.d., 76, 11. 17 ff; 
MawardI, Adah al-kadi, Baghdad 1391/1971, i, 532 
no. 1234; Amidr, Mam, iv, 244, 11. 7 ff). Because 
of this rational criterion, even a sinful kadi may pass 
righteous judgments (cf. MawardI", ibid., i, 634, no. 
1579). On the other hand, the Shad, isolated tradi- 
tions (which, at that time, must have comprised the 
majority of hadith in the view of the Mu'tazila), can- 
not claim any value as criteria (ibid., i, 376, no. 
787). In these ideas, which seem to ha\e been char- 
acteristic for Basra (cf. Mas'Qdi, TanbJh, 356, 11. 10 
ff.), al-Asamm was followed by Bishr al-MarisF [q.v.] 
and Abu Ishak Ibrahim b. IsmaTl Ibn 'Ulayya, who 
had been his adlatus ghulam) and who founded a 
quite influential juridical school in Egypt ihe died, 
like al-Mansi, in 218/832, cf. Ta'rikh Baghdad, vi, 
20 ff. no. 3054, etc.; there weie adherents of his 
in Ramhurmuz even in the 4th/ 10th century, cf. 
Fadl al-i'ttzal, 316, 1. 3). 

al-Asamm's Tafslr. He defines the muhkamat as 
those verses, the veracity of which cannot be denied 
by any opponent as, e.g., all statements about the 
past; the mutashabihat are veises which tell some- 
thing about the future and which reveal their truth 
onh after reflection as, e.g., statements about the 
Last Judgment ( cf. Ash'an, 223, 11. 3 ff; Baghdad!, 
Usui al-din, 222, 11. 4 ff; RazI, Majatih al-ghayb, 
Cairo n.d., vii, 182, 11. -5 ff). There are thus no 

deal with philological pioblems. The verse contain- 
ing the problematic word abb (suia LXXX, 31) is 
counted by him among the muhkamat. Nazzam crit- 
icised his aibitrariness and did not distinguish him 
from non-Mu'tazili commentators like Kalbi or 
Mukatil b. Sulayman Icf. Djahiz, Hayaxvan, i, 343, 
11. 5 ff.; translated by Goldziher, ' Richlungen der 
hoianauskgung, 1 1 1 f). But he was quoted exclusively 
by DjubbaT in his lost Tafslr (although peihaps only 
for one passage; cf. Fadl al-i'tizal, 268, 11. 1 f.) and 
latei on by Matundr in his Ta'wilat ahl al-sunna (cf. 
i, 59, 11. 4 ff; 95, 11. 8 f; 103, 11. 1 ff), by Ahmad 
b. Muhammad al-Tha'labi al-Nishaburi (died 
427/1035) in his hashf wa 'l-bayan (cf. GAS, i, 615), 
by Hakim al-Djushami (died 494/1101) in his volu- 
minous Tafslr, and by Fakhr al-Dm al-RazI in his 
Majatih al-ghavb (cf. iii, 230, ult. ff.; ix, 160, 11. 13 
ff. etc.). Djahiz uses the work sometimes (cf. Hayaxvan, 
iv, 73, 11. -4 ff; also 205, 11. 6 ff?), and Taban 

al-Asamm by name. But it was interesting mainly 
to theologically-minded commentators and accessi- 
ble obviously only in the East. Whether the ms. 
Kthc AH 53/8 really contains the text (cf. GAL, S 
II, 984 no. 7) has still to be checked. 

This Basran Mu'tazilT should not be confounded 
with anothei Mu'tazilT by the name of Abu Bakr al- 
Asamm who lived in Egypt and who initiated the 
mihna there at the instigation of Ibn Abi Duwad. He 
was called Nasr b. AbT Layth and was at least one 
generation younger than 'Abd al-Rahman b. Kaysan 
(cf. Kadr Tyad, Tartib al-maddnk, Beirut 1387/1967, 
i, 516, 11. -5 fT.; 527, 11. 6 ff.; 564, pu. ff. etc.; cf. 
the index). 

Bibliography: Given in the article, but cf. also 
amongst sources; Asji'an, Makalat, 242, 1. 2; 456, 
11. 9 ff; 458, 11. 3 ff; 564, 11. 3 f; Nawbakhtl, 
Firak al-Shi'a, 14, 11. 1 ff. = KumrnT, Makalat, 14, 
11. 3 f; Ibn Batta, Ibana, ed. Laoust, 91, 11. 15 f. 
and 92, 1. 16; al-Shanf al-Murtada, al-Fusul al- 
mukhtara 1 , i, 63, 11. 10 ff: 1 68, 4 ff; Kadi 'Abd 
al-Djabbar, al-Mughni, xx-\ 61, 11. 1 f.; Baghdadi, 
al-Fark bayn al-jirak, 95, 1. 7; idem, Usui al-din, 1, 
11. 14 ff. and 36, ult. ff; Abu Ya'la, al-Mu'tamad 
ft usul al-dm, ed. Haddad, 37, 1. 4 and 222, 11. 3 
ff; DjuwaynT, al-Shamil, i, 168, 6 f; Pazdawi, Usid 
al-din, ed. Linss, 11. pu. f.; Shahrastam, Milal, 19, 
11. 3 ff; 51, 11. 5 ff; 53, 11. 6 f; Ibn al-Murtada, 
Tabakat al-Mu'ta Z da. ed. Diwald-Wilzer, 56, 11. 17 
ff; Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-mizan, iii, 427, 11. 2 ff; 
Dawudr, Tabakat al-mufassiiin, ed. 'Air Muhammad 
'Umar, Caho 1392/1972, i, 269, no. 258;Studies: 
M. Horten, Die philosophmhen Systeme der spekulatn- 
en Tlieologen im Islam, Bonn 1912, 298 f.; A.S. 
Tiitton, Muslim theology, London 1947, 126 f; A.N. 
Nader, Le systeme philosophique des Mu'lazila, Beirut 
1956, index s.v. Abu Bakr al-Asam (su).; H. 
Brentjes, Die Imamatslehren im Islam, Berlin 1964, 
43, 52; W. Madelung, Dei Imam al-Qasim ibn 
Ibrahim, Berlin 1965, 42 f; E. Graf, in Button, 
x/2-3 (1969) 44; H. Laoust, La politique de Gazali, 
Paris 1970, 231; H. Daiber, Das theologisch- 
plulowphisthe System des Mu'ammar ibn Abbad al-Sulami, 
Beiiut 1975,' Index s.v. _ (Josef van Ess) 

ASATIR al-AWWALIN "stories of the 
ancients," a phrase occurring nine times in the 
Kur'an (VI, 25/25, VIII, 31/31, XVI, 24/26, XXIII, 
83/85, XXV, 5/6, XXVII, 68/70, XL VI, 17/16, 
LXVIII, 15/15, and LXXXIII, 13/13; see also EI 1 , 



the do 

tune o 

the Res 

to the 

the fo 



sillv thi 


without being 



071 137 

leg i 

Tib in 

to \I 

I 31) co 

Mth the 

opponent oi th 


th Tn 


Chi ist 


s and 



thfll i 

to the 


shipping Mo 




Persi ,n 



\n he 

had le 

irned in 

karaD|«ioghl«in] He «is born in Sivnalan a vilhge 
u Shukishh ol Sivas province the son of a faimei 
i, \hmed whose lamilv name ot Shitnoghlu 

Wevsel nielv used Loss of sight in both his eves it 

!^ [qi ] \n ashik ot his own \illige and othei win 
t-img tolk poets whom he tame icioss and who dis 

if \\\ 5/t> 
•sis suggests i 

Jeileiv The fonufl , 
5b f P Minganti 
i5li With its gene 



1384 8 i 


suggested i denvation fiom dieek hntona see e 
theietereiKesniT Noldeke ind F Schwillv Gisdu 
dn Qowm 1 lb Hoiovitz Jeileiv R Kobeit 
Omntaha \S \iv 11045) 274 b F Rosenth il 
Histon of Muslim historiograph leiden 1068 28 
— is philologie ilK possible and wo 


\ribian origin Foi th 
with Axibic sti to v 
b\ Kur In \\\ 5/bl 

with •■ 

aught 1 

md n 

\ei \nitoln ieciting his poen 
He pei formed min\ times on Mm 
idios Foi i short while ll<)42 4) he 
igs in the \ilhge Institutes [see kov 
le died in his vilhge on 21 Mirth 

dren DifTeung fiom manv contempoiarv tolk poets 

modern writers \shik Wevsel pieferred to follow the 

k n adj loghl in Lmnh Rukhsati and otheis md he 
sing of love fiiendship nostalgn sepu moil lift s 
mutabihtv md de ith He is the author of Diushr 
1 1044) ind Sa imdan usln 11050) His collet ted woiks 
hue bein edited bv Umit \ asar Oguzc in as Dvstlai 
km hatnlasm ll070i 

Biblio^iaphy U\ Oguztan 4 si! hyscl hmah 
«< smliti Istanbul 19bi Sk kanahoglu Rtsimli 
Tml idibnahilan so lugu Istanbul 1074 sv 


iesi It w is glossed King stones oi asadji rh\med 
nose pieces oi IrequentK timahat obsiure 
onlused st itements It wis e\pl lined is ietletl 
I i ala in the sense of miking up embellished 
les foi ilbn il \thn al \ihaya s i id ) Liter Musi 
is strange K ilso i modem si hoi n D kunstlmi 
i OLZ \w\ (103b 482) imbued with rispeet 
lie eultmal achievements of the meients would whv the phrase should hue been usee 

i Rasht in lt71 He 
azwin ind fiom 
tudent m Nadjaf 

began the publit it 

.1 Iehiar 

s ustd is his talhal 
il wis suppitssed after the 
Muhimmid Ah Sh ih i 

med F 

Although he idmned Rid i kh in he 
ibmdoned pubhi life after the litter s ai cession to 
the throne in 1025 md devoted himself to htei 
ai v pursuits \pirt from his poems which mostlv 

in verse and piose ind works on historv and phi 

losophv He died in poveitv and ill he alth m 10,4 

Though Ashiat s poetic talent wis not up to the 

in the u 


ind stvle Hi 

tionahsm ind son il i etorm ine hiding tl 

s gieit pist \asi 
1 the best hterarv 

|unl votibularv 

Biblm^aph Ashrals poems weie collected in 
Bast , BihvM Tehi an 1010 and D,M i duuuum i \asim 
i Shirnal Bomb iv 1027 Biographical details m EG 
Browne Priss and pottn of moduli Puna Cambridge 
1014 182 200 M Ishique SuUianuaian i ban dm asi 
ihada i Cileutti 10j3 14b 70 ibid Modtm Pawn 
pottn C ak utta 1043 pissim S ivvad Muhamm id Blku 




, 250-5 Muhammad Sadr Hashirm Ta'rikh i 
djara'id na moralist i Iran, iv, Tehian 1953, 295- 
9; Bozoig Alavi, Gesehiehtt und EntiLitkluns dtr mud 
emtn persisehcn Literatur, Berlin 1964, 51-5 

(LP Elwell-Suttoni 
ASHTURKA, Asturka, the Spanish town of 
Astoiga, the Astunca Augusta of the Roman 
period, capital of the Gomentus Astuium, aheadv 
by then a focal point foi communications (J M 
Roldan, Iter ab Emuita istuneam El tamino di la 
Plata, Salamanca 1971), and latei a halting-point 
on the "loute of the herds' iR Aiken, Rutas dt 
trashumanaa en la Mesita tastillanti in Estudws giogia 
jicos, wvi (1947), 192-3) and on the "load to St 
James" (C E Dublei 

i Mor 





in Turn 

Al-'Udhii com- 
pares it with Saiagossa (f de la Gianja, La \Iarta 
Superior in la obra dt al 'I dn in Estudws Edad Altdia 
Corona iragon (1967), 45b) Astoiga was another 
urbs ma S nifiea, although Theodouc destioved it in 
456 (A Quintana, Astorga en en hmpo de los suevos 

Al-Idr - 

rail t. 


ifia de Espana 
'el Edrisi, Madrid 1881, 67, 80; H.'Mu'nis, Ta'rikh 
1-dj.ughrafiya wa 'l-djughrajiyyin Ji 'l-Andalus, Madrid 
967, 265). 
Astorga was captured by Tarik b. Ziyad in 95/714. 
formed to the noith of it the king- 

which I 


, did r 

include all the terntorv of the C< 
(G. Fabre, Lt taut urban dam It \ de la ptnimult 
iberiqut, in Latomui (1970), 337) The legion was set- 
tled b\ Beibers who lose against the Arabs in 
123/740-1 (4khbar madjmii'a, 38, ti 48) The Chnstian 
advance which oveicame the Muslims and expelled 
them fiom the whole of Djalrkiva (133/750-1) com- 
pelled them "to ti oss the mountains towards Astuika 
(ibid., 62, ti 66) It seems definite that in this legion, 
the Beibei element has left behind an enduiing eth- 
nic impnnt (= Maragatos ( ? ), P Guuhaid 4/ Andalus 

Barcelona 1976, 143 n 5 146) Alfonso I lecon- 
quered Astorga in 75 3-4, but it was not repopu- 
lated till ca 854 (C Sanchez Albornoz Dtspoblaaon 
y repoblaewn del talk del Dutro Buenos Anes 19b6, 
261-2, idtm, Ripoblaaon del mno asturliones Promo, 
dindmua > proieeciones, in (HE, Ini-hv (1971), 23b-49) 
or in 860 ( J M Lacana, Panorama dt la histona urbana 
en la peninsula dtsdt los unlets f al A, in Settimant 
Spoleto, 1958 352) In 179>795 the town was attacked 
by Hisham I s general 'Abd al-Karim b Mughrth 
(A. Fliche, Alphonst II It Chastt it In ongints dt la 
reconquttt chrttitnnt, and A de la Toire, Lai ttapas dt 
la reeonquata hasta Alfonso II, in Ehtudioh sobu la 
Monarquia astunana, Oviedo 1971, 115-31, 133-74) 
In 267/878 al-Mundhn launched an expedition 
against Astorga We possess documents dating fiom 
that \ear proving the presence theie of Mozaiabes 
(M. Gomez Moieno, kltsias mozmabts Madrid 1919, 
107-11), who plaved a kev lore in the repopulat- 
ing of the town (L G Kofman and MI Carzoho, 
Acerca di la dimografia astur Itontsa i tastillana in 
la Alta Edad Midia, in CHE, \hn-\Kiii (1968), 13b- 
70). Undei Alfonso III, Astorga, b\ now properK 
organised, was part of a defensive line with Goimbia, 
Leon and Amava (Sanchez Albornoz, Lai campanai 
del 882 y del 883 que Alfonso 111 esptio in Leon, in 

Lion i su histona, i (19b9), 169-82) The bishopric 
was le-estabhshed theie (A Quintana Pneto, El obis- 
pado de Astoria in los siglos IX , A, Astoiga 1968), 

cal life (L Goni Gaztambide, Histona dt la Bula de 
la Cruzada in Espana Vitona 1958, 84-5 155, 184, 
203, 38b, 521 681, 683 H Salvador Maitinez, El 
'Potma dt Mmena ) la ipua lomanua Madnd 1975, 
48-9 399) It was attacked b\ al-Mansui Ibn Abi 
'\mu [qt] in 385/995 It fell into decav at the 
beginning of the 14th centuiv In the 15th century 
the "maiquisate of Astorga' was foimed theie (A 
Seyas Vazquez Chantada i tl stnono dt los Maiqueses 
dt istorga, Chantada 1966) 

Bibliography Souues Levi-Piovencal, HEM, 
i, n, indices Sanchez Albornoz, Ongents de la 
\auon tspanola Estudws cntuos sobn la Histona dil 
Rtino di istunas, Oviedo 1972, M Diaz v Diaz, 
La histonografia hispana dtsdt la imasion arabt hasta 
el ano 1000, in Stttimani Spolito, 19/ 


;iaph I 


Diaz Histona dt la mm noble, Ital > ben- 
iminta nudad di istoi^a, -\stoiga 1909 

(MJ Vl&l.ER\) 

ASMA 1 Bint 'Ui^s e M^'d al-Khath'amiyya, 
a contemporarv of the Piophet (d 39/659-60). 
Hei mothei. Hind bint 'Awf b Zubavi, called al- 
'Adjuz al-Djurashiyya, was famous through the illus- 

included the Prophet, al-'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib 
and Hamza b. 'Abd al-Muttalib (Ibn Ha'blb, 
Mulitibbiu, 91 109|, as well as of Asma' s husbands 
In fact the lattei probabh married in the first 
place Rabi'a b Rivah al-Hilali b\ whom she had 
three sons Malik 'Abd Allah and Abu Hubavia 
but all the souices agiee that she was successive- 
1\ the wife of (1) Dja'fai b Abi Tahb b\ whom 
she had three fuither sons 'Abd Allah, 'Awn and 
Muhammad with whom she emigrated to Abvssima, 
wheie she saw for the fust time biers, mtioducmg 

Muhammad, (2) Abu Baki, b\ whom she had 
Muhammad, and (3) 'All b Abi Tahb b\ whom 
she furthei had Yahva Despite all these mamages, 
she was not consideied to be one of the famous 
mutazau.u.igjat and the numbei of sons which she 
brought into the woild does not seem to have 

On the other hand she is consideied to be the 
authoress of a hitab which ^a'kubi cites {Histonat, 
ii, 114, 128) and which must have contained haditbs 
of the Prophet that Asma' should ha\e made such 
a compilation which would circulate in ShiT cucles 
is a priori suspect, even though 'Air's main wife 
Fatima, would have been able to hand on to Asma' 
the doings and happenings concerning her father 
Furthei more, the Sunnis seem to have accepted onlv 
with reseivations hadiths tiansmitted bv this woman 
(cf I Goldaher Muh Studiin n, 9, Fi ti L Beuher, 
Pans 1952, 10-11 Eng tr Barbei and Stem, London 
1967-71, n, 22] 

Bibliography Ibn al-Kalbr-C askel, L\amhara, 
Tab 22b and n, 198, Zubavi r, \asab huraysh, 80, 
277, Ibn 'Abd al-Ban, Isti'ab, lv, 234-b, Ibn Sa'd, 
Tabakat, vm 205-9, Ibn Kutavba, Ma'anf, inde\, 
Mas'udr, Muruaj, iv 181-2 \, 148 = iji) 1515- lb, 
1908, Baladhurl Futuh, 451-5, Nawawi, Tahdhlb al 
asma' 825, Makdisi, al Bad' na 'I ta'rikh, iv, 137, 
Ibn Hadjai Isdba iv. No 51 Caetam, innah, \, 
231-5. (Ch. Pellat) 



was born on 12 Rabl' I 880/16 July 1475 in the 
coastal oasis of Zliten (Zalrtan, Zlttan; obsolete forms, 
Zalitan, Yazlltan, Yazlrtm, Izlrtanl in Tripolitania. 
He belonged to the Fayturiyya (Fawatirl tribe, whence 

him by his mother who had been ord 

a drean 

He I 

■arlv mv 

from c Abd al-Wahid al-Dukali, a 'khalifa [q.v.] of the 
'Arusiwa order, who initiated him into this tartka [q.v.\ 
and to whose circle of disciples he belonged for seven 
years. According to the canonised history of the order, 
he rec eived additional instruction from eighty other 

ms omnipre: 
ssed in the i 
sed by him 

iver require; 

I. Men 

lered a 

itions elaborated bv 'Abd a 
known as al-Wawtya al-kubra, which 
) the Sufi tracts on adab [q.v.] of 
abandon the tmTka was considered 
:as\ and would, as was taught, not 

the order, but by God himself I HA', 200). 'Abd al- 
Salam exhorted his adherents to adopt al-Sanusi's 
'aklda in matters of tawhtd Ai'K] 3), but urged them 
at the same time to pay tribute to Ibn al-'Arabi a> 

Prophets and the companions of the Prophel 
Muhammad— and stressed him as the pillar of the 

iIl'A', : 

'Abd a 

113; see Bibliography), 
and of the relatively fr 

expelled from the town 
tied in the earlv 16th 

g marriage cu 

see e.g. f » A, 
of Tripoli, wh 
centurv, and 

stoms ict". ha; 

Id". ICA", 117I, 
tingling of the 

127i. He was 
ere he had set- 
where he had 

Hafsids, the Spaniar 

unsettled, and mus 
exc lusivist mystical 

become an increasing^ 
the local ruler, who m 

popular rehg 

onsidered 'Abd 

orated by 'Abd al-S 

hiefs, the Knights 

J of Tripolitania. 
come increasing 
t possible for an 
)vement, like the 
,a had been elab- 

evival of the tanka did i 
ook up residence in Zl 
t ;dw,ya [q.v.] in the te 

one of the 
) had come to accept 
he died in Ramadan 

981 /January 15. .. 

the original 'Arusiwa of which he amended the rit- 
ual and to which he added his own bock- of teach- 
ings. He obliged his adherents to wear white clothes 
1 1 ITT, 100 ff.l, forbade smoking i IfA", 70), and intro- 
duced the playing of the bandit [dull ) during the hadra 
[q.v.], claiming that he had received an authorisation 
to this effect from heaven lal-Mulavdjr, 257 IV.; see 
bibliography). In addition, he prohibited self-mutila- 
tion during the hadta ([('A', 201) and stressed the 
importance of attending these occasions by proclaiming 
that attendance was half the wird [q.v.\ and that 

); Rawdat. 307 1, 

h had c 

imposed by 'Abd ; 

Muiaydji, 393 ff.l. He claimed that the 'Arusiyya 
were the original Shadhiliyya [q.v.], which was the 

the' Prophet [Rawdat, 104), and that its outstanding 
nature was testified to by the fact that in a mirac- 
ulous act. the angels had written the names of the 
garths mentioned in the silsila [q.v.\ on the lawh <//- 
mahfur, [q.v.] 1(17,', 267). Moreover, he taught that 

he himself was' an analphabetic of that which he 
had ever said (which was partly codified in tofrfas 
[q.v.] sung during the hadra and on other ccrcmoni- 

and in the next ( Il'A", 217i, and that his adherents 

referred to as al-Sala 

Mustafa Kra 

e, Tunis 

used more or less synonymously throughout North 
Africa, except for Egypt where the names refer to 

19th centurv. Active lodges of the tanka of 'Abd al- 
Salam may be found in Tunisia (see al-Sadik al-Rizki, 
al-Agham al-Turmiyya, Tunis 1967, 129 ff.i, in Egypt, 
where it has a wide-spread membership isee Ibrahim 
Muhammad al-Fahham, Ibn 'Ariis tea 'l-tanka al- 
Arusma, in al-Fumm al-sha'biyra, iv (Cairo 1970), no. 
15, 71), and in Libya (see Djamil Hilal, Dirasat ft 
•l-waki' al-Ltbi, Tripoli 1969, 141 f; 'Abd al-Djalfl al- 
Tahir, al-Mudftama' al-Libl, ,djtimd'irra iva- 
anthrubulu§ina, Savda/Beirut 1969, 325 'ft; and 
' " ', 23). The shrine of 

'Abd a 

t Zllte 

of pilgrimage; religious education is provided at the 
establishment attached to it known as al-ma'had al- 
asmari (cf. Muiaydji, 23). 

Bibhagtaphy: al-IVamya al-kubra (abbreviated in 
the article as Il'A", with reference to the paragraphs 
\ sub-divided), also known as Xiuihat al- 



s pub- 

lished in Cairo n.d., in Tripoli (, 
X. Coppolani, La omfrenes religuvses musulmana, Algiers 
1897, 339-49, 3.5 li, and in Ishak Ibrahim al-MulavdjT, 
Ft hamidi havdt Sidi 'Abd al-Salam al-Asmar, Tripoli 1969, 
422-529. This book contains also 'Abd al-SalSm's 

of the Wasitta al kubra) the texts oi vanous piayers 
(«MJ) composed b> him (402- 19), a collection of 
his admonitions as well as a list of woiks (largely 
unpublished) containing data about al-Asmars hie 
(247 ff) The biography presented in it is based 
upon oral information collected b> the authoi (cl 
93) and upon materials contained in Muhammad 
b Muhammad b Makhluf al-Munastirh Tanhh 
raudat al a^har ua mumat al sadat al abrar fi manal lb 
Sidi 'Abd al Salam al Asmar Tunis 1325/1907-8 This 
woik, also known undei the title Uauahib al mhim 
fi manakib Mariana al Sha i kh Sidi 'ibd al Salam Ibn 
Salim (cl Tanhh 4) is an abridgement ol the 
unpublished Rawdat al a^hai ma mumat al sadat al 
abrar fi manakib Sahib al Ta, by karim al-Din al- 
Barmum a disciple ol ' \bd al-Salam al- Asmar A 
sample of al-Asmars poetry reflecting his ideas 
ma> also be lound in al-Rizki s book relerred to 
in the article and in 'Abd al-Salam al- Asmar Safinat 
al buhur Cano 1 90Q Foi a delence ol playing; the 
bandv (du(f) in this tarda see Muhammad 
Muhammad Mashina Risalat al kaml al ma'iuf fi 
ahkam al daib bi I dufuf contained in Mashina s al 

the histor> ol al-Salarmw a and al-' Arusiy > a in 
Egypt and fuithei lelerences see F Dejong Tmuq 
and turuq linked institution* in 19th itntun Eg>pt pas 
sim, Leiden 1978 In addition to these references 
and the relerences in the aiticle see the biogra- 
phies by Tain Muhammad Mashina al-Tadjun 
alTanka al ialamiua al Shadhilma m Mad^allat al 
Islam ua I Tasauuuf (1959) no 10 79-81 Salim 
b Hamuda al bhaikh 'ibd al Salam al Asmar in al 
Muslim \in (C airo 1962) no 8 lb-20 Muhammad 
al-Bashn Zafii al lauakit al thaminafi a'tan madh/iab 
'aim al Madina Cano 1324-5/1906-7 200 f 
Muhammad 'Abd al-Haw, al-kattam, Fihns al 
fahans Cairo 1346/1927-8 i 147 

ASSASSINS [see HAsiiisiimA] 
ASSOCIATION [see andjlman djam'iy^a] 
ASYLUM [see bast bimaristan] 
'ATABAT (a thresholds ) more full> 'atabat i 
'alna oi 'atabat I mukaddasa ( the loft> or sacred thresh- 
olds ), the Shfl shnne cities ol 'Irak— Nadjaf 
Kaibala' Kazimayn and Samarra [qn] — compnsing 
the tombs ol si\ ol the Imams as well as a number 
ol secondary shnnes and places ol visitation 

Nadjal 10 km to the west ol Kula is the alleged 
site of burial of 'Ah b Abi Tahb (d 41/661) (an- 
other shtine dedicated to 'Ah is that at Mazar-i 
Sharif m Northern Afghanistan, see Kh adja Sayf 
al-Din Khudjandi Karwan i Balkh Mazai-i Shatil 
nd 18 fF) His tomb is said to have been kept 
secret thioughout the Umavvad penod and was 
maiked with a dome lor the fust time in the late 
3id/9th centuiy b> Abu 1-Haydja', the Hamdamd 
iulei of Mosul this earlv stiucture was lepaned and 
expanded b> 'Adud al-Dawla the Buwa>hid in 
369/979-80 (Ibn al-Athir vm 518) Kaibala' 100 
km to the south-west of Baghdad the site of the 
maityrdom and burial in 61/680 ol Husayn b 'Ah 
became veiy earl) a centre of Shi'i pilgrimage 
according; to Shi'i tradition the first pilgrim was 
Djabir b 'Abd Allah who visited the site forty da>s 
alter the death of Husavn Endowments were set- 
tled on the shrine (known as Mashhad al-Ha'ir 
shrine ol the garden pool ) by Umm Musa moth- 
ei ol the 'Abbasid caliph al-Mahdi (Taban ill 
752) but it was tempoianly destioyed m 23b/850 

b> an 'Abbasid less favourable to the Shi'a al- 
Mutawakkil he caused the site to be flooded (Taban 
in 1407) Bv the time that Ibn Hawkal visited 
Karbala' in 366/977, the shrine had evidently been 
restored (ed J H Kramers i 156) and it was expand- 
ed like that at Nadjaf bv 'Adud al-Dawla in the 
late 4th/10th century (Ibn al-Athir hi all 

From the Buwavhid period onwaid Nadjal and 
Karbala' the two most impoitant ol the 'atabat have 
in fact had a common destiny each receiving; pation- 
age and pilgrimage from the successive conquerois 
and rulers ol <I[ak Thus Malik Shah the Saldjuk 
visited both Nadjaf and Karbala' in 479/108b-7 and 
bestowed gifts on the shrines (Ibn al Athir \ 103) 
Spared bv the Mongol invadeis the two shrines 
prospeied undei II Khmid lule '-Ma' al-Din 
Djuwaym Sahib al-Diwan had a hospice erected at 
Nadjal in 666/1267 to accomodate pilgrims and 
also began the constiuction ol a canal linking; the 
city with the Euphiates ('Abbas al-'Azzawi Ta'nlh 
al'Irak bayn ihtilala)n Baghdad 1354/1935 i 263 
310) In 703/1303 Ghazan Khan visited both 
shrines in Nadjal he built a lodging lor the say] ids 
resident there (dai al snada\ togethei with a lurthei 
hostel lor pilgrims as well as improving the canal 
constiucted bv Djuwaym and he bestowed similai 
lavours on Kaibala' (Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah 
Ta'riUi i mubaiak i Gha^ani ed K Jahn London 
1940 191 203, 208) Alter his captme ol Baghdad 
m 803/1400 Timur made a pilgi image to Nadjal 
and Karbala' and presented gifts to the shrines lal- 
'Azzawi op nt u 240) 

In the 10th/ 16th century 'Iiak became an ob|ect 
of dispute between the Safawids and the Ottomans 
and both sides endowed and patronised the shnnes 
of Nadjaf and Karbala' during; their periods of con- 
tiol Shah Isma'il the Salawid visited and bestowed 
gifts on the two shrines in 914/1508 as well as resid- 
ing the canal at Nadjal dug in II Khanid times (al- 
'Azzawi op at in 316 341) Sultan Sulayman Kanuni 
made a similai pilgi image to Nadjal and Karbala' 
alter his conquest of "Irak in 941/1534 and had a 
new lrngation canal dug at Kaibala' called al nahi 
al sulavmam altei him (al-'Azzawi op at iv 29 36- 
7) Shah 'Abbas I lestored 'Irak and the 'atabat to 
Salawid contiol in 1032/1623 this new occupation 
teiminated bv Murad I\ in 1048/1638 led to a fur- 
ther enriching and expansion of the shrines at both 
Nadjaf and Karbala' Again in the years 1 156-9/1743- 
6 paits of 'Irak including Nadjal and Karbala' weie 
temporarily removed tiom Ottoman sovcieignty this 
time by Nadir Shah he is vniouslv leported to have 
had the main dome at Karbala' gilded and to have 
plundered the treasury at the shnne This was the 
last time that Ottoman rule oi 'Iiak was thieatened 
from Iian but thioughout the 13th/ 19th century loyal 
Iranian patronage ol both Nadjal and Karbala' con- 
tinued and it is this that accounts for the largely 
Iranian appearance of the shnnes in the present age 
\gha Muhammad Khan the fust Kadjar monarch 
had the dome at Karbala' legilded and endowed 
the tomb at Nadjaf with a golden grill (H Algar 
Rthoion and stati m ban 17 Hj 1906 thi wit of thi 
Llama in the Qa/ai penod Berkeley and Los Angeles 
1969 42) Following his example Fath 'Ah Shah 
had the minaiets at Karbala' gilded as well as lecon- 
structing the dome out of gold bricks Muhammad 
Shah piovided foi the iepair of the damage inflict- 
ed on Karbala' by the Wahhabis during their incur- 
sion ol 12 16/ 1801 and Nasir al-Din Shah himself 
visited the 'atabat in 1287/1870 and commissioned 

various, work in Nadjaf, Karbala' and Kazimayn 
lAlgar, up. cit., 48. 104, 167). Gifts, and endowments 

Sh!T principalities in India, especially Oudh I J.N. 
Hollister, The Shi'a of India. London 1953, 107, 112, 

Kazimayn (also known as Kazimiyya), the third 
of the 'atabat. formerly a .separate city on the right 
bank of the Tigris but now virtually a suburb of 
Baghdad, is the site of the tombs of the seventh and 
ninth Imams. Musa al-Kazim id. 186/802) and 
Muhammad al-Tak! lor al-Djawadi id. 219/834). It 
occupies a geographically central place among the 
'atabat, being situated between Samarra to the north 
and Nadjaf and Karbala' to the south, and has 
always received a steadv How of pilgrims. Unlike 
Nadjaf and Karbala', it did not escape the Mongol 

fire during conquest of Baghdad in 656/1258. Mos 


cistmg st 


f Mtis 


l, Isn 


Imam: Khadidja 
Husayn (L. Mas 
; Bagdad, in Optt 

[' the 

(d. 254/868) and Has; 

ah) v 

) in 260/873 and where too he is des 
to reappear at the beginning of his renewed r 
festation at the end of time. 

The 'atabat plav a role of great importance it 
life of ShiT Islam, functioning almost as a secor 
kibla. They are above all places of pilgrimage \zn 
visited by countless Shi'is from Iran, the Indian 
continent and elsewhere. Pilgrimage to the 'i. 

while reading a 
mu) and fervent 
the tombs; one 

g tile 

cred t. 

traditional p 

in particular muc 

i frequented 

by pilg 

ims, who after 

the title 

"Karbala'f to 

their names. The 

soil of Karb 

ila', hav 

ng been mois- 

tened with the b 

ood of Hus, 

yn, is d 

sess special prope 

ties; from i 

is gene 

rally fashioned 

the clay disc (mu 

r) on whicl 

the SI 

!'a place their 

foreheads when prostrating in 


When diluted 

in water, the soil 

also yields 

ge iab-i turbati 

thought to have theurgical anc 

( urative 

properties; the 

sick, the dying, a 

id women i 

t labour 

imbibe it, and it i 

lightlv spri 

kled ov 

lips of the dead 

H. Masse, 

sane*. Paris 1938, 

, 38, 96; B 

■V Dona 

ldson, Tin wild 

rut; London 1938, 

205). The d 

tst accur 

nulating on the 

garded; it is carefully collected for its cur; 
erties (Donaldson, op. at., 67 1, and is some 
in India as a lining for tombs (Hollister, op 
Burial at the 'atabat is considered highly desir 
with a marked preference being shown foi 
corpses are often transported for burial Iron 

up, pari 

t Nadjaf 

and Karbala'. Traditionally 
ilso gone to spend their 
l the 'atabat as "neighbours" [mudjawhun) 

at have also occupied an important place 
ectual and theological life of Shi'Ism, the 
lated there drawing scholars and students 

itled Dar aPIlm, is the chief centre of 
lay in the Shr'r world. In the 12th/ 18th 

f Shah 

with his patronage in Kazimayn because of his claim 
to descent from the seventh Imam. The work begun 
under his auspices was completed by Sultan Sulayman 
in 941/1534 and restored and expanded bv several 
Kadjar monarchs in the 19th centurv. The major 
courtyard lW;«| at Kazimayn was built in 1298/1880 
by Farhad Mlrza, a Kadjar prince. Also buried in 
Kazimayn are two earlv ShiT scholars, Sharif al- 
and Sharif al-Mt 

vas there- 

-above al 

in Karbala 


he last qu 

of the c 

the long- 

g rontrm 

the Akhb 

"irr and U 

s settled 

n favour 

if the latter. Altl 

ough cen 


evived in 

the Kac 

riod, the 

'atabat co 

their att 

i, and li- 

ost leadin 

g scholars 


ght there 

or studied for a tin 

le bef 

Iran. When in the 

late 19th and ea 

rly 20th c 

Air al-Naki 

Abdul-Hadi Ha'iri, Slii'ism and co 

SO/873), as 

a study of the tole played by the cl 

elfth Imam, 

in human fmhtin, Leiden 1977). Mu 

of occulta- 

has fulfilled a similar function i 

■tant segment of the Irania 
e Kadjar monarchy and s 
il movement, the 'atabat — p 

lions bevond the reach of til 
of three great constitutiona 
i Nadjaf— 'Abd Allah Mazand; 
izim Khurasam and Mlrza " 
-deserves particular menu 


, fill- 

ing the ( 


■m. The ShiT <i 
have also exerted influence on the 20th centurv his- 
tory of 'Irak; they played, for example, a directive 

mandate on the country I 'Abd Allah Fahd al-Nafisi, 
Daivr al-Shi'a ft tatawwu, al-'Irak al-nyau al-hadith, 
Beirut 1973, 80 If.). 

Finally, mention may be made of the fact that the 
'atabat are of interest not only to the Ithna 'Ashari 
Shi'a, but also to the adherents of various branches 
of Isma'flism; although they hardly ever make the 
hadjdj, they frequently perform pilgrimage to Nadjaf 
and Karbala' fHollister, „/,. eit., 289, 391) and it is 
probable that a number of Nizan Imams of the post- 
Mongol period are buried in Nadjaf (W. Ivanow, 
Tombs of some Peisian Ima'iti Imams, in JBBMS, xiv 
11938), 49-52). The BektashTs, who in many ways may 
be considered a crypto-Shfr sect, also used to main- 
tain tekkes in Nadjaf, Karbala' and Kazimayn (al- 
' ' 152-3; Murat Sertoglu, Bektaplik, 

.tanbul 1 

'oqraphy: In addition to references cited 
text: "A. Noldeke, Das HeiUgtum al-Husams 
btla. Berlin 1909; E. Herzfeld, Archaolo- 
Riise im Euphrat- and Tigiiigebiet. Berlin 
ii, 102 ft'., 145 ff.; Le Strange, Lands of the 
Caliphate. 56, 76-9; D.M. Donaldson, The 
religion, London 1933 (numerous refer- 
Tmad al-Din Husavm Isfahan!, Ta'rikh-i 


Djughiajna'i u harbala v Uu'alla Tehran 
132b/1947 Dja'iar al-Shaykh Baku \1-Mahbuba 
Madi al Kagjaj ua Hadnuha Nadjai 1955-7 3 
vols 'Abd al-Djauad al-Kihddar Al-Ta'ma 
Ta'nkh al Kaibala' ua ha i, al Husatn 'almhi I ittlam 
Nadjai 1387/1957 Dja'lai al-Khahh Uausu'at 
al'atabal Baghdad 1382-92/1969-72 vol i 
Kaibala' vols n and in Nadjaf vol iv Samarra 

ATAC, Nur Allah modem Turkish Nurull\h 
Atac (1898-1957) prominent Tuikish essayist and ht- 
eiary tntic the guiding spirit of the Turkish con- 
temporary linguistic and hterarv renewal lor two 
decades (1935-55) Born in Istanbul the son oi 
Mehmed 'Ata' civil servant and wntei (1856-1919) 
better known as the translatoi oi J von Hammers 
GOR (irom the French version) Atac signed his wnt- 
mgs as Nur Allah c Ata' until the introduction oi 
iamilv names in 1934 when he changed 'Ata' into 
Atac and latei diopped Nui Allah altogether Oi his 
various pen-names the most irequentlv used one 
was Kavafoglu Atac s education was inegulai He 
attended various schools (including Galatasaray ior 
foul veais and then the Facultv oi Letters) without 
finishing either Although he spent some time in 
Switzerland during the First World War his thor- 
ough knowledge oi the Fiench language and hteia- 
tuie was like all his accomplishments mainh 
sell-acquired Atac made his living as a teachei trans- 
lator and constant contributor to a gieat numbei oi 
newspapeis and penodicals He tiught French liter- 
Ankara and the provinces and served as a transla- 
toi in govemment depaitmtnts including the ofiice 
of the Piesident oi the Republic He died in Ankua 
on 17 May 1957 

Atac started his literaiv career in 1921 with poems 
cutical leviews and theatucal ciiticism in the famous 
fortnightly Daeflh to which all the leading writers 
Dung talents were contnb- 

t this 

lod he 

in the the 

the daily i) \ham isee Metin And ita t tnatwda 
Istanbul 1973) Later he concentrated on literary 
criticism, and closely following the day-to-day devel- 
opments of the literal y scene wrote articles oi cnt- 
lcism untiringly in more than sixty newspapers and 
penodicals, paiticularly in ikiham ikjam Haliminet 
i millme Millnet \arlik hm adam Tan Son p 0i ta 
Habei Ttnunu Ulku Turk dil, Lumhumel Pa at pmtasi 
Duma and most frequently oi all I lus Isee Konur 
Ertop itaf biblnogtqfiau in 4to{ ed Turk Dil hummu 
Ankara 19b2) Atac developed the essay a much- 
neglected field in Tuikish literature into an inde- 
pendent %enn oi which he became a lecogmsed 
mastei and had many followers He wrote thou- 
sands oi essays on hteratuie classical and modern 
on cultural change and problems oi culture in gen- 
eial on individual writers etc with a very person- 
al natuial concise and unadorned style In the eaily 
1940s he espoused the language reioim movement 
and gave it great support and impetus increasing 
its piestige 

v that 

• the 

ash pio 

i his 

was taken as thi 
This prose was to supersede that of the pre- 1930 
masters like Rkh Kaiav Reshad Nun Guntekin 
[qcc] and others Although Atac s authority as a 

according to his own tempeiament and personal 
taste it is unanimously accepted that it is his sharp 

young talents on to the literary scene (e g Orhan 
\eliKamk FH Daglarci etc) Restless impatient 
iggressive by temperament and equipped with a 
piercing mind and armed with methodical doubt 
Atac waged an umelenting war against fanaticism 
intolerance sentimentality poetical artificiality 
cliches and ready-made thoughts and ioimulae He 
was a conscious extremist in language ieioim and 

ists would nullify the harm caused by the ultia-con- 
servatives Atac studied 15th centuiy prose works 
particularly Merdjumek Ahmed s masterly transla 
tion oi Kay Ka'us s habm nama [see ka\ k\'us b 
iskmsidar] and used them as the model ioi a new 
style He experimented successiully with a new syn- 
tax which included inveision {dunk tumu) which nat- 
urally exists in spoken Turkish and which was 
frequently used in eaily Turkish writings before the 
syntax of the written Turkish was frozen Atac 
coined l number of neologisms some oi which sur- 
vived and weie incorporated into the language (ioi 
a list oi Atac s neologisms see itapn sn^iuklen ed 
Turk Dil Kuiumu Ankara 1963) Atac left several 
thousand essays and articles some oi which (most- 
ly his post- 1940 writings) have been published m 
book form in 10 volumes Gunlerm %itudie,i (1946) 
Karalama dijttti (1952) Soda, so^e (1952) Irarlen 
(1954) Diuhm 11954) S^ araunda (1957) Okuruma 
mtktuplar (1958) Game (I960) Proipito lie Caliban 
(1961) Smltultr 2 vols (1964) Atac s dianes cover 
ing the years 1953-7 have been published in two 

At ic also made perfect examples oi hteiary trans- 
lation in Tuikish He translated more than 50 lit- 
eraiv woiks iiom ancient Greek Latin and Russian 
authors (via French) and in paiticulai, directly irom 
French the most iamous oi which being his ti ab- 
lation oi Stendhal s Le tou%t it It nov rendered as 
KirmKi le uyah (1941i second edition as Kizil lie kara 

Bibhoziaph) Tihn Alangu \tafa say?/ 
Ankara 1959 Konur Eitop Intioduction to his 
complete woiks published by I at Id. Gunlain %itn 
di S , laralama dijten Istanbul 1967 5-69 Asim 
Beznci hundlah itaf, eltshn anlaufi t tazilari 
Istanbul 19b8 Mehmed Sahhoglu 4% la mltn 
Turk Dil kurumu led ) Olumunun 10 uldomimundt 
itai'i am) Ankara 1968 (F^hir Iz) 

ATALIK Turkic title which existed in Gential 
Asia in the post-Mongol period, with the same orig- 
inal meaning as the title atabig [see atabak] 

In the ulm oi Djuci (the Golden Horde) and its 
immediate successors as in the khanates oi Kazan 
and Kmm and the ulus oi Shiban (Ak Orda) as well 
as in the Caghatavid state in Moghohstan the atahk 
was in the first place, a guaidian and tutor oi a 
young prince and in this capacity an actual gover- 
nor oi his appanage The soveieign himself (khan or 
sultan) also had an atahk who was his close coun- 
sellor and confidant often playing the iole of the 
m mated from among 

e Turki 


that according to Turk 
ruler should always have an atahk it was a kind oi 
control ovei his conduct exeicised by the tribal aris- 
tocracy Timurid and Shaybamd sources oiten 
also use instead oi the term atahk and in the same 
meaning the term ataka oi ataka (most piobably 

aka, where aka is the elder brother which was 
also a usual form of polite address in Eastern Turku 
added to proper names and titles) The post oi ataka 
(atahk) was entrusted often to a kokaltash foster- 
biother (also anutdash) these persons were biought 
up together with the primes oi the ruling d\nast\ 
which created a special relationship (kokaltash) 
between the two sides (see Taixankh I gu^ida I nusrat 
nama ed b\ AM Akramov Tashkent 1%7 fac- 
simile 270 lines 4250-4 and 272 Russian tr from 
the Shaybam nama b\ Bina'i in Matenati pa istorn 
kazakhskikh khansti \l Mill lekm Alma-Ata 1969 
98 100 VV Velyaminov-Zemov Isshdovaniye o 
hanmoiskikh tsartakh i tsarauakh pt 2 St Petersburg 
18b4 438 VV Bartold \ocmeniya n/2 212 G 
Doerler Turknche und mongohsche Eltmente in 
Niupasischin n 9 (No 419) 481 (No 343) in 402- 
3 with further references) 

In the Uzbek khanates of Central Asia the mean- 
ing ol the title atahk was graduallv transfoimed In 
Bukhira till the beginning of the 18th centuiv the 
great atahk (atalik I bu^urs) was the 

r (hence 

In the Ashtar-khamd period he 
often appears in historical sources together with the 
diixan bigi [q i below] who was the second figure 
in the government He could be at the same time 
governor of a province atahk \ alangtush Biv who 
was hakim of Samarkand in the fust half of the 17th 

was a semi-independent ruler There was also besides 
him, an atahk of the kh in s heir lesiding in Balkh 

the reign of 'Ubavd Mlah Khan (1114-23/1702-11) 
the kosh begi [q i ] became the head of the civil admin- 
istration in Bukhira he being an official of mean 
ongm — piobablv as an attempt oi the khan at cut- 
ting down the influence of the Uzbek anstocracv 
But the importance of the atahk did not diminish 
alreadv earlier at the end of the 17th centurv the 
atahk in Balkh became independent ruler of this 
province and in the middle of the 18th centuiv 
Muhammad Rahim Atahk of the Mangit [q i ] tribe 
founded a new ruling dvnastv in Bukhira having 
killed the last khan of the Ashtarkhamds Muhammad 
Rahim was proclaimed khan in 1170/17% his uncle 
and successor Damval Biv ( 1 172-99/1758-85) pre- 
ferred to iemain atahk enthionmg puppet kh ins 
of Cingizid origin but his son Shah Murad elimi- 
nated these khans and proclaimed himself am;; which 
later remained in Bukhara the title of the Mangit 
iulers pai excellence In the administrative manual 
Madftna' al arkam compiled under Shah Murad in 
1212/1798 the post of atahk is defined as that oi 
semoi amir who was charged specifitallv with over 
sight of the irrigation of the Zarafshan vallev flom 
Samarkand to Karakul and at the same time 
was the mirab of the main citv canal of Bukhara 
Rud-i Shahi as well as darugha [q i ] of the mbad 
of Bukhara (see facsimile in Pis mtnmje pamyatmki 
<<utoka 1968 Moscow 1970 50-1 cf A A Semenov 
in \oiehkoye lostokoiedimg v [1948] 144-71 But 
aheadv in the first half of the 19th centurv the 
atalik became a purelv honorary lank (the highest 
in the hieiarchv of 15 lanks in Bukhan) given verv 
rarelv In 1 820 a semi-independent gov ernor of Hilar 
father-in-law of the ami, had this rank (see 
G Mevendorff \o-,ae_e d'Onnburg a Boukhara jait in 
1820 Pans 182b 259 cf V L Vyatkin in 
/ iesti}a 1rednta._iatskogo oldtla Russkoqo s,eogiafi 

uskogo objhuitia xvin [1928] 20) in 1840 the atahk 
was also a father-in-law of the ami, a rulei oi 
Shahnsabz (see N Khamkov, Opuamye Bukhankoe,o 
khansti a St Peteisburg 1843 185) Undei the last 
two amirs onl\ the governor oi Hisar (who had also 
the title kosh bey) was given the rank oi atalik 

In the Khanate oi Khiwa atahk was onginalK 
also a guardian and counselloi of the khan and oi 
princes (sultans) who ruled in their appanages Abu 
1-Ghazi [qi ] in his Shaajara u Tuik led Desmaisons 
text 252 tr 269) sa\s about an atahk nn the mid- 
dle of the 16th centuiv) that he was the mouth 
tongue and will (aghij till na ikhtnan ) oi his suit m 
Russian sources of the 17th centurv compare the 
ataliki in Khiwa with the Russian bovars (see Uatmali 
po utoni U bekskoy TadziLkoy i Turkminskoi SSR 
Moscow Leningrad 1931 2bb) According to Mu'ms 
[qi] (Firdaus alikbal MS of the Leningrad Branch 
of the Institute of Oriental Studies C-571 f b5b) 
Abu 1-Ghazi Khan reorganising the administration 
of the khanate established posts of four atahks who 
were members of the khan s council of 34 'amaldait, 
Later thev were called the great atahk (ulugh atahk 
cf ibid ff 112a 118b) thev represented four tribal 
gioups (tupa) into which all Kh anzmian Uzbeks 
were divided Uvghur and Navman Kungrat and 
Kivat Mangit and Nukuz Kangh and Kipcak One 
oi the great alahks was the atahk of the khan (see 
ibid ff b9b 101b) In the first half of the 18th 
centurv the atahk of the khan was a most powei- 
ful figure in Khiwa but from the 1740s onwards 
he was pushed somewhat into the backgiound bv 
another digmtarv the inak [q i below] It is not 
clear whether in the time of Abu 1-Ghazi there 
existed onlv the four atahks mentioned bv Mu'ms 
but in the middle of the 18th centuiv there was 

f then 

In 1740 

inhabitants of Khiwa sent bv the Khiwan dignitanes 
fiom the camp of Nadir Shih was signed bv eleven 
atahks (see Giografuiskiy, Kiestna 1850 54b-7) 
AppaientH alreadv at that time as in the 19th cen- 
turv the title atahk wis given also to the chiefs of 
the Uzbek tubes such an atahk was senior bn in 
his tribe and his title was usuallv hereditarv though 
it had to be confirmed bv the khan In the 19th 
centurv this title was granted also as a purelv hon- 
orarv distinction to some Tuikmen tubal chiefs (see 
\u Bregel in Problimi lostokoiidemya 19t>0 No 1 
171 cf idem Ahorcimkm twkmtm i \I\ uki Moscow 
19bl 129) In 1859 this title was introduced also 
foi the chiefs of the Karakalpak tubes isee \u 
Biegel Dokuminti aikhua khiunskikh khanoi po istom i 
itnogiafu kaiakalpakoi Moscow 1967 58) The num- 
ber of the great atalik increased beioie 1873 fiom 
lour to eight (see A L Kuhn s papers in the Archives 
of the Leningrad Branch of the Institute of Oriental 
Studies file 1/13 105-b) As distinct fiom the other 
tribal chiefs thev weie consideied among the umara 
u 'a^am The atahk of the khin who in the 19th 
centurv alwavs belonged to the khans tribe the 
Kungrat [q i ] and was mostlv a relative of the kh in 
was considered as the semoi amir m the khanate 
in the first half of the 19th centurv he still exei- 
cised some influence as the khans counsellor but 
later this post lost its importance 

Less is known about the lole of ataliki, in the 
Khinate of Khokand [q z ] The ruler of Faighana 
and the foundei of the Ming dvnastv of this khanate 
Shihrukh Biv (earlv 18th centuiv) received the 
title atahk from the khan of Bukhari (see V P 
Nahvkin Hutoiu du khanat di Kliokand Pans 1889 


68). In the 19th century, governors of large provinces 
(such as Tashkent and Khudjand) also sometimes 
had this title; they could be not only Uzbeks: 
Kana'at Shah Atalik, the governor of Tashkent in 
1850s and early 1860s, was a Tadjik. Apparently, 
the atalik in the Khanate of Khokand, as well as 
in Bukhara of the same period, was considered 
rather an honorary rank than an official post. 

In Eastern Turkestan under the Caghatayids in 
the 16th and 17th centuries, the title atalik pre- 
served its original meaning. The governors of 
provinces (princes of the ruling house), the khan's 
heir and the khan himself had their ataliks, who 
were always senior Turkic beks. The atalik of the 
khan was at the same time the governor (hakim) of 
Yarkand, and that of the heir the governor of Aksu 
or Khotan (see Shah Mahmud Curas, Ta'rlkh, ed. 
by O.F. Akimushkin, Moscow 1976, text 30, 52, 
64 et passim). The ruler of the last independent 
Muslim state in Eastern Turkestan \a'kub Bek 
[q i ] stvled himself Atalik Ghazi apparently he 
leceived the title of atalik on being sent fiom 
Khokand to Kashghai as a counselloi ind guaidian 
of Buzurg Kh adja 

Bibliography In addition to the works men 
tioned in the text see \ \ Baitold Soanemya 
n/2 390 394 A A Semenov in Matenah po 
istorn tadokoi I u^bekoi Sredney ioi n Stahnabad 
1954 61 H Howorth The history of thi Mongols 
n 869-70 G Doerfer Turkische und mongolnche 
Elemente in Neupersisihen n 69 71 (No 490) MF 
Kopiulu H art ita at the end 

(\u Brecel) 
ATAY Falih Rifki Tuikish writei journal 
ist and politician (1894 1971) He was born in 
Istanbul, the son of Khalfl Hilrm, an uncompromis- 
ing traditionalist and imam of a mosque at Djibali on 
the Golden Horn. He was educated at Merdjan high 
school, where his teacher, the poet Djelal Sahir, encour- 
aged him to publish his early poems, and at the Faculty 
of Letters. His elder brother, a progressive officer, pro- 
vided him with all the advanced literature from Namik 
Kemal to Tewfik Fikret [q.iw.]. Falih Rifki began his 
career as a journalist in 1912 in Husayn Djahid's [q.v.] 
Tanin, the organ of the Committee of Union and 
Progress (CUP), where he wrote once a week his 
Istanbul mektublari ("Istanbul Letters)." These and his 
later articles in the same paper during the Balkan War 
were full of emotional, patriotic and anti-reactionary 
spirit. After serving briefly in the chancery of the 
Sublime Porte, he was appointed to the Private 
Secretariat of Tal'at Pasha [q.v.], then Minister of the 
Interior, whom he accompanied on his trip to 
Bucharest, whence he sent his first travel notes, a genre 
in which he would later excel. He was at the same 
time contributing to various periodicals, particularly 
Shehbal. At the outbreak of the First World War he 
was called up as a reserve officer and accompanied 
Djemal Pasha [q.v.], the Commander of the Fourth 
Army in Syria, as his adjutant and private secretary. 
When Djemal Pasha returned to Istanbul as Minister 
of the Navy, he appointed him deputy-director of his 
secretariat which he combined with instructor at the 
naval N.C.O.s' school. When at the end of the War 
the CUP leaders fled the country, Falih Rifki found- 
ed, with three of his friends, the daily Ahham, becom- 
ing known as a staunch defender of the Nationalist 
movement in Anatolia (1918-22) versus the journalists 
who backed the collaborationist Istanbul government. 
In the autumn of 1922 he left for Izmir, which 
had just been liberated on 9 September, to meet 

Mustafa Kemal Pasha who had invited him togeth 
er with other prominent journalists Mustafa Kemal 
told them that "the real battle is beginning now 
and urged them to enter political life Elected deputy 
for Bolu in 1923 Falih Rifki became the leadei 
writer of the daih semi-official Hakimiyyet i millne 
(later re-named litis) founded b\ Mustafa Kemal 
He remained in Parliament for 27 vears until the 
defeat of the Republican People s Pai tv in the gen- 
eral elections of 14 Mav 1950 when he mo\ed to 
Istanbul and wrote a weekh column in Cumhunyet 
until he founded his own daiK Dunya which he 
published until his death in Istanbul on 20 March 

Essentially a journalist and always concerned with 
the "topical", Ata\ had liteiarv talents far beyond 
those of a routine journalist He excelled in the 
essay, sketches, tia\el notes and autobiogiaphical 
writing. An anti-tiaditionahst and a dedicated 
Kemahst he de\oted all his wilting caieei to defend 
and support the lefoims achieved b\ the Republican 
regime He fought relentlessly and uncompromis 
inglv foi the suivival of a modern progressive and 
seculai Turkev No mattei what he wiote about 
the lesson which he diew iemained the same No 

A great mastei of modern Turkish prose he used 
like R Kh Karav and 'Oner Sevf el Din [qu ] the 
spoken Turkish of ordinary people and wrote in a 
concise but vivid colourful and verv personal stvle 
caiefulK avoiding all artificialities of the earhei gen 
eiations of writers Except for certain doubts towards 
the end of his life Ata\ was a gieat suppoiter of 
the language refoim movement revived by govern 
ment support in the 1930s and his handling of the 
reformed language became the model for young writ- 
ers until the appearance of Nur Allah Atac [q.v. 
above], the linguistic and literary "guru" of the gen- 
erations between the 1940s and late 50s. It is per- 
haps because of this fascinating style that his readers 
are seldom worried about the lack of depth in some 
of his writings, which brilliantly observe, describe 
and report, but do this without much sophistication. 
Atay is the author of more than thirty works, but 
the great bulk of his essays and articles published 
in newspapers and periodicals have not yet been 
published in book form. His major works are: (1) 
Atesh we gunesh (1918) and Zeyiindagi (1932), the two 
published in one volume as ^evtindagi (1970), impres- 
sions of the First World War 'in Palestine and Syria 
which are powerful sketches of the end of the 
Ottoman Empire; Deniza^in (1931), lent Rusya (1931), 
Tqymis kiyilan (1934), Tuna kiyilan (1934), Hind (1944) 
are evocative travel notes on respectively Brazil, Soviet 
Russia, England, the Balkans and India; Gezerek gorduk- 
lenm (1970), selections from travel notes; Qankaya (in 
two vols., 1961, revised one volume edition, 1969) 
is the most important and comprehensive of Atay's 
many books on Ataturk and his achievements. It has 
powerful sketches of Ataturk and interesting charac- 
ter-studies of the many people of his time. The sec- 
ond edition has been substantially altered in places 
and anti-Inonu passages have been bor-rowed from 
Y.K. Karaosmanoglu's political memoirs (Pohlikada 
45 yil, 1968; and introduced here to discredit the 
former Commander of the Western Front during the 
War of Liberation, both writers having broken with 
Ismet Inonu, for political reasons, towards the end 
of their lives; Ba§veren mkilapfi (1954), a monograph 
on 'All Su'avT (1839-78), the controversial writer and 


Bibliography. Baki Suha Ediboglu, Falih Rifh 
ay konu;uyor, Istanbul 1945; B. Necatigil, Edebiyat- 
izda isimler sozlugti, Istanbul 1975, s.v.; Tahir Alangu, 
Turk esen, ii, Istanbul 1974, 1124-31 


: Iz) 

ATHATH (a.), furniture. The Arabic language 
lacks terms adequate to express the concept of fur- 
niture. Taking into account the mutual overlapping 
of the notions of "furniture", "table-ware", "carpets", 
"household objects" and "utensils", Arabic frequently 
has recourse to approximative terms and to broader 
categories (combinations of two expressions, for exam- 
ple (fanh - carpets, bedding and furniture; ala = 
crockery and household objects; farsh and ala may be 

literally, belongings, various household objects and 
(especially in modern Arabic) furniture; fanh and athath 
may be used in combination; mala' = personal prop- 
In the mediaeval Muslim home, life was conducted 
relatively close to the ground. Meals were served to 
the diners in a kind of "serving-dish" with or with- 
out legs (the receptacle being separable from its sup- 
port or not, as the case might be) which was laid 
on a carpet on the floor. The diners did not have 
individual plates but served themselves directly from 
the dish placed on a low table (khuwan, ma'ida. daybok, 

majority of these terms indicating a very small round 
table; some, like simat, a low oblong table) each of 
them sitting on a "seat" adapted to the appropriate 
height (a cushion [witada, mirfaka, luk'a, miuvara, 
numiuk, and even mikhadda which was originally a 
pillow], a pair of cushions super-imposed, a cushion 
folded in two, the carpet itself, etc.). The table was 
removed from the room as soon as the meal was 

It is understandable that such scenes should have 
misled western travellers and even some oriental- 
ists who described the interior of the Muslim house- 
hold as being "empty", "uninhabitable", etc., 
without considering that the dimensions of furni- 
ture are frequently adapted to the wav of life, to 
the manner of sitting, and to taste. However it 
would be incorrect to suppose that all mediaeval 
Arabic furniture was low. Carpenters and other 
craftsmen constructed trestles and benches of a fair 
height for various purposes outside the private 
house; they also made chairs with legs of wood or 
si] and throne-like seats [sarir, lakht), 


al in the Middle' Ages and it focussed attention on 
the person seated there la prince, the head of the 
family, sometimes an ordinary individual) in rela- 

The hierarchy of heights in sitting (on a throne, on 
a high stool, on two superimposed cushions, on one 
cushion folded in two, on a single ordinary cushion, 
on the carpet itself, on the ground, this last position 
indicating humiliation, humility or mourning) only reflects 
the categories and class-distinctions of etiquette. Another 
aspect of the stratification of classes is reflected in the 
range of materials and qualities: beds with legs, a sign 
of luxury, beds without frames, and lower down the 
scale the martaba, a good-quality mattress stuffed with 
down, simple mattresses laid on the ground and serv- 
ing as a bed at night, simple mattresses, mats and car- 
pets for sleeping on, piles of rags and scraps of clothing 
for the same purpose (only the poorest slept on the 
ground); cushions and pillows stuffed and covered 

with choice materials, silk for example, and at the other 
end of the scale, rags or simply a stone serving as pil- 

The very high "western style" thrones such as those 
appearing in Umayyad iconography, seem to have 
been copied from Byzantine models and do not reflect 
true conditions in the court (see V. Strika, in AIUON 
xiv/2 (1964), 729-59); but cf. O. Grabar, in Studin 
in memory of Gaston Wirt, Jerusalem 1977, especially 
53-6, who puts into perspective the remarkable devel- 
opment of etiquette already taking place in the 
Umayyad court). According to mediaexal texts, 
another kind of throne, a long sofa for reclining, was 
quite widely known in the courts of the Umayyads, 
of the 'Abbasids and of local princes I such as the 
Ikhshidids). The sovereign could invite a friend to sit 
beside him, on the same sarir (hence quite a long 
seat); he could alternatively recline on it. The over- 
lapping of the concepts mattress-seat-throne-bed (for 
example, from the Persian; lakht can mean any of 
the following: board, seat, throne, sofa, bed, calcu- 
lating tablet, chest or box) did not prevent the evo- 
lution of ceremonial and the differentiation of functions 

or for private audience, feasts etc.) from establishing 
or re-establishing in usage thrones and narrow seats 
(of Persian manufacture, for example) and long and 
more elaborate thrones. Towards the end of the 
3rd/9th and the beginning of th 

the t 

■ fashio 

vith frai 

able i 

■ (for re. 
high s 



among the bourgeoisie. The belief of 

talists that the bed did not exist in the mediaeval 

Muslim world is only partially correct: unsprung mat- 

the Cairo Geniza, many mattresses are to be found 
serving as relatively inexpensive beds; among the 
dowries of young brides there is mention of a very 
small number of beds with frames, extremely expen- 
sive, and between these two categories is the marta- 
ba, which would correspond in ' function with the 

To return to the subject of tables: ma'ida, khuwan 
and sufra are synonymous: they refer to the small east- 
ern "table", the first two to a solid "table" (the attempts 
on the part of mediaeval philologists to differentiate 
between them were quite arbitrary) while the third 

in the context of the Kur'an and its commentaries 
and in certain passages in the literature of hadith) was 
applied to a skin stretched out on the ground and 
serving, not only among the early Bedouins, but also 
in circles of sedentary Arabic civilisation, various func- 
tions in the home and in the country (in dialect, sufra 
is an ordinary table and mfiadjj is a waiter in a restau- 
rant or a cafe). This is one of the characteristic cases 
which raises the question whether the continuity of 
sedentary habits (from the Persians, Byzantines, from 
the ancient Syrian and Egyptian stocks, etc.) was an 
exclusive characteristic of daily life in the mediaeval 
Muslim world, in the sense that it is reflected in the 
use of furniture, and if there was not here a mini- 
mal contribution on the part of the Bedouin element, 
betrayed in the spread of ancestral customs through 
the disappearance of the high furniture of the By- 
,-our of the low furniture 

which t 

isted i 

■-Syrian and 'Iraki centres, as is re- 
vealed by the mediaeval lexicographers and com- 
mentators (tustkhuwan and fathiir, for example). 
Nevertheless, specimens of wooden furniture from 


the Middle Ages are available to us and we have 
ceramic objects designed to imitate them (supports 
sometimes containing cavities to accommodate jugs, 
lesembling the supports-plus-shelves attested bv the 
texts some of these still exist todav rmrja' or kitni- 
plus-ilmyya, in various Muslim lands King far apart 
from one anotherl, iconography also shows a ceitain 
standaidisation, in spite of legional stvles of wav of 
life and of taste thioughout the whole of the Muslim 
world (household objects, such a: 


d froi 

jntry t 


The mediaeval Muslims made use of a whole iange 
of chests, cases and boxes Uunduk, takht, kamtara, 
mukaddima, sajat), as well as iecesses and racks (rufuf ), 
but thev had no cupboards as such 

The Mongols introduced the use of a higher type 
of square table, but the essential nature of the "ori- 
ental style" wav of life has been pieserved up to the 
verv thieshold of the modern age (Turkish and Persian 
miniatures attest this, grosso modo). Even in the 19th 
and early 20th centuries, travellers, writers and ori- 
entalists (E. Lane for Egypt, Lortet for Syria, E. Jaussen 
for Palestine, for example) were still describing such 
a way of life; some elements (such as beds with frames) 
introduced from abroad, or under foreign influence, 
were still called fiandji in certain semi-urban centres, 
at the beginning of the present century. The modern 
age has made fashionable the use of European style 
furniture and the original form of the "oriental" way 
of life, with its abundant taste and comfort, has 
tended to disappear. 

Bibliography: J. Sadan, Le mobilier au Proche-Orient 
medieval, Leiden 1976 (esp. the bibliographical index, 
155-691. (J. Sadan) 

ATHUR, modern Kal'at SharkAt, a large 
ancient mound on the west bank of the River 
Tigris in the vilayet of Mawsil, about 250 km. north 
of Baghdad and about 100 km. south of Mawsil, in 
35° 30' N and 45° 15' E. It is strategically placed 
on a spur of the Djabal Hamrm and is identified 
with Ashur, one of the capital cities of ancient Assyria. 
In the middle of the 3rd millennium, it was occu- 
pied by migrator)' tribes coming either from the west 
or the south, and was venerated as the religious and 
sometime political centre of Assyria until it was 
captured by the Babylonians in 614 B.C. This battle 
devastated the city and it was not reoccupied as a 
city again. Ashur is the name not only of the place 
but also of the local deity, and it occurs in Akka- 
dian, Aramaic and Greek sources. The site was known 
by the Turks under the name Toprak Kal'e, "Earth 
Citadel". The meaning of the element shmkat in the 
Arabic name is not known, but it is probably to be 
explained as an independent proper name. It is not 
mentioned by Arab geographers; the earliest reference 
to it is in the 18th century, and it is the name used 
by later Western travellers. 

The site was described by C.J. Rich, who visited 
it in March 1821, and it was subsequently investi- 
gated by J. Ross (1836), W. Ainsworth with E.L. 
Mitford, A.H. Layard and H. Rassam (1840), and 
again by Layard and Rassam (1847) on behalf of 
the British Museum, when an important statue of 
Shalmaneser III (858-825 B.C.) was found. In 1849, 
after excavations by J. Talbot, J. Oppert, E. Hincks 
and H.C. Rawlinson, an inscribed historical prism 
recording the history of the reign of Tiglath Pilesar 
III (744-727 B.C.) was found, and two duplicate 
copies of this inscription were discovered by Rassam 
in 1853 in further British Museum excavations under 
the general supervision of Rawlinson. Several inscrip- 

tions fiom the reign of Adad Nirari III (810-783 
BC) were discovered by G. Smith in 1873. The 
most rigorous excavation of the site was conducted 
between 1903-13 by the Deutsche Orient Gesellschaft, 
fust bv R. Koldewy and then by W. Andrae and 
others, which followed the presentation of the site 
to Kaiser Wilhelm II by Sultan <Abd al-Harmd II. 

To the north and east the site is naturally pro- 
tected by the river and the escarpment, and the only 
necessary fortifications were buttressed walls. Sen- 
nacherib (704-681 B.C.) records the building of a 
semicircular sallyport tower of rusticated masonry 
which is probably the earliest of its kind. To the 
south and west it was more heavily fortified. After 
an early period of dependence upon the south dur- 
ing the Third Dynasty of Ur (2112-2004 B.C.), it 
begins a separate history. Evidence about life in Ashur 
lor the earliest period comes from the documents of 
an Assyrian group of traders working in Anatolia at 
the ancient city of Kanesh, modern Kultepe, in 
Turkey, but the earliest palace is that of Shamshi 
Adad I (1813-1781 B.C.), and spacious private hous- 
es with family vaults beneath the floors have been 
found in the north-western area. Much of the histo- 
ry of this period has to be reconstructed from an 
archive of the letters of Shamshi Adad which were 
discovered at Mari (modern Tell Harm) in eastern 
Syria. He controlled Ashur after it had been subject 
to Naram Sin of Eshunna (modern Tell Asmar). 
Although he did not use Ashur as his capital city, 
preferring Shubat Enlil (modern Chagar Bazar), he 
did build there a temple to Enlil, the local god of 
Nippur (modern Niffar), and the one who tradition- 
ally named the king and entrusted to him the sym- 
bols of royal power. 

During the period of Cassite domination in 
Mesopotamia, Puzur Ashur III (ca. 1490 B.C.), made 
a treaty with Burnaburiash I of Babylon, and in Ashur 
he records rebuilding part of the Ishtar temple and 
a section of the southern city wall. Building opera- 
tions of this kind are often recorded on clay cones 
which were inserted between the courses of the new 
brickwork. Ashur Nadin Akhe II (1402-1393 B.C.) 
secured Egyptian support for his country and received 
gifts of gold from the Pharaoh. 

Official lists of the Assyrian kings have been found 
and these are an essential source for establishing a 
framework of the classical history of the site. They 
often contain more than fifty names and record the 
length of each reign. Other lists record the names 
of the temples there, but only a few of the 34 
mentioned have actually been identified. The archi- 
tectural features of these early buildings are similar 
to those of Old Babylonian buildings, but the length- 
ening of the sanctuary on its main axis and the posi- 
deep recess are distinctively 

The traditional founder of the Assyrian empire was 
Ashur Uballit (1365-1330). At the beginning of his reign 
he was subject to Tushratta of Mitanni, but in 1350, 
with the help of Suppliluliumas, the Hittite king, he 
was able to attack and annexe the Mitanni areas in 
northeast Mesopotamia. Ashur Uballit called himself 
sarru rabu, the great king, equal in status to the Pharaoh, 
and was a severe threat to the Babylonians. Two of 
his letters to Akhnaten have been preserved in the 
famous archive from Tell al-Amarna, Egypt (see 
Knudtzon (1915), nos. 15-16). He called his country 
mat Auur, the Land of Ashur, while the older name of 
Subartu was used by the Babylonians, possibly in a 
deprecatory' sense. Even so, Assyrian royal inscriptions 

are composed in the Babylonian dialect of Akkadian 
because, presumably, such language had a traditional 
air of refinement. His son Enlil Nirari (1329-1320 B.C.) 
fought against Babvlon, and \iik Din Hi (1319-1308 
BC) haiassed the \khlamu the Semitic tribes to the 
west Adad Nnaii I (1307-1275 B C ) bv his battles 
uith the Cassites and the Mitanm was e\entuallv able 
to unite Mesopotamia into an empne but the ternto- 
rv he gained was latei eioded because ot the use ot 
the Hittites and the unsatisfactc m defences against the 
tubes to the east 

Shalmanesei I (1274-1245 BC) recoids building 
a new loval citv in the north at kalkhu (modem 
Birs Nimiud) and his son Tukulti Ninurta I (1244- 
1208 BC) also built a new lesidente but much 
neaier just to the noith-east which he named Kar 
Tukulti Ninuita, the Quay of Tukulti Ninurta (mod- 
em Tulul '\krl He lecoids having captuied Maiduk 
god of Babvlon and a figure of pnmarv importance 
in Babvloman mvthologv who was later to be 
assimilated into Assyrian versions of lehgious texts 
Despite these alternative capitals Ashur was still 

10th century BC it was ovei shadowed bv Kalkhu 

i Nmev 

s from 

chose these 
to admimst 

The citv was attacked and devastated bv the 
Babvloman mlei Nabopolassai i625-605 B C i in 614 
BC two vears befoie he destroyed Nineveh and 

there is onlv scantv documentation fiom which to 
reconstiuct the historv ot this impoitant site Undei 
the Babvlomans, it was piobablv onlv sparselv inhab- 
ited for Cvius the Gieat when he conquered Babvlon 

in 5W 

'To t 

of the Til 

tuanes of which have been mins for a long time I 
leturned the images which used to live thenn and 
established foi them permanent sanctuanes (horn the 
Ctnu Cthndir, the basic histoncal source tot the Persian 
conquest of Babvlon) The name occurs again in the 
Old Persian text of the Bikistun Inscription but tht onlv 
other insciiptional evidence tomes from Aramaic 
documents from the site these used to be dated to 
the Parthian period and taken as evidence that the 
names ot the old Assyrian gods survived in the com- 
munity until the 3rd century \D but thev are now 
said to come fiom the 7th century BC As a geo- 
graphical name Athura may refer simply to the 
town but in Gieek souices it is clear that Aioupia 
iefeis to the whole northern aiea The site seems def- 
initely to have declined in impoitance undei the 
Sasamds and Athor in Svnac indicates simply a parish 
which continued until the late Middle Ages 

The \iab geographers lefei to Athur (sometimes 
written \kur) it is, howevei, defined bv them not as 
modern Kal'at Shaikat but as an earhei name foi 
Mawsil and also as the name of the province which 
was later called al-DjazTra [q<)] The min associated 
with the name is described as near to al-Salamiv-v a 
4 km N\\ of Nimrud Thev also make the obser- 
vation that al-Djazira which practically coincides in 
area with Assyria is a name derived from Athur 
^though it is clear that a ruin was still known at 
this site the name Athur has been tiansfened eiro- 
neously to the ruin neai al-Salamiyy a this tians- 
position was influenced bv the fact that there weie 
two famous capitals of Assyria in the north and is 
similar to the case of Baghdad which travellers of 

the Middle Ages until Pietro della Valle (1616-17) 
considered to be the site of ancient Babylon. According 
to Layard (1853), 165, the hill in the corner of the 
mins of Nimrud was still called "Tell \thur" 

tion ot the name Shaikat betoie the nanatives ol 
Emopean traveller Rich (1821) mentions it and it 
is descubed moie tullv by Lavard (1849) * who 
says We enteied Mosul on 10th \pnl 1846 During 

which have been geneiallv believed to be the remains 
ol Nineveh We rode also into the deseit and 
exploied the mound of Kalah Shergat a vast ruin 
on the Tigns about hftv miles below its ]unction 
with the Zab He did not identify it with \shui 
all he could sav was \ few fragments of potteiy 
and inscribed bucks discoveied aftei a careful seaich 
amongst the mbbish which had accumulated aiound 
the base of the gieat mound seived to prove that 

founded the citv ot which Nimrod is the lemains 
\tot at) But latei dining the river trip tiom Mawsil 
to Baghdad he was told of a connection in folk- 
dam in the nvei The Aiab explained the con- 
nection between the dam and the citv built bv Athur 
the lieutenant of Nimiod the vast mins of which 
were then before us and its purpose as a causeway 
foi the mighty hunter to cioss to the opposite palace 
now repiesented by tht mound ot Hammam \h 


Today the site is situated on the edge ot the 
rainfall zone so that aguculture iehes on artificial 
nngation Local inhabitants often iely on employ 
ment outside the village to supplement then income 
and some of the men and bovs have become 
particularly skilful assistants for archaeological exca- 
vations Most of the settled population belong to 
the Djubur tribe although the shmlh of this bianch 
lives at Kavvaia tuither up the valley there is a 
mansion at Shaikat 8 km north of the site belong- 
ing to Shavkh Adjil al-\awir ot the Shammar The 

n densit 

f the a 

i per 


Bibliogiaphy Foi i geneial topographical 
description of tht area see Admiralty Intelligence 
Division Geographical Handbook Iraq and tht Pirsicm 
Gulf London 1944 R Dussaud Topographic histonqui 
de la S,nc antiqui ct midinak Pans 1927 and G 
Ichalenko I illaga, antique!, di la >nne du \oid Pans 
1953 The site itself is tullv described by E Unger 
m E Ebehng and B Meissnei Rcallcxicon de, 
iwiologti Leipzig 1928 170-96 but for an accu- 
late histoncal assessment more modem woiks 
should be consulted See in geneial IES Edwards 
(/ alii leds ) Cambridge •inatnt Hi\ton Cambndge 
1973 Pait n Ch 1 (bv JR Kupperj Ch 2 (bv 
MS Drower) and Ch 5 (by C J Gadd) and more 
specifically D Oates Audits m thi amunt hnton of 
\orthim Iraq London 19b8 

The othcial reports of the excavations are given 
bv W \ndiae with others as indicated in the fol- 
lowing volumes of Mitteilungcn da Deuhihin Omni 
Cnselhchajt xx (1903 R Koldewy) xxi xxii xxv (1904) 
xxvi-xxix(1905) xxxi-xxxmfl90b), xxxin xvxvi xxxvn 
(with J Jordan) (1908) xl xln (1909, with J Jordan) 
xlm-xhv (1910) xlv xlvii(1911) xlvm-xlix (1912 with 
J Joidan) h (19M with P Maiesch) liv 1 1014 


with H. Luhrs and H. Lucke); lxi (1921); lxiii (1924); 
lxxi (1932, HJ. Lenzen); lxxii (1935) and lxxvi (1938). 
A series of monographs by Andrae and others have 
been published in the following volumes of 
Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der Deutschen 
Onentgesellschaft: x (1909); xxiii (1913); xxiv (1913); xxxix 
(1922); lvii (with HJ. Lenzen, 1933); lviii (1935); xlvi 
(1924); liii(1931). 

In the same series, editions of the cuneiform 
texts discovered at the site have been published 
as follows: xvi (1911) and xxxvii (1922) by 
L. Messerschmidt and O. Schroeder; xxviii and 
xxiv (1915-23) by E. Ebeling; xxxv (1920) by 
Schroeder; lxiv (1954) and lxvi (1955) by C. Preusser; 
lxv (1954) and lxvii (1955) by A. Haller; lxii (1956) 
by F. Wetzel and others. The Aramaic ostraca and 
tablets were published originally by M.M. Lidz- 
barsky, also in the same series, xxxviii (1921), but 
the more recent edition by H. Donner and 
\V. Rollig, Kanaandische und ammaische Inschriften, 2nd 
ed., Wiesbaden 1969, Texts 233 and 234-6, should 

The Arab geographers referring to the site are 
as follows: Ibn Rustih, 104, tr. Wiet, 115, equat- 
ing Athur with Mawsil; and Yakut, i, 119, 16; 340, 

5; 1 

(. For E 

it Akur 

e ibid.. 

, 72, 13; 

al-Mukaddasi, 20, 3 (see also 27, 10, and 
For [Djazlrat] Akur as an older name for the 
Djazlra. see also Le Strange, Tlie lands of the Eastern 
Caliphate, 86. 

For the records of early travellers, see C.J. 
Rich, .Narrative of a residence in Koordistan, London 
1836, ii, 137 ff.;J. Ross, in JRGS, ix (1839), 451- 
3; W. Ainsworth with A.H. Layard and EX. 
Mitford, in JRGS, xi (1842), 4-8; Layard, Nineveh 
and its remains, London 1849, ii, 45-63, 245, 581; 
idem, Discoveries in the rums of Nineveh and Babylon, 
London 1853; V. Place, Ninive et VAssyrie, Paris 
1867-70; H. Rassam, Asshur and the land of Nimrod, 
New York 1897. (M.E.J. Richardson) 

ATISH, Khwadja Haydar <AlI (d. 1263/1847), 
Urdu poet, was born in Faizabad (Faydabad [q.i'.~\j 
probably around 1191/1778, according to A.L. 
Siddtkl (see Bib/., below). His ancestors are said to 
have originated in Baghdad, whence they came to 
Dihlr. His father moved from there to Faydabad and 
died during the poet's youth. As a result, Atish's for- 
mal education was curtailed, though he supplemented 
it by avid reading. In early manhood, he led the 
life of a fop and a roue, and carried a sword. But 
his aptitude for poetry was noticed, and he was taken 
to Lucknow. There he was trained by the poet 
Shaykh Ghulam Hamadanl MushafT, and was soon 
recognised as a leading ghazal poet, along with his 
chief rival, Shaykh Imam Bakhsh Nasikh. Such poet- 
ical rivalries were a familiar feature of Lucknow cul- 
tural and social life, but — as we see in the case of 
Atish — they did not always involve personal ani- 
mosity. Indeed, he ceased to write poetry after the 
death of his rival. 

Modern critics regard Atish as the greater poet of 
the two. Urdu ghazal, as he found it, tended to be 
rich in vocabulary and ornate in style, with sim- 
iles, metaphors, and other rhetorical devices which 
were at times far-fetched and exaggerated. Ideas were 
largely stereotyped, with much concentration on the 
physical features of the beloved such as tresses 
(zulf) and face (rukhsar) as in Persian models. Atish 
seems to have been an independent-minded eccentric 

in his private life, and this is reflected in his poetry 
to some extent. He would not write poetry for patron- 
age, though he accepted a small pension from the 
King of Oudh (Awadh [q.r.]). He spurned wealth, liv- 
ing like a dervish in a broken-down house. He was 
humble to the poor but haughty to the wealthy. In 
his verse, he was not a great innovator, but neither 
was he a slavish imitator of time-honoured poetical 
techniques. Thus while he did not radically change 
the form and style of ghazal, he frequently appears 
less artificial than his predecessors and contemporaries, 
writing in a more natural language nearer to every- 
day speech as used by the educated of Lucknow; per- 
haps his lack of formal education encouraged this 
tendency. He was criticised for using non-literary turns 
of phrase, and mis-spelling Arabic words — the latter 
perhaps deliberately, in the interests of rules of prosody, 
or to reflect actual pronunciation of these words in 
Urdu. In short, we at times sense spontaneity and 
even sincerity in his verse, and his literary language 
became accepted as a model. His poetical output of 
over 8,000 verses is practically entirely composed of 

Bibliography: Atish's poetry was published orig- 
inally in two dtwans — the first in 1845 in Lucknow 
under the poet's supervision; the second, which con- 
tains many of his best poems, was published in the 
same city after his death by his pupil, Mir Dust 
'Air KhaM in 1268/1851. Many editions of his 
collected poetry have since been published, for 
example the Kulliyyat in Cawnpore 1871 and 1884. 
There is a useful introduction by Zahir Ahmad 
Siddlki in Kulliyyal-i Atish, Allahabad' 1972. Short 
critical accounts of the poetry will be found in 
Muhammad Husayn Azad, Ab-i hayat, 379-93 in 
the Lahore edition of 1950; Abu '1-Layth Siddlki, 
Lakhnau ka dabistdn-i-sha'irl, Lahore 1955, 525-41; 
Muhammad Sadiq, History of Urdu literature, London 
1964, 138; and Ram Babu Saksena, History of Urdu 
literature, Allahabad 1927, 111-13; Further" informa- 
tion may be found in Shaykh Ghulam Hamadani 
MushafT, Riyad al-fusaha', Dihll 1934, 4-9; Karim 
al-Din and Fallon, Tadhkira-i-shu'ard'-i-Hind, Dihlr 
1838, 354; SafTr Balgraim, Qjalwa-i-khidir, 2 vols., 
Ara, Bihar 1882, ii, 106 f; KVadja 'Abd al-Ra'Of 
'Ishrat LakhnawT, Ab-i bakd", Lucknow 1918, 11- 
19, 170-7; Memoirs of Delhi and Faizabad, English tr. 
of Fayd Bakhsh, Ta'rikh-i-farah bakhsh, Allahabad 
1889, 266-302; and I'djaz Husayn, Kalam-i-Atish, 
Allahabad 1955; For a general picture of Lucknow 
cultural life in the first half of the 19th century, 
see Abdul Halim Sharar, tr. E.S. Harcourt and 
Fakhir Husain, Lucknow: the last phase of an oriental 
culture, London 1975. 

For further bibliographical material, see Khalll 
al-Rahman A'zami and Murtada Husayn Fadil, art. 
Atish, in Urdu 'Encyclopaedia of Islam, Lahore 1962 flf., 
i, 10-14. (J.A. Haywood) 

ATLANTIC [see al-bahr al-muhit]. 
AVARICE [see bukhl]. 
AVRAM CAMONDO [see camondo]. 
AWRABA, a Berber tribe of Morocco. Ibn 
Khaldun, 'Ibar, Fr. tr. de Slane, i, 286, provides all 
the information which we have on the early history 
of this tribe, which formed part of the sedentary 
Baranis [q.v.]. Certain of these appear to have been 
Christians. At the time of the Muslim conquest, they 
held the premier place among the North African 
Berber tribes because of their forcefulness and the 
bravery of their warriors. Ibn Khaldun also gives us 
the names of the tribe's main branches and those 


of the most outstanding chiefs whom thev had before 
the Arabs' arrival. The celebrated Kusayla [q.v.], who 
was probably a Christian, is said to have been their 
amir, as of all the Baranis. He rebelled, and was 
defeated and killed in 62/682, and it was after his 
death that the Awraba (or Awriba?) no longer directed 

The tribe makes its real appearance in the history 
of Morocco by making Shr'r doctrines triumphant 
there, even though these were contrary to the Kharidji 
ones embraced by the Berbers in the preceding cen- 
tury. It was indeed under the protection of the Awraba 
chief, Abu Layla Ishak b. Muhammad b. 'Abd al- 
HamTd, that the '.Mid fugitive Id'rTs I [q.v.] established 
himself in 172/788 at Wallla, the ancient Roman 
town (the present Volubilis), situated in the little moun- 
tain massif of Zarhun, north of Meknes. 

These mountain folk called themselves descendants 
of the Awraba of the Aures, driven out of the cen- 
tral Maghrib after Kusayla's death, as also were those 
elements of the Awraba to be found in the regions 
of the Zab [q.v.] and the Ouarsenis [q.v.]. 

Like several of the northern Moroccan tribes, the 
Awraba professed Mu'tazili doctrines; they were 
accordingly favourable to the 'Alids and regarded 
the nomination of an imam as a necessary obliga- 
tion for the community. This is why Abu Layla 
could without difficulty have himself proclaimed sov- 
ereign imam of his own tribe and of the neigh- 
bouring tribes (4 Ramadan 172/5 February 789) a 
few months after Idns's arrival in the Zarhun. The 
Awraba then successfully took part in Idrls I's work 
of Islamisation. Idrls II showed his gratitude badly 
towards his father's benefactor, since he had him 

/ith the . 


t Idrls 

s death (213/828) and after the disas- 
trous division of Morocco between his sons, troubles 
broke out within the principalities thereby established. 
The Awraba and the Berber coalition put an end to 
them (221/836) by giving allegiance to the nine-years 
old 'All b. Muhammad, ruler of Fas, assuring tute- 
lage over the kingdom till the young /mam's majority. 
'Ali died after a peaceful reign of 13 years. New dis- 
putes now divided Morocco between rival factions, 
and finally, in 251/866, the Awraba recognised 'Air a 
cousin, 'Air b. 'Umar. 

Awraba were still in contact with the principality 
of NukQr [q.v.], and in mediaeval times, they were to 
be found in Algeria, at Nikaws (N'gaous) and in the 
region of Bone. They never disappeared completely, 
and re-appear in the historical texts, e.g. under the 
Almohads; at first (559/1164) they espoused the cause 
of a rebel and were opposed to the Almohads, but 
then in 580/1184 rallied to them in order to go and 
fight in Spain. They appear further under the 
Mannids, being specially mentioned in the texts con- 
cerning the meetings for the holy war in al-Andalus, 
and one of them commanded the renowned "volun- 
teers for the faith". In 707/1308, some Awraba chiefs 
involved in the revolt of a pretender, were executed 
on the orders of the sultan Abu Thabit, and their 
bodies exposed in crucifixion on the encircling walls 
of Marrakesh. 

At the present time, some of their former tribes 
(the Ladjaya, Mazyata and Raghiwa) are established 
on the banks of the Wadr Wargha, to the north of 
the Zarhun. 

Bibliography: al-Nasin 
Allah Gannun, al-Umara' 
Maghnb, No. 33; and se. 

;. Dev 

A'YAS, a component group of the Meccan 
clan of Umayya or 'Abd Shams, the term being 
a plural of the founder's name, a son of Umayya 
b. 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf b. Kusayy called al- 
Ts or Abu 'l-'Is or al-'As(D or Abu 'l-'Asm or 
'Uways, these being given in the genealogical works 
as separate individuals, but doubtless in fact one 
person (on the two orthographies al-'As and al-'Asi, 
the former explicable as an apocopated Hidjazr form, 
see K. Vollers, Volkspraihe itnd Schufhprachi im alien 
Arabien, Strassburg 1906, 139-40). The group formed 
a branch of the clan parallel to that of Harb b. 
Umayya, from whom descended Abu Sufyan, 
Mu'awiya [q.vv.] and the Sufyanids. Amongst the 
sons of al-'As, etc., were 'Affan, father of the caliph 
'Uthman [q.v.]: al-Hakam, father of the caliph 
Marwan I [q.v.] and progenitor of the subsequent 
Marwanids; Sa'rd [q.v.], governor of Kufa under 
'Uthman and of Medina under Mu'awiya b. AbT 
Sufyan; and al-Mughira, whose son Mu'awiya was 
the mutilator of the Prophet's uncle Hamza b. 'Abd 
al-Muttalib and the father of 'Abd al-Malik b. 
Marwan's mother 'A'isha. 

Because of the strenuous hostility shown to the 
Prophet by al-'As ihe was killed, a pagan, at Badr) 
and his son Mu'awiya, and because of al-Hakam 's 
ambiguous role in the first years of Islam (as the 
"accursed one" banished by the Prophet), the family 
was often regarded by later Islamic sources with espe- 


-s of 'P 

the Hashiim clan and the 
nens, Mn'aivia I", in MFOB, 


i (1906), 27-8. 

Bibliography: see Ibn al-Kalbr-Caskel, Gamharat 
an-nasab, i, Tab. 8, 9, ii, Register, 202; ZubayrT, Aasab 
Kuwvsh, ed. Levi-Proven v al, 98-9; Ibn Duravd, 
hhtikdk, ed. Wustenfeld, 45 ff, 103, ed. Cairo 
1378/1958, 73 ff., 166; See also umayya b. 'abd 


AYATULLAH iAyat Allah, current orthography 
Ayatollah), a title with an hierarchical significance 
used by the Imami, Twelver ShrTs, and mean- 
ing literally "Miraculous sign lava [q.v.]) of God". 

consider the 
orked o 

y the 

been dictated by the doctrine that all political power — 
even if exercised by a ShiT — is illegitimate during 
the occultation of the Hidden Imam, it has only 
been comparatively late, from the Saiawid period 
(907-1135/1501-1722) onwards, that political theories 
have taken shape and an hierarchy within the top 
ranks of the muajtahids [q.v.] has been formed. After 
their long disputes against the AkhbarTs [see 
akhbariyya in Suppl.] and Sufis, the Usulrs [q.v.] in 
the course of the 19th century elaborated the theory 
according to which at every given moment there could 
only be one unique mardia'-i taklid [q.v] "source of 
imitation" (see Algar [1969], 5-11, 34-6, 162-5, etc.; 
Binder, 124 ff.). This title of mardja'-i taklid [q.v.] was 
subsequently applied retrospectively to numerous 
mudiiahids (for lists of the na'ib-i 'amrrn, of the Hidden 
Imam going back to Muhammad Kulayni, d. 329/940, 
see Bagley [1972], 31; Fisher, 34-5; Hairi, 62-3). 
During the 1960s, several discussions took place 

Ayatullah — 'ayn al-kudAt al-hamadhanI 

concei rung the manner of selectron and the functrons 
of the mardfa' i laklid at the very time when the Avat 
ullah Burudjirdi (d 1961) recognised as the sole 
mardfa' I laklid bv the mass of Imami Shfis disap 
peared (Algar [1972] 242 for some ieser\es about 
this recognition see Binder 132) Dr 

s leaders 

and 1; 

work c 

Bahthi dar bara n mardia'iyyat la ruhamyyat dealing 
in particular with Imami institutions and on links 
with the political authority appeared at Teheran 
in Decembei 19b2 (a brief analysis bv Lambton 
121 35) After the disappearance of Burudjirdi — whose 
attitude to politics had been one of quietism — the 
institution of the mardjaiyyat seems to have spread out 
widely (in 1976 there were six mardja i takhd: of hist 
rank including the Ayatullah Khumavm Fisher 32) 



19b3 c 

3und the Ayatullah 
khumavm the mam religious opponent of the Pahlavi 
regime (Algar [1972] 243) but it also seems that the 
consensus over the mardja'mat I lull of the Ayatullah 
Muhsin Hakim Tabataba i of Nadjaf (d 1970) was 
at least partially leahsed in ca 196b (Baglev [1970] 
78 n 7 this ayatullah enjoyed the favour of the Shah 
see Algai [1972] 242 3) 

From the time of the protest against the Tobacco 
Concession (1891-2) the mard±a' i laklid— who at that 
period resided in the holy places of Irak the "Atabat 
[q t in Suppl ] —often took the lead in the fight of 
opposition to h.adjar autocracv and to foreign dom 
ination This association of the mudjtahids with poht 
ical opposition seems to ha\e been clearer with the 
grant of the title ayatullah In practice this lakab 
seems first of all to ha\e designated the two great 
leaders of the constitutional resolution the sayyidi, 
'Abd Allah Bihbaham and Muhammad Tabataba'i 
(Lughal nama yi Dihkhuda sv Ayatullah) It has since 
been applied to numerous great muiitahidh (some- 
:tivelv) independently it appears of 




It i 

ent usage (but n 

3t in the actual hierarchv) certain 

nv and everv akhund (this latter 

rm tending desf 

ite its pejorative character to sup 

plant that of mulla) 

As with that of mardja' i laklid attribution of the 
title is abo\e all a question of opinion In effect above 
the title of mudjtahid the lev el of respect accorded and 
the religious chief s charisma depend on the consen 
sus of the mass of faithful The ayatullah is placed at 
the top of the hieiarchv amongst the elite of the 
great mudjtahidi, <\t the summit of all is to be found 
the ayatullah al u^ma (the greatest miraculous sign of 
God ) the supieme mard}a' i laklid oi mudjtahid This 
rank seems to ha\e been first of all accorded to 
Burudjirdi (Binder 132) There seems also to be at 
kum a limited soit of college which makes decisions 
about the title (ibid 134) This clearly reinforces the 
position of kurn which has become the symbolic 
capital of Iian since the Ayatullah khumaym s leturn 
(the title Imam sometimes applied to him seems to be 
taken fiom 'Iraki usage) 

Although thev aie sometimes of modest ongin 
the gieat majontv oi ayatullah are now sayyids (where- 
as the great 'ulama' of the past were not alwavs 
fiom this class) Marriages and alliances tradition- 
ally reinfoice the strength of religious leadership (see 
Fischer genealogical tables 33-4) Whethei he be 
mardia' i takhd oi not the ayatullah exceicises a dou 
ble role of manage! within his sphere of activity 
On the administrative level he tontiols the levying 

of various lehgious taxes the direction of pious gifts 
and property in mortmain (uakj [q i ] controlled bv 
the state under the Pahlavi regime) the distribution 
of various grants and alms the administration of 
centres of learning etc on the intellectual and spir 
ltual level he is responsible for education His influ- 
ence on the social level is limited bv his faithful 
followers the students and those who bring their 
financial support to him (Fisher 41) 

The role and influence of the Iranian ayatullah are 
now very diverse Their prerogatives have increased 
through the progressive installation of an Islamic 
Republic since the events of winter 1978-9 But despite 
the abolition of the monarchv thev are inevitablv 
subject to all the hazards of political power and to 
the pressures of antagonistic forces (secularism com 
munism the growth of nationalisms religious partic 
ulansms etc ) There is at least one ayatullah in each 
province and several in each main centre of religious 
teaching (haudayi 'dmi) Thus there are 14 tradi- 
tional madrasah at kum directed bv ayatullah of whom 
some have attained the rank of mardja' I takhd (Fisber 
table 23) 

Bibliography (for works in Persian difficult to 
find outside Iian see the bibliographies cited bv 
Algar Baglev Fisher and Hain) \ K S Lambton 
i monsidiration of the position oj the marja' al taqlid and 
the religious institution in St hi xx (19b4) 115-35 
L Binder The proofs of Islam religion and politus in 
Iran in Arabic and Islamic studies in honor oj Hamilton 
1R Gibb ed G Makdis! Leiden 1%5 118 40 
H Algar Religion and state in Iran 1785 1906 
Berkelev Los Angeles 1 9b9 idem The oppositional 
role of the Ulama ,n tiienlielh century Iran in Scholars 
saints and Sufis ed N R keddie Berkelev Los 
Angeles 1972 23155 (see also NR keddie The 
roots of the Ulama s pouer m modem Iran in ibid 211- 
29 first published in St hi xxix [1969] 31 53) 
F R C Baglev Religion and the state in modem Iran 
I in Attes du I Congres international d arabisants el 
islamisants Brussels 1970 75-88 // in Proceedings of 
tht Mth Congress of Arabic and Islamic Studies \ lsbv- 
Stockholm 1972 ed F Rundgren Uppsala 1975 
31 44 MJ Fisher The Qum report an anthropologi 
cat account oj contemporary Shiism draft (typewritten 
leport) Julv 1976 Abdul Hadi Hain Shi'ism and 
constitutionalism in Iran Leiden 1977 

_(J_ Calmard) 
b \bi Bakr al Mi\anadji Shafi'i junst and 
Sufi maitvr born at Hamadhan in 492/1098 
Bom of a line of scholars he studied Aiabic gram 
mar theology philosophy and law and as an already 
precocious scholar began writing his books at the 
age of 14 Also at the approach of pubertv he 
became a convert to Sufism In 517/1123 at the 
age of 25 he seems to have met <\hmad al Ghazah 
brother of the great theologian Muhammad al 
Ghazah who initiated him into Sufi meditation and 

e Muhammad b Hammuya 

His spiritual reputation soon gained him manv 
disciples and he spent all his time in oial and writ- 
ten teaching sometimes going beyond the limits of 
his phvsical stiength foi this and having then to 
letire for two or three months for lecupeiation 
His activities soon pro\oked the hostility of the 
orthodox theologians Provoked bv his teachings on 
the natuie of sainthood and prophethood and on 
submission to the Sufi shaykh and objecting to his 


usage of Sufi terminology which gave the impres- 
sion that he himself laid claim to prophetic powers, 
they brought an accusation of heresy against him 
before the Saldjuk vizier in 'Irak, who imprisoned 
him in Baghdad. It was there that he wrote his 
apologia, the Shakwa 'l-gharlb. Some months later he 
was set free and returned to Hamadhan, but short- 
ly afterwards, at the time of the Saldjuk sultan 
Mahmud's arrival (reigned 511-25/1118-31), he was 
executed in a barbarous manner during the night of 
6-7 Djumada II 526/6-7 May 1131 'at the age of 
33. His premature death seems to have prevented 
Hamadhani from founding a Sufi monastery, setting 
up a Sufi group and designating a successor; nev- 
ertheless, his numerous works, written in a line style, 
have always found an audience. 

His published works include his Shakwa 1-gharTb 'an 
al-awtan ild 'ulama' al-buldan, an apologia in Arabic 
(ed. and Fr. tr. Mohammed ben Abd-el-Jalil, in JA 
(1930), 1-76, 193-297; ed. 'Afif 'Usayran, Musannafat- 
i 'Ayn al-Kudat al-Hamadhanl, Tehran 1341/1962; Eng. 
tr. AJ. Arberrv, A Sufi martyr, the apologia of 'Am al- 
Qudat al-Hamadhanl, London 1969); Risala-yi Lawa'ih, 
on mystic love, in Persian, ed. Rahim Farmanish, 
Tehran 1337/1958; Z^dal al-haka'ik, in Arabic, ed. 
'Usayran, in op. at.; Tamhldat or ^ubdat al-haka'ik ft 
kashf al-daka'ik, in Persian, ed. 'Usayran, in op. cit., 
twice tr. into Turkish; Namaha or Makttibat, Makatlb, 
letters, in Persian, ed. 'Alinaki Munzawi and 'Usayran, 
2 vols., Beirut and Tehran 1390/1971; Risala-yi 
yazdanshi-nakht, ed. Bahman Karimi, Tehran 1327/ 
1948; and Ahmal u athar, ed. Farmanish, Tehran 

Bibliography: Sandilahi, Makhian al-ghara'ib, 
Bodl. Pers. ms. 395, 1523; Brockelmann, I, 490, 
S I, 674-5; F. Meier, Stambuler Handschnften dreier 
persischer Mystiker, in hi, xxiv (1937), 1-9. 

(J.K. Teubner) 
'AYN al-MULK MULTANl, official and mil- 
itary commander under the Dihlr sultans of India. 
His actual name and early career are not known. 
Contemporary writers mention him by his honorific 
title, 'Ayn al-Mulk, with the msba Multani because he 
hailed from Multan; the 9th/ 15th century chronicler 
Yahya Sirhindi calls him 'Ayn al-Mulk-i ' Shihab sig- 
nifying that his father's name was Shihab. However, 
'Ayn al-Mulk Multani started his career in the reign 
ofSultan 'Ala' al-Din Khaldji (695-715/1296-1316), 
and soon attained to an important position in the 
official hierarchy, showing excellence in both pen- 
manship and military generalship. Amir Khusraw 
showers praises on him in his works, depicting him 
as a learned statesman in peace time and a \eteran 
general on the battlefield. Diya' al-Din Barani speaks 
of him as one who was wise in counsel, widely tia\- 
elled, ripe in experience and much distinguished for 
his sagacity and successful tackling of complicated 

His first important assignment was his posting in 
Malwa as the mukta' or governor of Dhar and Udjdja\n 
in 704/1305. In Malwa, he not only consolidated the 
sultan's rule, but also subdued the recalcitrant zammdars 
of Central India. In 716/1316, he held the temtor> of 
Deogiri (in modern Maharashtra), when he was tecalled 
to Dihlr by Malik Na'ib just after Sultan 'Ala' al-Din 
had died. En route he received another order from 
Dihlr directing him to proceed to Gudjarat, where tebels 
had captured the province. In compliance to Malik 
Na'ib's order, 'Ayn al-Mulk turned aside, but had to 
halt in Citor as many fellow-nobles in the ro\al arm\ 
refused to march after Malik Na'ib had been killed 

and the policy of the new ruler, Sultan Kutb al-Din 
Mubarak Shah, was not known. After a few days, the 
new Sultan sent him and other nobles farrnans order- 
ing them all to go to Gudjarat and establish peace and 
order there. 

On arrival, 'Ayn al-Mulk tried to solve the prob- 
lem diplomatically. He wrote to the leaders of the 
rebellion that the murder of their leader Alp Khan 
had already been avenged, as the culprit (Malik Na'ib) 
was now dead, and for this reason they should not 
persist in rebellion. He also warned them of the 
serious consequences if they did not submit to the 

rebels joined his camp. Only Haydar and Zirak fought 
against the royal army and they were easily routed. 
Having settled the affairs of Gudjarat, he then returned 
to Dihlr. 

In 718/1318, he was sent to Deoglrl when Malik 
Yak Lakhi, the local mukta', rose in rebellion. This 
time he was appointed as wazlr, with Malik Tadj al- 
Din, son of Kh"adja 'Ata' as Mushrif and Mudjir al- 
Din Aburdja as military commandant. In 720/1320, 
he was present in Dihli when Sultan Kutb al-Din 
Mubarak Shah was killed by the allies of Khusraw 
Khan. Though 'Ayn al-Mulk was not in alliance with 
Khusraw Khan, the latter honoured him with the title 
of 'Alam Khan in order to win him over to his side. 
Soon afterwards, Ghazi Malik, the mukta' of Depalpur, 
organised a movement against Khusraw Khan aim- 
ing at revenge for the murder of Kutb al-Din Mubarak 
Shah, persuading all the important nobles, including 
'Ayn al-Mulk, to help him against the regicide. 'Ayn 
al-Mulk, afraid of Khusraw Khan's agents, showed 
Malik Ghazi's letter to the usurper, and thus assured 
him of his own loyalty. Ghazi Malik, anxious to win 
him over, again wrote a letter to him. This time 'Ayn 
al-Mulk expressed his sympathy with Ghazi Malik's 
undertaking and promised not to participate in the 
battle against any party because he was in Dihli, sur- 
rounded by the allies of Khusraw, and could not take 
up arms against him. On achieving the throne, Ghazi 
Malik, who assumed the title of^Sultan Ghiyath al- 
Din, and apparently retained 'Ayn al-Mulk Multani 
in his service. 

According to 'Isaml, 'Ayn al-Mulk joined Ulugh 
Khan (later Sultan Muhammad b. Tughluk) on the 
Warangal expedition of 722/1322. Since the siege of 
Warangal became prolonged and Ulugh Khan in- 
sisted on capturing the citadel, the officers got tired 
and many of them mutinied, although 'Ayn al-Mulk 
remained loyal. This was the last expedition that he 
had joined for we do not hear of him afterwards. 

Certain mediae\al as well as modem scholars have 
confused 'Ayn al-Mulk Multani with 'Ayn al-Mulk 
Mahiu who is the author of the famous work, 
Injia' i \Iahru Mahru was a noble of Muhammad 
b Tughluk s and Firuz Shah s entourage. Tsami 
distinguishes 'Ayn al-Mulk Multani from Malim 
by calling the latter '\yn al-Din Di\a' al-Din Barani 
differentiates between them b\ making different 
statements about then qualities stating that 'Ayn al- 
Mulk Multani could not only wield the sword suc- 
cessful but was also adept in diplomacy and 
penmanship while Mahru had no experience of mili- 
tar) genfialshrp since he belonged to the class of scribes 
and clerks Shams al-Din Snadj '\fif presents Mahru 
as the creature of Muhammad b Tughluk. Further, 
most of the letteis and documents contained in the 
Insha' t Mahru were drafted in Fnuz Shah's reign, and 
only a few belong to the time of Muhammad b. 
Tughluk there is no letter wntten by Mahru during 


the reigns of the latter's predecessors. In short, 'Ayn 
al-Mulk Multam and 'Ayn al-Mulk Mahru were two 
different persons belonging to different generations. 

Bibliography: Shams al-Dln Siradj 'AfTf, 
Ta'rikh-i Firuz Shahl, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1890; Amir 
Khusraw, Dewal Rani Khidr Khan, Aligarh 1917, 
idem, Tughluk-nama, Hyderabad, Deccan 1933; Diya' 
al-Dln Barani, Ta'rikh-i Firuz Shahi, Bibl. Ind., 
Calcutta 1862; Ibn Battuta, Rihla, iii, 341-54, tr. 
Gibb, iii, 720-6; Tsarm, Futuh al-salatln, ed. Usha, 
Madras 1948; Muhammad Bihamad-Khant, 
Ta'rikh-i Muhammadl, MS. British Museum, Or. 137; 
Yahya Sirhindi, Ta'rikh-i Mubaiak- Shahi, Bibl. Ind., 
Calcutta 1931; 'Ayn al-Mulk Mahru, Insha'-i Mahru, 
ed. Shaykh 'Abd al-Rashid, Lahore 1965. 


AYTAKH al-TURKI (d. 235/849), a Khazar 
military slave or ghulam [q.v.] who had been bought 
in 199/815 by the future caliph al-Mu'tasim, and who 
played an important role in the reigns of his master, 
of al-Wathik and of al-Mutawakkil. At the opening 
of al-Wathik's caliphate, he was, with Ashnas, the 
"mainstay of the caliphate". After being commander 
of the guard in Samarra, in 233/847 he was made 
governor of Egypt, but delegated his powers there to 
Harthama b. Nasr (Ibn Taghribardi, Nullum, ii, 265; 
al-Makrizi, Khitat, ed. Wiet, v, 136). It was he who, 

in this 

r al-Zay 

e year, 

. At thi 
functions of haa^ib, co: 
intendant of the palac 
intelligence system; bt 
234/848 in order 

e the • 

ing the 

nander of the caliphal guard, 
tnd director of the postal and 
he laid these duties down in 
the Pilgrimage. When he 

returned, he was arrested by Ishak b. Ibrahlr 
Mus'ab, and he died of thirst in prison the follow- 
ing year. It is said that al-Mutawakkil confiscated from 
his house a million dinars. 

Bibliography: Tabari, index; Ya'kQbi, Hhtonae, 
ii, 586; idem, Bulkdn, 256, tr. Wiet, 45; Mas'Qdr, 
Murudi, index, Ghars al-Ni'ma, Hafawat, 80, 362- 
5; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat, ii, 80 (under year 234); 
Ibn al-Athir, vii, 29; Tanukhl, Nishwar, index; 
Sourdel, Le vizirat 'abbaside, index. (Ed.1 

AZAD, Abu 'l-Kalam, reviver of Muslim 
thought in India and influential politician of the 
first half of the 20th century. Born in Mecca in 1888, 
he received in Calcutta, where his family settled in 
1898, an austere and rigorously orthodox education. 
With great precocity he made his debut in the liter- 
ary world at the age of fourteen with an article pub- 
lished in the Urdu language magazine Makhzan. At 
the age of sixteen he made the acquaintance of the 
remarkable poet Altaf Husayn Hall [q.v.], on whom 
he made a strong impression, and shortly after he 
met Mawlam Shibli Nu'mani who immediately recog- 
nised his exceptional qualities and took him to 
Lucknow to teach him journalism, entrusting to him 
the editing of his journal al-Nadwa. 

In July 1912 Abu 'l-Kalam Azad published the first 
issue of his journal al-Hilal, which very quickly earned 
him a vast audience, thanks to the original composi- 
tion of the publication, to its articles dealing with sub- 
jects of the most burning relevance, and to the fiery 
and poetic style of the author. This enterprise was 
suspended by the British government at the start of 
the 1914-18 war, and Abu 'l-Kalam Azad then 
launched, in 1915, another periodical, al-Balagh, which 
had only a short existence since the writer was expelled 
from Bengal in 1916. The texts published in al-Hilal 
and al-Baldgh have been collected in two volumes 
bearing the title Makalat-i-Azdd. 

Abu 'l-Kalam Azad continued and extended the 
work begun by Shibli with the object of encouraging 
the 'ulama' to participate in the most modern devel- 
opments of civilisation. As a theologian experienced 
in the disciplines of the most traditional religious 
thought, he provoked the 'ulama' into an increasingly 
sharp awareness of social and political problems. In 
1920 he rejoined the ranks of the Indian Congress 
Party and participated more or less overtly in the 
Djam'iyyat al-'ulamd' -i-Hind [see djam'iyya. India and 
Pakistan] , an Indian association of Muslim theologians 
which showed itself always sympathetic to a political 
scheme of nationalistic tendency, with the object of 
driving the British colonial power from Indian terri- 
tory. An ardent opponent of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan 
(1817-1898 [q.v]) and of the movement which the lat- 
ter launched in founding the university of 'Aligarh, 
Abu 'l-Kalam Azad revived the pan-Islamic propo- 
sals of the great reformist Djamal al-Dln al-Afghanl 
and exhorted the Muslims of India not to remain 
passive observers of the upheavals which were trans- 
forming the world, but to associate themselves with 
the struggle whose primary object was to free them 
from the foreign yoke, so that they could subsequently 
participate actively in the complex and fruitful changes 
which, in the modern era, contribute to the pros- 
perous life of free nations. But was there not in this 
attitude a contradiction between pan-Islamism, ideally 
asserted, and nationalism as constantly practised in a 
context where, in the event, India, once independent, 
could not be other than a nation dominated by the 
Hindu community? 

In the_ more strictly theological sphere, Abu 
'l-Kalam Azad expressed his opposition to Sir Sayyid 
in numerous articles in al-Hilal and especially in the 
introduction to his celebrated work Taidjuman al-Kur'an, 
a project which he had conceived when he estab- 
lished himself at RancI after his expulsion from Bengal 
in 1916, but of which the first part was not pub- 
lished until 1931. According to Abu 'l-Kalam Azad, 
the Kur'an must be disencumbered of all artificial 
interpretations founded on a philosophy and a ter- 
minology more or less borrowed from the Greeks; it 
is necessary also to resist the temptation of wishing 
to consider the Holy Book only from the point of 
view of its conformity with newly-discovered scientific 
laws. If we wish to restore to the Kur'an its original 
atmosphere, the exercise of idfihad must become a 
vital experience, in the course of which each article 
of faith will be confronted by the abrasive forces of 
scepticism so that the individual will emerge from the 
process more positive in his belief and more enthu- 
siastic in his actions. 

When in 1947 the Indian sub-continent was divided 
to permit the creation of Pakistan, Abu 'l-Kalam Azad 
chose to stay in India, and he became minister of 
National Education in the Central Government, a post 
which he held until his death in 1958. 

Attention should also be drawn to two other 
important works by this author, who contributed 
much to the development of the Urdu language: 
Tadhkira (published in 1920), a selection of autobi- 
ographical memories, and especially Ghubar-i Khatir, 
which has the form of a collection of letters addressed 
to a friend by Abu 'l-Kalam Azad during his impris- 
onment in the fort of Ahmadnagar between 9 August 
1942 and 15 June 1945. Finally, the work which 
the author wrote in English, India wins freedom 
(Calcutta 1959) constitutes a valuable document for 
the historian. 

Bibliography: Badr al-Hasan, Madamin-i-Abu 


'l-Kalam Azad, Delhi 1944; A.H. Alberuni, Makers 
of Pakistan and modem Muslim India, Lahore 1950; 
S.M. Ikram, Mawdj-i Kawthar, Lahore 1954; Abu 
'l-Kalam Azad, Speeches of Mauldnd Azad, 
Government of India 1956; Aawd-i-Azddi, Bombay 
1957; W. Cantwell Smith, Islam in modern histo- 
ry, Princeton 1957; Abu l-Kalam Azad, a memori- 
al volume, New York 1959; Khalid bin Sayeed, 
Pakistan: the formative phase, Karachi 1960; A. 
Guimbretiere, Le reformisme musulman en lnde, in 
Orient, nos. 16, 18 (Paris 1961); Ziya ul-Hasan 
Faruqi, The Deoband school and the demand for 
Pakistan, London 1963; Abu Sa'id Bazml, Abu 
'l-Kalam Azad, Lahore N.D.; Aziz Ahmad, Islamic 
modernism in India and Pakistan 1857-1964, London 
1967, 175-85; P. Hardy, Partners in freedom— and 
true Muslims, the political thought of some Muslim 
scholais in British India 1912-1947, Lund 1971. 
(A. Guimbretiere) 
AZAD, Muhammad Husayn (1830-1910), Urdu 
writer, was a leading exponent of "new" Urdu 

r of tl 


sis on ghazal and its preoccupation with ornate, 
stylised language. 

Born in DihlT, he was the son of one of the first 
leading journalists of north India. He was educated 
at Delhi College, and acquired a mastery of both 
Arabic and Persian. By 1854, he was editor of his 
father's newspaper, the Dihli Urdu Akhbdr. A love of 
poetry was fostered in him by the poet Dhawk (1789- 
1854), who was a friend of his father's. However, the 
Indian Mutiny of 1857 and its aftermath completely 
changed his life, and its effect probably never left 
him. His father was executed for treason bv the British 
authorities, and he himself fled and became a wan- 
derer. In 1864 he arrived in Lahore, where he was 
to reside for the remainder of his life. He obtained 
a minor post in the Panjab Ministry of Public 
Instruction. He twice visited Persia, and in 1865 he 
accompanied an Indian Government secret mission to 
Bukhara, aimed at investigating Russian penetration 

In his early years in Lahore, he quickly won the 
confidence of local British dignatories, including Colonel 
Holroyd, Director of Public Instruction. He wrote sev- 
eral educational works, including a Persian course in 
two books, and, in Urdu, Volume ii of Kisas-i-Hmd, 
a three-volume series of Indian historical stories. 
Though designed for students, the latter book won 

style. In 1865 Dr. G.W. Leitner, 'Principal of 
Government College, founded the And}umdn-i Pandjah, 
a literarv society, and Azad was appointed secretary 
in 1867.' One project of the Society was to encour- 
age the reform of Urdu poetry, and Azad threw him- 
self whole-heartedly into this. For nearly a year, 
monthly musha'aras (poetical contests) were held, a set 
theme being specified in advance for each meeting. 
These themes, which included "the rainy season", 
"winter" and "patriotism", were chosen to discourage 
the use of antique poetical diction. Azad opened the 
series with a lecture on the nature of poetic art, and 
wrote poems for the meetings. Nevertheless, even allow- 
ing for criticism based on prejudice or personal ani- 
mosity, Azad's poetry hardly enhanced his reputation; 
and it was not he, but Altaf Husayn Hall, [q.v.] who 
also took part in the mushd'aras, who came to be recog- 
nised as the pioneer of the "new" poetry, both for 
his verse and his critical writings. Nevertheless, a reap- 
praisement of Azad's verse is overdue. It is uneven 

in quality; but there is strength and drive behind a 
poem like Olu l-'azmi (Resolution). 

Azad wrote some important prose works, which 
were better received than his verse, and indeed ulti- 
mately gained him recognition as a great— some 
would say the greatest— master of Urdu prose. Yet 
he was destined never to be free from some hos- 
tile, even carping, criticism. Nayrang-i khaydl (1880) 
is a collection of thirteen allegorical essays, trans- 
lated — with minor changes and interpolations — from 
the English of Samuel Johnson, Addison and their 
contemporaries. Sukhanddn-i-Fdrs, based on his lec- 
tures on Persian language and literature, dates from 
1872, but was not published until 1907. However, 
his fame rests chiefly on his long critical account 
of Urdu poetry, Ab-i-haydt (1881). His last major 
work, Darbar-i-akbari (1898), is a dazzling account 
of the court of the Mughal emperor Akbar [q.v.], 
but, despite its rich style, it is often described as 
a failure. Azad's prose is imaginative and colour- 
ful, far removed from the straightforward style of 
Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Hair. Muhammad 
Sadiq {History of Urdu literature, 300) says that it 
"recalls old patterns in its syntactical peculiarities 
and word-arrangement", and adds, perhaps with a 
little exaggeration, that its syntax seems Persian. 
Azad was not directly involved in the 'Aligafh 
Movement, but was highly respected by its leaders. 
Half wrote complimentary reviews of Aayrang-i-khaydl 


of A 

Personal tragedies, and overwork — including his edi- 
tion of Dhawk's Dlwan — have been blamed for this. 
He died in Lahore in 1910. 

Bibliography: In addition to information given 
above, some of the many reprints of Azad's works 
may be mentioned; thus for Ah-i-harat, Lahore 1950, 
Faizabad 1966. As for Darbar-i-akbari, Muhammad 
Ibrahim, editor of the Lahore edition of 1910, 

plete and more in keeping with Azad's intentions 
than the original (1898) edition of Mir Mumtaz 
'All. There is a Lucknow edition n.d., but ca. 1965. 
For .Kayrang-i-khayal, there is a Karachi edition of 
1961. Agha Muhammad Bakir has edited selected 
articles by Azad (Makdldt Mawland M.H. Azad, 
Lahore 1966). Kisas-i-Hind was reprinted in Lahore 
(1961) and Karachi (1962). Selected letters have 
been published: Maktubdt-r-Azdd, Lahore 1907, and 
Makatib-i-Azad, Lahore 1966. The collected poetry 
was published as Nazm-i-Azad, Lahore 1910. 

Among critical biographies, Muhammad Sadiq's 
Muhammad Husain Azad — his life and work, Lahore 
1965, is of prime importance. The same author's 
shorter account in his History of Urdu literature, 
London 1964, 288-302, includes a conveniently 
brief analysis of Azad's prose style (297-301 ), with 
extracts. In Urdu, there is Djahan Banu Begum's 
Muhammad Husayn A z ad, Hyderabad Deccan, "l940. 
Among detailed studies of Ah-i-harat, mention 
must be made of Ridawf Mas'ud Hasan's Ah-i- 
harat kd tankid mutdla'a, Lucknow 1953. Hall's 
reviews of Nayrang-i-khayal and Ab-i-haydt, origi- 
nally published in the 'Aligarh University Gazette, 
are available in Kulliyydt-i-nathr-i-HdlT, Lahore 
1968, ii, 176-83 and 184-94. 

(J.A. Haywood) 
AZADI (p.), freedom, synonymous with Arabic 
hurriyya [q.v.]. Deriving from the Avestan word d- 
Zdta and the Pahlavi word dzat (noble), the word 

azadi has as long a history as Persian literature itself. 
It was employed by Persian writers and poets such 
as Firdawsi, Farrukhf Slstanf, Gurganf, Rumf, 
KhakanI, Nasir-i Khusraw, and Zahfr Fariyabi in 
a variety of meanings including, for instance, choice, 
separation, happiness, relaxation, thanksgiving, praise, 
deliverance, non-slavery, and so on (see Dihkhuda, 
art Azadi, in Lughat nama, ii/1, 86-7). In modern 
times, the idea of social and political liberty has 
also been expressed by the term azadi (and some- 
times by the term ikhtiiar), the latter sense of which 
will be dealt with below in reference to the Iranian 

Fiom its verv nature, the modern connotation of 
azadi has been associated with the process of Western 
impact on Persian culture and therefore its history. 
Considering the fact that the activities of the British 
East India Company (fiom 1600) coincided with the 
mass migration of Persian writers and poets to India, 
plus the information brought to India by travellers 
such as I'fisam al-Dfn, who recorded his impression 
of Europe in 1767, it would be logical to conclude 
that the Persian emigrants to India were among the 
first eastern people to have been exposed to European 
new ideas. It seems, however, that no noticeable 
Western influence can be observed in the Persian writ- 
ings of the 17th century. The earliest favourable, but 
brief, account known to us of Europe is that of 
Muhammad 'Air Hazm (d. 1 766), who wrote in 1 732 
that some of the European countries enjoyed laws, 
a better way of life, and more stable systems of 
government, and regretted not to have taken a trip 
to Europe, as was suggested to him by an English 
captain (Hazm, Ta'rikh-i Hazin, Tehran, 1953, 92-3, 

One of the earliest, and relatively detailed, accounts 
in the Persian language of European social and polit- 
ical institutions belongs to a Shushtarf-born emigre 
of India, 'Abd al-Latif Musawi Djaza'irl, who learnt 
about the new ideas which had developed among the 
newly-born middle class of Europe and had been 
imported to India. Writing in 1801, 'Abd al-Latif dealt 
with modern topics such as freemasonry, equality, lib- 
erty and the function of the administration of justice 
in England. He also made reference to the British 
system of mixed government, i.e. the division of power 
among the king, the lords, and the subjects {ra'aya), 
the latter being obviously considered as the proper- 
' re entitled to elect and be elected. 

For i 

s of n 

including that of azadi, one may look into the eyewit- 
ness accounts, the most widely quoted of which are 
those of Mlrza Abu Talib Isfahan!, son of another emi- 
gre to India, and Mlrza Salih Shrrazi of Iran. Both 
Abu Talib, who travelled and lived in Europe from 
1798 till 1803, and Mirza Salih, who studied in England 
from 1815 till 1819, wrote in detail about the type of 
liberty which then existed in England. Some differences, 
however, may be observed in their accounts: Abu Talib 
seems more critical of the British system; he found, for 
instance, freedom of the press somewhat harmful, and 
refused to accept membership of freemasonry (cf. his 
Masir-i Talibi, Tehran 1974, 152, 195-6). Mlrza Salih, 
on the contrary, called England with admiration vilay- 
at-i azadi (land of freedom), and joined freemasonry 
with great interest (Sqfar-nama-yi Mirza Salih Shimzi, 
Tehran 1968, 189, 207, 374). As a matter of fact, 
most, if not all, of the Persians who went to Europe 
throughout the 19th century became freemasons, 
and learnt there to propagate the type of freedom 
which was understood by the masons and included 

in their famous slogan of liberie, egalite. fratemite (Isma'il 
Ra'in, Faramushkhana va Faramasunri dar Iran, i-iii, 
Tehran 1968; Mahmud Katira'i, Faramasunri dar Iran, 
Tehran 1968). 

In Europe, such ideas as liberty, equality, laissez- 
faire and so on, were developed in the course of the 
struggles between the old feudal system and the newly- 
born capitalism, so that for the "Third Estate", lib- 
erty meant freedom from the yoke of feudalism and 
the freedom for private enterprise. Accordingly, this 
concept of liberty expressed could have had little 
meaning for the Persian audiences who were still 
experiencing their own type of "feudalism" at that 
time, and it must have appeared as an entertaining 

One of the 

sequences of the developim 

: of 

capitalism in the West was the latter' 
other things, of raw materials, cheap labour and prof- 
itable investments in other parts of the world. At the 
turn of the 19th century, Iran appeared to the then 
great powers, i.e. England, France and Russia, as 
important both strategically and economically. Since 
Iran found itself too weak to survive Western encroach- 
ments, the Persian government saw it as indispensa- 
ble to take certain measures for strengthening of the 
country through modernisation, so that students such 
as Mfrza Salih were dispatched to Europe to acquire 
modern sciences. Although the internal and external 
forces supporting the old regime of Iran were still 
strong, the process of modernisation did not come to 
a standstill. In addition to sending students abroad, 
there were several diplomatic missions to Europe dur- 
ing the reigns both of Fath 'All Shah (1797-1834) 
and Muhammad Shah (1834-48). Missions such as 
those of Mlrza Abu '1-Hasan Ilcl (England, 1814), 
Khusraw Mlrza (Russia, 1829), and Adjudanbashi 
(Austria, France, and England, 1834) helped the 
Iranian ruling circles to obtain more information about 
the European ideas and ii 

, such as Khusr; 


s, do indie; 

understanding by s 

ligent ; 

of the Iranian diplomats of 
i'er, there appeared also intel- 

In the outset of Nasir al-Din Shah's reign (1848- 
96), a wide range of modernising measures were ini- 
tiated by the Amir Kabir. In 1858 Mlrza Dja'far 
Khan Mushfr al-Dawla formed his government, mod- 
elled roughly on European cabinet systems. Believing 
in Dja'far Khan's progressive thought, Mfrza Malkam, 
another modernist, wrote to him a long letter urging 
him to reform the system of government and to sep- 
arate the powers. He declared the opinions of the 
Iranian people to be free, azad. Shortly after the 
appearance of Malkam's letter, an anonymous author 
touched upon the necessity for free elections and 
freedom of the press (MS. Madjlis library, Tehran 
No. 31856/4147, Dqftar-i Tanzimdt, in Madjmu'a-yi 
athar-i Mirza Malkam Khan, Tehran 1948, 24-6). In 
the same year (1858), when an Italian nationalist, 
Orsini, attempted the life of Napoleon III, Farrukh 
Khan Amfn al-Dawla was on a diplomatic mission 
to Paris. He wrote not only of the French parliament, 
but he also described with favour the remarks made 
in a letter to the Emperor by Orsini on patriotism, 
liberty, and the freedom of Italy, for whose sake he 
had taken that action; Farrukh included a Persian 
translation of that letter in his memoires (Husayn b. 
'Abd Allah Sarabf, Makhzan al-wakayi': Sharh-i ma'- 
munyyat va musafarat-i Farrukh Khan Amin al-Dawla, 
Tehran 1965, 354-86). 

In 1866 an anonymous author wrote a treatise on 
social and political affairs, and paid special attention 
to the ideas of freedom and equality and their appli- 
cability to Islamic teachings. He classified "com- 
mendable freedom" tikhtiyai-i mamduh) into six types 
which included freedom of speech, assembly and pub- 
lication (Ms. Madjlis Library 137; for an account of 
this exceptionally interesting work, see Abdol Hossein 
Haeri, Fihrist-i kitabkhana-yi Madihs-i shura-yi millf, xxi, 
Tehran 1974, 135-8). 

The last few decades of the 19th century witnessed 
a number of important changes from within and from 

European and some Asian countries; more efforts 
were made by powerful and industrially advanced 
nations to colonise other countries; and Anglo-Russian 

together with other factors, exposed Iran to new ideas 
and predisposed towards the establishment of a new 
order involving a degree of political freedom for the 
subjects. The modernising measures undertaken by 
Mirza Husayn Khan Sipahsalar (d. 1881), and the 

'adliyya, Watan, Ki-amu 'Ilml, and Mmlkh in' the 1870s, 
and the emergence ofwriters and social critics such 
as Mirza Fath 'Air Akhund-zada (d. 1878), Yusuf 
Khan Mustashar al-Dawla Tabriz! (d. 1895) and 
Malkam Khan (d. 1908), may be studied against the 
background of those developments. The critics fought 
earnestly for the establishment of a free enterprise 
system and the destruction of the old social struc- 
ture, and this involved agitation for a limited freedom 
of election, freedom of speech, etc. Some of the mod- 
ernists like Malkam and Sipahsalar went as far as 
not only to advocate foreign investment in Iran, but 
also played an active role in encouraging it. They 
seem to have understood the concept of liberty as 
defined in Europe. Akhund-zada, for instance, pro- 
pounded the view that no reconciliation is possible 
between liberty and Islam. He also saw freedom as 
preserved through freemasonry activities (FarldQn 
Adamiyyat, Andlshaha-yi Mirza Fath 'All Akhund-zada, 
Tehran 1970, 148-9). Out of expediency, however, 
most of the writers gave their definition of liberty 
some Islamic colouring; they likened, for instance, 
freedom of speech with the Islamic concept of at-amr 
bi 'l-ma'ruf wa 'l-nahv 'an al-munkar lAbdul-Hadi Hairi, 
The idea of constitutionalism in Persian literature prior to the 
1906 Revolution, in Akten des VII. /Congresses fur Arabistik 
und Istamwissenschaft, Gottmgen, 1974, Gottingen 1976, 

At the same time, there appeared two more groups 
of intellectuals who also wrote about freedom. Writers 
such as Mumtahin al-Dawla (d. 1921), an 
experienced diplomat, and Mirza Husayn Khan 
FarahanI, who visited Russia, Turkey, and the Hidjaz 
from 1884-5, found azadl to be quite harmful. In 
1870, while sitting at the place reserved for the diplo- 
matic corps in the British parliament, Mumtahin al- 
Dawla witnessed a serious attack waged by one of 
the members on the Queen and the institution of 
monarchy in Britain. At this point, Mumtahin envied 
the British members of parliament their freedom of 
speech, but did not believe that the Persians could 
have the same privilege in the near future; accord- 
ingly, he flatly discredited the Iranians' struggles for 
freedom during the Constitutional Revolution of 1906- 
11 (Mahdl Khan Mumtahin al-Dawla ShakakI, 
Khatirat-i Mumtahin al-Dawla, Tehran 1974, 188-9, 
210-11). To FarahanI, freedom appeared to be a 
destructive element in history; he held that no system 

could survive unless it was based on one-man rul 
(Safar-nama-yi Mlizd Husayn Khan FarahanI, Tehra 
1963, 139-46). 

A third group of intellectuals, which also include 
l from the first group, t 

) the 

of forei 

, the 


and above 

all the concessions made to foreigners. The works of 
Hadjdj Sayyah (d. 1925), Zayn al-'Abidln Maragha'I 
(d. 1911), Mirza <Abd al-Rahlm Tabrlzl Talibov 
(d. 1911), Mirza Aka Khan KirmanI (d. 1896), and 
some of the writings of Malkam and Afghani (d. 
1896), are the best representative expressions of the 
people's response to the existing political and eco- 
nomic situation in Iran. To Afghani, freedom meant 
the replacement of the existing tyrannical regime by 
a benevolent government. Other writers especially 
Talibov, however, attached more meanings to the idea 
of freedom. The latter defined it in full details as 
involving the franchise and freedom of the press, 
assembly, and opinion. All of the men in this group 
opposed the existing "feudally" based social system 
and advocated a free enterprise system not depend- 

It was during the same period that a number of 
reformist intellectuals, headed by Ahmad Danish 
id. 1897), also began to emerge in Bukhara. Danish's 
most important political and philosophical work 
Aawadir al-wakayi (written 1875-82), was devoted to 
the necessity of social reforms and freedom of the 
people from the tyranny of the then Bukharan Amir. 
His disciples such as Shahln, Sawda, Aslrl, 'Aynl, and 
many others followed his steps (Jiri Becka. Tajik lite- 
ratuie from the 16th century to the pievnt, in J. Rypka 
et alii. History of banian liteiature, Dordrecht 1968, 485- 
605). In a later period we also see revolutionary pieces 
of poetry such as "Surud-i Azadl" by 'Aynl and "Bi 
Sharaf-i Inkilab-i Bukhara" by 'AkkasbashI (Sadr al- 
Dln 'Aynl, Namuna-yi adabiyyat-i Tadjik 300-1200 hidjti, 
Moscow 1926). 

This period also coincided with some measures of 
modernisation in Afghanistan. To the Afghans, be- 
cause of the Anglo-Russian rivalries throughout the 
19th century, political azadl simply came to mean 
the independence of their country from foreign 
encroachments, in connection with which a number 
of short-lived periodical papers such as Kabul (1867) 
and Shams at-Nahai (1875) came into being. The 
Afghans' approach to the idea of freedom was best 
represented in their first important weekly paper, 
Siradj al-Akhbar-i Afghaniyya (1911), where problems of 

with in a highly sophisticated manner. Its chief editor, 
Mahmud Tarzl, argued that "genuine national 
development and progress were possible only when a 
society enjoyed complete independence, sovereignty, 
and freedom" (Vartan Gregorian, The emergence of 
modem Afghanistan, Stanford 1969, 178). This type of 
argument about liberty was pursued by later papers 
such as Arnan-i Afghan, Ittihdd-i mashnkl and many- 
others (Said Qassim Reshtia, Journalism in Afghanistan, 
in Afghanistan, ii (1948), 72-7). 

In the course of the Persian Constitutional 
Revolution of 1905-11, the idea of freedom was 
approached by the factions involved in the Revolution 
in three different ways. One of the groups, influenced 
principally by Islamic teachings, was in favour of 
freedom, but a type of freedom consonant with Islam. 
Mirza Muhammad Husayn Na'Inl (d. 1936), for 

•, defined freedom 

but like Montesquieu (De I esprit dts lots 1 1 ill ch 
vui) held that living under despotism was itself equal 
to slavery therefore freedom may be achieved only 
by the replacement of the existing tyrannical regime 
of Iran (Hain Shi ism and constitutionalism in Iran [see 
Bibl] 173 80 218 19) The second group to which 
belonged the Tabriz res olutionanes had a bettei 
insight into European ideas together with a close 
association with the Russian res olutionanes so that 
they interpreted freedom in a more western sense In 
their approach both gioups emphasised particularly 
the downfall of despotic rule in Persia and the end 
ing of foreign intervention as being integral parts of 
ft eedom The third group i e the supporters of the 
old regime under the leadership of Shaykh Fadl Allah 
Nui i (d 1909) opposed any principles of democracy 
and especially the concepts of liberty and equality 
which appeared to the Shaykh as detnmental to 
Islam (\bdulHadi Hani Shaykh FaJ Allah Nuns 
Refutation of the Idea of Constitutionalism to appear in 
Middle East Studies) The latter group e\en organised 
many mob demonstrations in which the people 
chanted We want no liberty we want the Prophets 

The Anglo Russian agreements of 1907 and 1915 
and the Anglo Persian treaty of 1919 ga\e rise to a 
number of nationalist movements such as those led 
by Kucak Khan [qi] Khiyabani [q i ] and Muham 
mad Taki Khan Pisyan \fter the 1917 Russian 
Revolution the Soviets withdiew the claims of the 
Tsais against Iian so that freedom meant exclusively 
the abolition of the 1919 treaty and the fi eedom of 
Iran from any foreign intervention which could limit 
its independence The newly established Communist 
Party of Iran (1920) which co opeiated with some of 
these movements added a socialist colouimg to the 
idea of freedom by propagating the idea of fi eedom 
of the peasants fiom the landowners through divid 
ing up the lattei s lands among the former 

Towards the end of the Kadjar dynasty a num 
ber of poets and writers such as Mirzada Tshki 
Muhammad Farrukhi Yazdi Muhammad Taki Bahai 
and Abu 1 Kasim Lahutr wrote very critically about 
the freedom of the Persian people both from inter 
nal tyranny and from external influences some of 
them met an untoward fate Under Rida Shah s reign 
(1925-41) the term azadi was used only in rare cases 
foi instance the newspaper Ittila'at used a<_adi in the 
sense of the freedom from the Kadjar dynasty or from 
the movements and rebellions which had existed in 
Iran In 1932 Rida Shah outlawed the Communist 
Party but the activities of some of the communists 
led by Di Taki \rani (d 1939) continued In their 
literature e g in Duma social and political concepts 
including liberty were defined from the socialist point 
of view Some other intellectuals such as the woman 
poet Parwin I'tisami (d 1941) wrote about freedom 
in a symbolic and subtle way but then general mes 
sage was the freedom fiom the existing situation 

The period following Rida Shah s abdication (1941- 
53) witnessed a campaign for the nationalisation of 
the \nglo-Persian Oil Company The new Communist 
party now calling itself hi^b I tuda yi ban (founded in 
September 1941) held freedom to be the nationah 
sation of the oil However it also saw freedom in 
the establishment of better relations with the Soviet 
Union so that Iran might evolve a Communist gov- 
ernment To the nationalists on the other band 
freedom depended not only on the nationalisation of 
the oil but also on the extinguishing of Russian and 
all other foieign influences in Iran These ideological 

conflicts culminated under Dr Muhammad 
Musaddik s 28 month rule a period referred to by 
his supporters as daura yi a^adi ( the epoch of 
freedom ) during which foi the first time popular 
involvement in politics was allowed to a certain 
extent and the activities of opposing political par- 
ties plus the campaigns of the press belonging to 
different political wings were some what tolerated 
This period came to an end in \ugust 1953 when 
Musaddik s government was overthrown by the 

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b and H 




'AZAFI Banu l- famiH of notables promim 
in the annals ol medieval Ceuta (Sabta [qv]) a 
descended liom a Ceutan fakih bv the name 
Abu l-'Abbas Ahmad b al kadi Abi 'Abd All 
Muhammad b Ahmad al-Lakhmi whose ances 
Muhammad al-Lakhmi was known as Ibn Abi 'Az<: 
whence Azaff There is no reason to suppose tl 
ids were descended fiom Madjkasa Berb< 

me 8th/ 14 

ury Ceu 


Abu l-'Abbas was born on 17 Ramadan 557/ W 
August llb2 and died on 7 Ramadan bWlb Mav 
1236 Fiom all accounts he was a man ol profound 
pietv and throughout his adult life he taught hadith 
and fikh in the Gieat Mosque of Ceuta It wis on 
his initiative that the fesmal of the Prophets natmtv 
[maulid vulgar mulud milud) was introduced into 
the Maghrib and it was undoubtedly his example 
that in aftei times inspned his son Abu 1-kasim to 
adopt the custom ol celebrating the maulid as a pub- 
lic festiv al on a grand scale At the time of his death 
Abu l-'Abbas was writing and had possiblv almost 
completed his A al Durr al munazzam ji maulid al \abi 
I mu'az^am the purpose of which was to piomote his 
idea of celebiating the maulid and putting an end to 
the celebration of non-Islamic festivals The Durr which 
is extant and has been carefullv studied bv F de la 
Cranja Isee 41 4ndalus xxxiv (1969) 1-5?) is ascribed 
bv some to Abu 1-kasim who actualK seems onl\ 
to have put the finishing touches to a largely com- 
pleted work Abu l-'Abbas was also the author of a 

the time of his death in 123b both he and his familv 
must alreadv have achieved a position of eminence 
in Ceuta for not long before the loss of Seville to 
Ferdinand III (end of 1248) one of that cit\ s most 
notable families the Banu Khaldun anticipated the 
disaster bv emigrating to Ceuta where the\ conti acted 
matiimomal alliances with the sons and daughters of 
The First Daula Foi thirteen veais aftei the 
death of Abu l-'Abbas the history of the 'Azafid 
familv is shiouded in obscuntv Not so the tioubled 
history of their native Ceuta The period was one 
of Almohad decline Hafsid intervention in the 
Muslim West and spettaculai Christian triumphs in 
Spain which cost Islam both Cordova and Seville 
to sav nothing ol Valencia Murcia Jaen and Jativa 
In 1243 the governoi of Ceuta a certain Abu ''Ui 
b Khalas withdrew his allegiance to the -Vlmohad 
caliph and shortly afterwards acknowledged the sov- 
eieigntv of the Hafsid Abu Zakanyya' Aftei the 
death of Ibn Khalas which more oi less coincided 
with the fall of Seville the Ceutans were in no mood 
to tolerate his successor Ibn Shalnd an ineffectual 
cousin of Abu Zakanvva' The Sevillan disastei 
loomed large in their pieoccupations their ships had 
fought on the Guadalquivn and their haibouis had 
witnessed a sizeable influx of Sevillan refugees — 
among them Shakkaf the hated ka'id who had actu- 
alK surrendered the ke\s of Seville to Ferdinand 
Theie was too one aspect of Hafsid admimstiation 
which this mei can tile people deepK lesented — the 
exactions of its customs officer Ibn Abi Khalid Such 
was the position when news of Abu Zakanyya' s death 
reached Ceuta (29 Radjab b47/7 November 1249 
or, more probably, 27 Ramadan 647/3 January 1250j. 

This was the signal for action. As the most widely 
respected notable, Abu '1-Kasim al-'AzafT was 
approached by Ceuta's ka'id al-bahr, Abu 'l-'Abbas 
HadjbQn al-Randahi, and persuaded to consent to 
the overthrow of the regime and, in the event of 
success, to assume leadership of the community. The 
plan, as executed by al-Randahi, but not quite as 
envisaged by Abu '1-Kasim, resulted in the decapi- 
tation of Shakkaf and' Ibn Abr Khalid. Ibn Shahld 
was deported, and the 'Azafid, after assuming con- 
trol, declared Ceuta's allegiance to the Almohad 
Caliph al-Murtada (reg. 646-65/1248-66), who duly 
appointed a governor. The Almohad governor's stay 
was short: after only a few months in Ceuta, Abu 
'1-Kasim expelled him and sent the caliph a letter of 
explanation which he accepted. 

What arrangement followed is unclear. We are only 
told that in 654/1256-7 the 'Azafid became absolute 
ruler of Ceuta, which he took over and administered 
with great application and total devotion to the inter- 
ests of its inhabitants. What is certain is that, despite 
his de facto autonomy, he remained loyal to the tot- 
tering throne of al-Murtada and even defended his 
interests when the occasion demanded. 

Considering that Abu '1-Kasim was, in his day, a 
key figure in the western Mediterranean, specific infor- 
mation on his life and rule is so sparse that most of 
what can be said of him must be deduced from his 
ascertainable policies. Born between 606/1209-10 and 
609/1212-13, he was around forty when he came to 
power and seems to have had a maturity of judg- 
ment to match his years and such as to militate against 
rash ventures. His primary aim was to create and 
maintain a strong and prosperous Ceuta at a time 
when it was fast becoming not only a prime military 
objective for Castile, but also a target for ambitious 
Marlnids seeking control of Morocco. He therefore 
set about strengthening Ceuta's defences and evid- 
ently profited from a truce with Castile against hand- 

f? 1251-5). At the same time he aimed at stabilising, 
conserving and developing Ceuta's already extensive 
trans-Mediterranean trade, notably with Barcelona, 
Genoa and Marseille. Within about ten years, Ceuta 
seems to have gained real naval and economic strength. 
In 659/1261 her first real test came when the prospect 
of a Nasrid Ceuta lured Ibn al-Ahmar of Granada 
into launching a naval assault on the place — a ven- 
ture that ended in disaster for Granada. As long as 
he lived, Abu '1-Kasim remained keenly alive to the 
dangers threatening Islam in the West and always 
took whatever measures were necessary to combat 
them. Thus, in 662/1263-4 we find him co-operating 
with the Marlnids as they launch their first djfhad 
in Spain. In the years immediately following, we find 
him endeavouring to achieve and maintain stability 
between Ceuta and the Atlantic coast and, to that 
end, bringing a weak and divided Tangier (665/1266- 
7) under his control. Then, at the end of 1274 or 
early in 1275 we see him apparently sacrificing his 
autonomy to the MarTnid Abu Yusuf, but in fact skil- 
fully extricating him from an alliance concluded with 
Aragon and potentially dangerous to Islam. In prac- 
tice he sacrificed little: a yearly "gift" to the Mannid 
assured him virtual independence. Thereafter he made 
common cause with the ruler in prosecuting the djihad 
in Spain. Abu '1-Kasim died on 13 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 
677/27 April 1279, leaving Ceuta rich and powerful 

man, who was content to leave the administration of 
Ceuta to his elder brother Abu Talib 'Abd Allah. 
Little is known of a third brother, Abu Muhammad 
Kasim, but he may have been a senior military offi- 
cer, since he commanded a Ceutan expeditionary force 
in Spain in 1285. Abu Talib carried his father's pol- 
icy of co-operation with the Mannids a stage further 
by proclaiming all territory under 'Azafid jurisdiction 
to be Mannid and by abandoning the trappings of 
royal authority enjoyed by his father. He also active- 
ly participated in the djihad, and in July 1279 at the 
relief of Algeciras, then blockaded by Alfonso X, it 
was 'Azafid ships that formed the backbone of the 
Mannid fleet which utterly routed the Castilians. But 
gradually the certain rewards of peaceful trade, notably 
with the Crown of Aragon, began to have greater 
appeal than the uncertainties of the djihad. Mannid 
setbacks in Spain in the 1290s and commitments in 
the Maghrib encouraged the 'Azafids first to withhold 
their dues to Fez and then, in 1304, to rebel against 
the sultan Abu Ya'kub, who, without Aragonese naval 
assistance, was powerless to impose his will. But 'Azafid 
independence was short-lived: in May 1305 Nasrid 
forces were enabled by a disaffected garrison com- 
mander to seize Ceuta. All members of the 'Azafid 
family were deported to Granada, where they re- 
mained, royally treated by Muhammad III until his 
deposition in March 1309. 

The Second Dawla. In July 1309 Nasrid Ceuta, 
following an internal rising, capitulated to the Mannid 
Abu '1-Rabi', who then allowed the 'Azafids to return 
from Spain and settle in Fez. There Yahya, a son of 
Abu Talib, met and found favour with Abu SaTd 
'Uthman, the very prince who was to gain the throne 
on Abu '1-Rabi"s death (November 1310). In 710/ 
1310-11 Yahya was made governor of Ceuta and re- 
turned with the family to his native city. His brothers 
Abu Zayd 'Abd al-Rahman and Abu '1-Hasan 'Air 
were appointed, respectively, ka'id al-bahr and super- 
intendent of the naval shipyard. However, the tem- 
porary success of the sultan's rebel son Abu 'All 
resulted in their recall to Fez late in 1314, and dur- 
ing their stay there the ageing Abu Talib died. In 
715/1315-16 Yahya returned to Ceuta as Abu SaTd's 
governor, leaving his son Muhammad as a guarantee 
of his continuing allegiance to Fez, but accompanied 
by the rest of the family. Soon after, Abu Hatim died 
and was survived by at least one son, Ibrahim. 

Once back in Ceuta, Yahya soon put himself at 
the head of a council of notables (shura) and, with 
the aid of a Mannid pretender, succeeded both in 
retrieving his son and in proclaiming and maintain- 
ing Ceuta's autonomy. In 719/1319, however, he 
chose to effect a reconciliation with Abu Sa'rd and 
to remit taxes in exchange for recognition as Mannid 
governor. His motive in so doing was probably grow- 
ing apprehension at the popularity, in Ceuta, of an 
ambitious Husaynid sharif who bore him a personal 
grudge and was, at the same time, respected by Abu 
SaTd. When Yahya died at some date in or after 
722/1322-3, he was succeeded by his apparently in- 
effectual son, Abu '1-Kasim Muhammad, who 
governed under the tutelage of his cousin Muhammad 
b. 'All, admiral of the fleet (ka'id al-asatll). Details 
of the situation that in due course culminated in the 
'Azafids' downfall are unclear; we know only that 
their authority collapsed, that Abu SaTd marched 
on Ceuta in 728/1327-8, and that disaffected nota- 
bles surrendered the 'Azafids to him. The reasons 
for the 'Azafids' downfall are complex, but, as their 
enemy, the Husaynid sharif Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad, 


of then 


Circumstantial evidence suggests that the Azihds 
were ill taken to Fez where they w.e usefully 
employed — under surveillance — in the administrition 
The Muimds bore the family no ill will ind indeed 
Muhimmid b All reappeais as admn il of Abu 

1 Has ins fleet which in 1340 almost anmhihted the 
Castilnn fleet ofl Algeciras Ten yeais 1 itet he wis 
still idmiril of the fleet when he tell in action light 
ing the Abd alWadids [q i J in the Chehf plun 

Bibliography JD Litham Vie me of the i^afieh 
of Ceuta in S 1/ Stern mimanal lolumt {= h,ad Oriental 
Studus n (1972) 263 87) idem Vu lata 4 afids 
in Melons h Tomneau (= Ra de lUeueknt musul 
man it de la Uediterramt \v \u (1473) 104 2a) ion 
p 125 the death of A.bu Za\d Abd il Rahman 
can now be given in the genealogy 717/1317) 
M Habib Hill Qudquis Itthis di la ihamillini di 
Ctuta au timps dis i^afides in Actus II wloquio his 
pane, tunumn Madrid 1472 42 7 

(JD Latham) 
'AZAMIYYA (tanka) [see abu l aza im] 
al AZDI msba formed from the tribal name of 
A.zd ind boine bv a family of Mihkite fad* of 
Bighdad who will be treated under ibn dirham the 
mm. of their ancestor 

m. AZDI Isma il b Ishak b Ism<v il b Hammad 
b Zvn> Abu Ishak ai Kadi 1 144 2S2/S14 95) Maliki 
fakih originally trom Basia who in 24b/8b0 sue 
ceeded Savvwar b 'Abd \llah as ladi of Baghd td 
East Alter having been removed from office in 255 
b/369 70 he was icstortd to oilice trinsfened to 
Baghdad West in 258/871 2 and then given chuge 
ot both hahes ot the city irom 202/876 till his death 
he w is then supreme kadi without having the official 
title although tunentK described as kadi I kudat He 
was also sent as an en\o\ to the Siffitnd who hid 
invaded the piovince of A.hw tz in 262/875 6 

This ladi was equally a specialist in the Kui an 
hadith fikh ind kalam ind knowledgeable about giam 
mar ind adab He wis \erv opposed to ill mnov i 
Hon refuting il Shah i and Abu Himfi ind spieading 
Mahkism thiough Ink He wis the authoi ol t ton 
siderable numbei of woiks the A \hkam al Km an 
A alhimat A \Iaam I Km an A al Ihtidjadf bi I 
Km an al Mabsut ft Ifikh A al initial na I magha^i 
A al Shafi a A al Salat ala I nabi (ms Koprulu 428) 
alFaraid A all sal Shanahid al Uuaatta A al Sunan 
ii\e Vusnad^ A al Shuf a and sevenl refutitions 

His works were known in Spun piobablv thanks 
to his nephew AJimad ilDuhivm b Khilil I -'78 
338/891 949) and aie often cited (see Ibn il Faiadi 
BAH vu No 110 Ibn khiyi Fahrasa BiH i\ 51 

2 148 247 8 303 4) Inpaiticulu his A Ah/am al 
kuSan (cited elsewheie onlv in the Fihrist ed C uro 
57) wis copied by kisim b Asbigh [q , ] see Ch 
Pellat in al ind Wl (1954) 77 

Bibliography Tabin index Mis udi Murud} 
index Khitib Bighdidi Ta nkh \i 284 90 
Dhihibi Hujja^ n 180 ft Ibn ilTmtd Shadhamt 
n 178 Tvtd Madanl ed Baku m 168 81 Ibn 
Faihun Dibaaj 42 3 \akut I daba \i 124 40 
Suh ikhba, al Radi ua IMuttah ti M C mud 
107 8 Suvuti Bughya 193 Brockelminn SI 273 

(C h Pellat) 
AZOV Sei of [see bahr m^uiis] 
AZRU Berber stone pebble and above ill 
lock the nime of numeious villages in Noith 

toot on its slopes or on its summit One 
of these in Moiocto in the middle of the ancient 
province of the Fazaz ind King at 1 200 m height 
his become a small town of 15 000 inhabit mts In 
1901 the Marquis de Segonzn estimited the popu 
lation at only 1 400 (woodcutters including 200 4.U 
Musa Jews) and in 1940 there weie still only 3 500 

A.zru is well-phced at the |unction of two gicit 
lmpenilhighwavs now modernised F ts to Man ikesh 
tnd Meknes to the Tatil tit and has become in impol 
tint muket lor livestock Two further facts have con 
tnbuted to its growth firstlv in 1914 a Fiench militarv 
post wis set up there to control the great Berber con 
federation ot the Bini Mgfld (who speik i Timizighl 
dialect and are of Sanhtdja origin) and this mide it 
an tdmimstritne tentie ind setondlv in 1927 a 
Berber secondary college wis founded theie ton 
turning its demographic development ind making it 
a lively ind enduiing tultunl focus 

Aziu s stritegit position Ins resulted in its frequent 
ippenance on the piges ot Moroccin historv In 
534/1140 the Almohads under the oiders of the 
tihph al Mu mm and after a check which hid 
scittered them established themselves there hrmlv 
and the ami, took i wife there who wis to be the 
mother of the prince Abd 'Ulah the futuie govei 
noi of Bougie In 674/1274 under the Mtiimds one 
ol the natuial unties of sultan 1 1 kub rebelled against 
him ind entienched himsell in the A.zru mountain 
the ruler besieged him there i educed him to sub 
ind pirdoned him In 1074/lbb3 4 Miwhy 

il Shan 

i The i. 


ted bv 

>ck or 


tme to him there and pioclaimed 
him lulei but the pnnte prudently l em lined at 
Aziu for that summei In 1093/1684 Miwhy Ism t il 
]ouineved in foite into the Faztz mountuns m 
order to subjugate the Ayt Idiasen tube who hid 
been committing ill soits ol depiedations in the phm 
of the Sa is On his ippioach the tribe fled tow irds 
the upper put of the \ alley of the Wddi Muluya 
md the suit in piohted by then ibsente to build 
it A.zru i kasaba gunsoned bv 1000 tivalrymen 
Pushed back into the highlands ind cut off fiom 
then agricultuial lands the Idiasen sued for peace 
and obtuned it in letuin for harsh conditions of aman 
In 1226/1811 sultin Miwlay Suhymtn at the held 
of an nmy fiom all the piovinces of the empue 
md of those Berbers who hid remuned faithful to 
him in his misfortunes mirched against the tribes 
ot the Igerwan and the Ayt lust His ill led tioops 
suffered a bloody and humihiting dcteit before 
Azru md weie onlv kept safe through the piotection 
ot the Ayt Idnsen the toes of 1093/lb84 The A.ziu 
aftan Ind widespiead repercussions throughout 
Morocco ind deprived the sultan of all his piestige 
he never recoveied and died soon after 

The kasaba ot Miwhv Ismail is moie or less in 
ruins todav but the modern town is developing i ip 
idly and is fimous toi its woollen caipets woven bv 
1 piospeious workeis cooperative Thinks to the 
beauty ot its lot ition ind to the magnificent cedai 
foiests in the vicinity Aziu his ilso become 1 floui 
ishing tounst centre 

One should be tueful not to confuse the lbove 
Aziu — is do the luthois ind interpolators of the 
Kutui ind the Dhakhna -with the place of the sime 

i the c 

intry c 

the Bim Tuzin in noithem Morotcc 
that undei the Mannids Talhi b lahy t took refuge 
ind then left it attei getting in luthonsation to make 
the Pilgrim ige to Mecca See il Badisi al Maksad 


Fr ti &S Colin he dts saints du Rij in -W \\\i 

1192b) 209 n 4 

Bibliography Zayvani al Turdfuman al mu'nb 
extract ed and ti O Houdas U \Iaioc dt 1631 a 
1812 Pans 1886 mde\, Nasiri A al hliksa Caito 
1312/ 1894 tr of vol iv b) E Fume) Chromque 
de la dynastu Alaouit au Mam in AM ix-x index 
Marquis de Segonzac loyagts au \Iaioc (1899 1901), 
Pans 1903 index E Levi-Piovencal Documents inedits 
dhisloirt almohadt Pans 1928 144-5 H Teirasse 
Hntoue du Mam Casablanca 1950 index and see 


iG Deverdun) 
BA HMAD Moi ocean giand \izier whose real 
name was Ahmad b Musi b Ahmad al-Bukhan 
His grandfather was a blaik sla\e belonging to the 
sultan Mawla) Sula>man (1206-38/1792-1823) 
whose hadfib he had become [see hadjib in Suppl ] 
His fathei likewise became ha&ib to Sa»idi 
Muhammad b c -\bd il-Rahmin [ 1276-90/ 1859-73) 
and then became grand \iziei during the reign ot 
Maw la> al-Hasan (1290-1311/1873-94) he enjo)ed 
a miseiable reputation but his immense lortune 
allowed him to connect his name with the Bahi)a 
palace m Marrakush whose building he undertook 
linsciiption of 1283/1866-7 in & Deveidun 
Inscriptions No 206) He himself was said to be the 
offspring of a Spanish mother and he had se\eral 
children amongst whom are mentioned Sa'id 
Idns— who both held important offices— and Ahmad, 
tailed Ba Hnnd The lattei was born in 1257/1841- 
2 and was first ol all hadfib to Mawll) Isma'il who 
was the khalija in Fis ol his bi other MawU) al- 
Hasan He then occupied the same office foi that 
sultan Since he had been icsponsible lor the edu- 
cation ol l Abd al-'Aziz b al-Hasan he fa\ouied 
the accession to the throne of that prince then 14 
)ears old (1894' he took the title of grand vizier 
and, leaving the )oung sultan to amuse himself with 
childish pleasmes exercised real powei in the state 
with sufficient political astuteness and authont) to 
pre\ent Morocco falling into anaich) Ba Hmad 
whose strong personaht) has left behind a lasting 
impression, constructed in Marrakush the reservon 
of the Agdal which beais his name, undertook vai- 
ious public works in the towns and abo\e all con- 
tmued his lathers woik he enlaiged the Bahi)a 
appaientl) without an) preconceived plan on the 
site of some 60 houses and he purchased 16 gar- 
dens to form its paikland He died on 17 Muhanam 
1318/17 Ma) 1900 and was buried in the io>al 
mausoleum ol Maw la) 'Ah al-Shanf (poetic epitaph 
in Deveidun Insaiptions No 176) 

Bibliography IbnZa)dan Maf al nas Rabat 
1929 ff i 372-96 n 511 is 370-81 '\bbas b 
Ibuhim 1'lam Fas 1926-39 n, 209-10 255-bl 
L Arnaud Au temps dts Mehallas Casablanca 1951 
128 & Deverdun, Inunptions mabes dt Marraketh 
Rabat 195b idem, Marmkech des orpines a 1912 
index (Ed ) 

BABA NUR al-DIN RISffl the son of Sha)kh Salai 
al-Din an Indian hoi) man was born in the vil- 
lage of Bidjbehaia 28 miles south-east of Snnagar in 
about 779/1377 Mthough a Muslim he has been called 
nshi because he was moie influenced b) the ideas and 
piactices of the Hindu Sadhus and Rishis than b) those 
of Muslim 9«/Ts and saints From the age ol thirt) Nur 
al-Dih began to withdiaw to caves loi meditation and 
pra)eis He finall) ienounced the world and its pleas- 
ures and left his wile and childien In his last da)s he 
subsisted only on one cup ol milk, and towards the end 

he took nothing except watei, d)ing at the age of 
b3 in 842/1438 He is the patron saint ol the 
\alle), and is greatl) revered b) its people His 
sa)ings and nrystical veises, like those ol Lalla Ded 
ate sung and recited all over Kashmir His tomb 
in C rir 20 miles south-west of Snnagai attracts 
thousands ol people both Muslims and Hindus 

The tendent) to asceticism became moie pro- 
nounced among the followers of Nui al-Din Rishi 
tailed Rishis alter him The) did not marrv thev 
abstained from meat and subsisted on dr) bread and 
wild fruits, and the) lived aw a) from human habita- 
tions leading a life of piet) self-denial and simphci- 
t) The) moved from place to place planting shad) 
and Iruit-bearmg trees for the benefit of the people 
Atcoiding to Abu 1-Fadl the Rishis were looked 
upon as the most respectable class in the \ alle) But 
in recent )ears owing to their worldliness and greed 
lespect lor them has declined except among the ver) 

Bibliography Abu 1 Fadl A'm i Akban n tr 
Blochmann Calcutta 1927 Hadjdji Mu'in al- 
Din Miskln Ta'nkhihabn Amntsai 1322/1904 
Mohibbul Hasan hashmn undei the Sultans 
Calcutta 1959 (Mohibbul Hasan i 

BABUNADI (Babunak) horn Pezsian babuna is 
the common camomile piimanl) Anthemis nobihs L 
(Compositae) also called Roman camomile but also 
Matniana thamomilla L (Comp ) and other vaneties 
The nomenclature is rathei confused it can indeed 
haidl) be expected that the various kinds ol the 
camomile weie kept apart with piecision The teim 
is denved from xa\xa\]XT\kov ( apple of the earth ) 
and was known to the Arabs parti) in a transcribed 
loim (khamamalun and variants) parti) as borrowed 
translation (tuffah al ard) The lelativel) cleaiest detei- 
mmation is perhaps offered b) an anonymous phai- 
macobotamst of Spanish-Arabic origin (ver) probabl) 
Abu 'Abbas al-Nabiti b al-Rumi»a 561-637/1166- 
1240) There are thiee kinds ol al babunad} the 
stalks leaves and general iorm of which are similai 
to each othei The distinction between them is to 
be found in the coloui of the blossom-leaves which 
enclose the )ellow situated in the middle ol the blos- 
soms lor the blossoms of these three kinds are ) el- 
low in the middle In the white kind the) aie enclosed 

b) s 

s whicl 

and o 

in the purple-coloured kind b) s 
are blue inside and outside, and in the >ello\v kind 
b) small leaves which are )ellow inside and outside 
The distinction between the white and the chr)san- 
themum {al ukhuitan) lies m the scent, lor the chrysan- 
themum assumes [extraneous] scents and all these 
kinds have a pleasant scent (Nuiuosmani)e 3589 
fols 108b 23-109a, 4) In general, babunad^ corre- 
sponds to the avOeun; ol Dioscondes ( Materia med 
ua ed M Wellmann, u Beihn 1906 145-7 = lib 
m 137) and appeals therefore also tianscnbed as 
anthamis (and valiants) Ikhuuan just mentioned, which 
is uncommonl) often equated with babunaqj, is oth- 
ei wise used b) the Arabs to render the wxpOeviov 
tbaithamyun, and variants) ol Dioscondes \op at lib 
in, 138) b) which we should piobabl) understand 
the medical Matniana ehamomilla still m use toda) 
Ibn al-Ba)tar, on the othei hand sa)s that the 
white kind of camomile desenbed b) Dioscondes 
and called ukhuuan b) the -\iabs has been leplaced 
b) babunad} [Djami' i 73 11-13 = Lecleic no 220 
at the beginning) 

The blossoms of the camomile which contain an 

B VBLiN \DJ - B \DH \M B \DH \N 

checks inflammations \ 

(\rabic tr Istifan b Bis 
Tetuan 1952 299 t 
■iqrabadbin of al Kindi ti 
196b no 29 Biruni 
kaiachi 1973 \ribi 
iukhuutn) GJiihki D,arr 
k 155 i folb 8ji84a ' 

)1 5 with bibhographv 
ntdua de Diosumdis n 
ed Dubler ind Tries 

thit st 

>i the \nuent Near Eist such is those c 
Egvpt and Babvlon In medi ie\ ll \ribn 
v\ is known bv the teim badahandf or i 
bised from the alternative Persian ten 
bad handf (see Doz\ Supplant nt l 47) M 
enlv \bbisid palace of Ukhivdn lr 
\Rt HITLC T1IRE I (3) The 

ind the word badgu ippears 
seems piobable that It ik lot 

\bbisid caliphat 

tion shafts in the 

n Iiak is bai 

led the inteim 

Egvpt The badahandf wis ilreidv t featuie of the 
landsc xpe in enl\ Fitimid times toi the lstionomei 
Ibn \unus (d J99/1008 9) [q ]| discusses the cor 

k i 2b4 f Ibn Hub il 

;>71 i 08 f Nuwi\ 
I9« 28b 91 umportu 
1 \rabic poetiv) HG 

;>0 W 


I Rabban 

BADAJOZ [see B«yu' 
BADGIR (P ) hteralK 

mlK bv thin r 
petitions ind 
VIVing bad*,* I 

? Gulf c 

i the adve 

e been 

examined scientific lib, to ascertain exactlv how the 
difference in air pressure required to ueate 1 down 
draught is achieved See H E V\ ulfl Tk tradi 
twnal (rafts of Pirsia Cambridge Mass 19bb 15 
10b and E Beazlev Sorm icrnaiular building of the 
Iranian plateau in Iran Jnal oj the British Inst of 
Persian Studies xv (1977) 100 1 (both with illustia 
tions) Marco Polo mentions the badi>in> of Hormuz 
on the Pel si in Gulf coast is the onlv things which 
mike life beanble theie m summei ind other 
ti -Hellers such as Pietro delh \ alle ind Figueioi 
hive left good descriptions of them (see H \ ule 
Tk book oj Ser Marco Polo the \ tnttian London 1871 

383 4 


Iala'i (555/llbdi see k \ C Creswell Til, Muslim 
anhikitiin of Eg>pt Oxtoid 1952 9 i 284 5 The 
' idahandf is mentioned tn tl "" 

ind the 1 

,1 Din ; 


[q i ] devotes a chaptei of his inthol 
ogv the Matah al budur to the badahandi in poetiv 
ind hteiature (see F Rosenthal Pottn and ankhi 
tun tk Badhan, in jnal of Irabu Likiatun mii [1978] 
1 19) In modem Fgvpt the usuil teim foi the ton 
tiivmce becime m«//«/ [wind] catchei noted b\ 
I ine in his Manners and customs of tk modun Ejptians 
ch xxi\ ind still m use (see S Spno in 4iabit 
English dictwnan of tk lolloquial irabu of Ejpt C xno 
1895 544 ventilxtor nr shift wind sul ) in 
domestic houses the m shift usuilh led down to 
the public rooms of the la a or mandara oi else to 
inothei chimber used foi sleeping (see \ Lezine 

dEg\ph in BED xxi\ [1971] 12 15) 

Biblio^iaphi In iddition to ieteiences given in 
the aiticle see \ Bidiwv inkteitural pro ision against 
J\ES xvn ,1958) 

i Figs 

\emen tow aids 
Muhammids hiet 

(C E I 

r 570 \D when then 

Sivf b Dhi i 
nson with i 


It wa 

officiils ind 


local \rab p, 
\bm [q ] 
1 he ■Xrab s 

pul Itl 

occupition of 


the succession 

of Pe 

Vvahnz and r 

is des 

with Badham 


nected with Uahin 


1960, 64; al-Mas'udi, Murudj, iii, 162-7 = ed. Pellat, 
§§ 1015-20; Ibn al-Athir, ed. Beirut, i, 447-51). 

Badham seems to have been governor in San'a' 
dming Muhammad's Medinan period and when 
Muslim contiol began to be extended towards South 
Aiabia at a time just aitei Heiachus s defeat oi the 
Sasamds the Persian community s position must 
ha\e become increasinglv isolated and vulnerable 

oi se\eial local groups contending loi masteiv in 
the \emen Badham and the Abna' may accoid- 
mgh have been inclined to ieceive Muhammad s 
ovtitun sympathetic allv but whether this invoked 
anvthing moie than an acknowledgement oi distant 
political suzerainty is uncertain The sources recoid 
Badham s conversion to Islam undei the vear 
10/631-2 togethei with that oi other Abna' lead- 
eis such as Fituz al-Davlami and the Abnawi schol- 
ar Wahb b Munabbih [q i ] (al Taban i 17b3 
Ibn al-Athir n 304 Caetani, innah u/1 358 3b9) 
Western scholars have howevei been suspicious oi 
this stoiv oi the conversion oi Badham and the 
Abna' and Caetani described it as a pious fiction 
oi the Muslim tnditiomsts in ordei to give a flavour 
oi orthodox v to Badham s nominal submission to 
Islam [ibid n/ 1 371) The first Ridda War in the 
\emen under 'Avhala b Ka'b called al-Aswad or 
Dh u 1-Khimar [see «.-<vsw \d] now supervened 
Badham died at this point, his son Shahr succeeded 
temporarily to some of his powei in the \emen in 
11/632-3 (al-Taban i 1864) but was killed bv al- 
Aswad Muslim political authority was piobablv not 
imposed in the \emen bv Abu Bakr s generals till 
12/633-4 In anv case these events maiked the end 
oi anv degree oi Persian control in the \emen 
though the Abna' continued is a distinct social 
group well into the earlv Islamic period (ci al- 
Sam'ani imab iacs if 17b- 18a ed Hvdeiabad 

Bibliography In addition to the ieierences 
given m the article see Noldeke-Taban Oaihuhte 
dei Push und iraber, 220 ff Caetani Annali u/1, 
358 369-71 661-85 idem Chionogiaphia is/ami 
ca i 113 123 A Chnstensen Limn som les 
Sassamdci, Copenhagen 1944 368-70 373 W 
Montgomery Watt Muhammad at Medina CKfoid 
1956 118 128-30 (CE Bosworth) 

4L-BADHDH a distnct and ioitiess oi north- 
ern Adhaibavdjan famous as being the headquar- 
ters oi the Khurrami rebel Babak [q < ] in the first 
decades of the 3id/9th centurv The exact site is 
uncertain but it must have lain in the modem 
Karadja-Dagh older Mavmad the ancient Aimeman 
legion of P'avtakaran, to the north oi Ahar and 
south oi the Araxes Rivei neai Mount Hashtad-Sai 
at some spot between the modern distncts oi Harand 
Kalavbar and Garmaduz (\ Minoiskv Studies m 
Camasian hntor, London 1953 lib and addenda et 
comgenda slip) Babak s fortress there was stormed 
bv the cahphal general the Afshin Havdai [qi] in 
222/837 (Taban m 1198 if tr E Mann The map 
oj al Mu'taum (8jj 642) New Haven 1951 29 if) 
The onlv earlv Islamic geographei or tiaveller to 
give first-hand information about al-Badhdh is Abu 
Dulaf al-khazradji [q,] who tiayelled from Tiflis 
to Ardabil via al-Badhdhavn (this ostensiblv dual 
foim iefleaing an onginal Badhin ?; piobablv leav- 
ing the Aiaxes vallev and going up the Kalavbar 
River He speaks in his Second Ruala of a mine of 
red lamam alum theie whose product was called 
Badhdhi he also mentions that local traditions about 

Babak were still strong a century or more later, with 
Khurrami sympathisers in the area expecting 
the return of a Mahdi (Abu-Dulqf Mis'ar ibn Muhalhil's 
traiels in Iran (circa AD 950) ed and tr Minoiskv 
Cairo 1955 !) 15 tr 35-b comm 75) A later 
source mentioning al-Badhdh Kazwini s \thai al 
bilad Beirut 1380/1960 511 lepeats Abu Dulaf s 
information and Yakuts entiv Buldan, l 529 is 
laconic and umnformative 

Biblwgiaphy Given in the article 

(C E Bosworth) 
BADHL M.-KUBRA songstress and rauna in 
eailv 'Abbasid times died befoie 227/842 probablv 
in 224/839 She was boin as a mulatto (muuallada 
iafia') in Medina and bi ought up in Basia Dja'far 
a son of the caliph al-Hadi acquired her and after 
193/809 she became a favouied djama of al-Amin 
and gave birth to a son of his Being a pupil of Ibn 
Djami' Fulavh and Ibiahim al-Mawsih she preserved 
the classical hid^azi stvle oi Arab music preferring 
verses bv hidjazi poets also for her own compositions 
She was a good songstress and lutenist (danba) a 
^anja and was famous for having a repertoire of 
about 30 000 songs For 'All b Hisham she compiled 
a Kitab ft I ogham which contained 12 000 song texts 
(without musical indications) and this became one of 
the sources of Abu 1-Faiadj al-Isbaham (22 quota- 
tions) 'Ah b Hisham rewarded her with 10 000 dinars 
and when she died she left a fortune which was 
inherited bv the descendants of 'Abd Allah b al- 
Amin Among hei pupils weie Dananir and Mutavvam 

Bibliography igham' xvn 75-80 (see also 
indices) Shabushti Dnaiat' 28-9 43 Nuwavn 
Niha\a v 85-8 HG Farmer History of Arabian 
mum 134 K al-Bustam al \isa al 'arabmat, Benut 
1964 104-7 Kh Maidam DjamJiaiat al mughanmn 
Damascus 1964 148-50 (E Neubwter) 

^L-BADl' [see M^RRAkUSIl] 

BADIYA i\j meant in the Umavvad period a 
residence in the countryside (whence the 
verb tabadda] an estate in the environs of a settle- 
ment or a ruial landed piopertv in the Sv ro-Joi daman 

For Musil, the badna was the successoi to the sum- 
mer encampment called bv the old Svnan Bedouin 
name of al lura At the opening oi the 20th cen- 
turv the sense was restncted bv archaeologists to the 
desert castles Thev went so far as to construct the- 
ories about the attraction of the Bedouin wav oi hie 
ior the Umavvads and about the conservatory role 
of the desert in upholding certain verv persistent tia- 
ditions stronger than those oi the nascent Islam Since 
the Umawads weie of urban Meccan origin it is 
hardlv necessary to look ior an atavistic Bedouimsm 
in ordei to explain their preferences foi the badiw 
The new masters of Syria leplaced in the towns as 
in the countryside the old landholder, whose teni- 
tones abandoned at the time of the Islamic con- 
quest were part oi the plunder distributed to the 
great men It was said that they sought outside 
Damascus, then official capital purer air the hesh- 
ness of summer nights piotection against epidemics 
and vast open spaces foi hunting in fact the 
Umawads had a keen sense of the value of the land 
and the possibilities of financial return iiom fertile 
agncultuial propeities 

The agncultuial development of Syna goes back 
well into Roman times Exploitation of the soil 
developed in legions where the water supply was 
difficult necessitating an elaborate system of nn- 


which o 

Llld o 

, be | 

undertaken uith state aid (ir the injection of pri- 
vate capital and which was not to survive the down- 
tall ol the Umawads One verv often finds an 
adaptation ol earlier Romano-Bvzantine or Ghassa- 
nid installations as at karvatavn the Bvzantme 
Nazala at Kutavfa Ptolcmv s Ateia at the Roman 
station of Usavs 01 at the classical and Bvzantme 
centre ol Bavt Ras [,/ i ] Alternative^ there 
new buildings erected as at the two Kasi al-Ha\is 
[ ?l ] or at kasi al-Hallabat These were not desert 

ered as essentiallv Umawad and constructed on the 
plan ol the small forts inherited Irom the lastia ol 
the /mi which had themselves been replaced bv 
the imal foundations of the Ghassamds Theie is 
vntuallv no Umawad construction which does not 

> be I. 

tnev aie all built in a zone within the hints 
had been cultivated and populated since Hel 
times and had been protected against an\ i 
occupation bv Bedouins who might 


>wed t 

rang t: 

lands, which then benefited from their di 

The badna* aie gtnerallv to be found where theie 
is a watei supplv eithei on a line ol tianshumance 
thus peimitting contacts with the Bedouin tnbt s or 
else neai some gieat artcrv of communu ation like the 
loutes Irom Damascus and Bosia towaids Tavma' 
the road fiom Damascus to kaikisiva [,/.], and the 
ioute which iuns alone; the cultivable maigin ol the 
Hamad fiom Rusafa ol al-Nu'man as fai as Tavma' 
passing through Tadmur 01 Palmvra Bakhra' [</ c ] 
Djabal Savs [q i below] and kasi Btnku' |see burki ' 
below] Their construct 


The Umawads liked to stav to the south ol 
Damascus on the Ghassamd sites of Djabiva and 
Djilhk [qa ], and often spent the winter in the Joidan 
vallev at al-Smnabia or in the palaces built at khubat 
al-Minva and khubat al-Maldjar [qiv] Their move- 

:>und w 

[ten diet 

agncultuiallv pioductive centies Thev had a speci 
liking loi the legion of the Balka' [q < ] wheie the 
residences among the mild oases aie numerous arour 
Mshatta [i;<] an unfinished woik of the caliph a 
Wahd II [qc] which maiks the end ol the auh 
tectural evolution ol the badi) as 

Badita can be a svnonvm ol kasi [q i 

and a bath as at Djabal Savs Certain badnat, vseie 
used as centies for hunting tmutasanad\ like Aba 'ii 
01 kusavr 'Arara A good picture ol the architec- 
tural activities ol the Umawads in the badna is 
given bv Abu 1-Fiiadj al-Isfaham in his A al 

Bibliography ighani Tables alphabetiques 
H Lammens La «Badia» tt la «Hira» sous Its 
Omanada in \1F0B iv il910i 91-112 = Ftudis 


a quest 

n ol a 


enclosuie with dimensic 

small foits The walls are piovidec 

towers unknown in Roman and Bvza 

uthin a 

the e 

e pote 

1 The 

flanked bv monumental towers is an audience 
chambei usuallv basihcal in plan with apse at the 
end ol gieatei 01 lessei lmpoitance On the floois 

to the same plan as those on the giound tlooi These 
last aie decorated with maible slabs stucco woik 
liescoes and mosaics In the immediate vicimtv ol 

F Her 

i Omar 



•md Badna in Jah, 

Jaussen and Sivignac Us thattaux arabis di Qim 
'imra Haianah el Tuba Pans 1422 -\ Mus 
Palrmuna New i ork 1928 \ppx i\ 277-89 
Poidebaid La trait dt Rami dans It distil situ 
Pans 1934 J Sauvaget Rtmaiquis sin Its man 
mints ommadn inji I Jan -Mai ch 1939) 1-5 
H Stern hotis sui ' 



omanadt Vcmcf 19bb 235-48 A Miquel L Islam 
tt sa luilisation Paris 19h8 504 D and J 
Souidel La inilisatian di t Islam ilassiqut Pans 
19b8 ?48-5r> kAC Cieswell Earh Umliin 

tanate A native of C 5c (Shash Tashkent) he 
, nugiated to India and lose to lav our at the couit of 
Sultan Muhammad b Tughluk [</»] who confened 
j on him the stvle of Fakhi al ~aman His kasa id which 
contain lefeiences to a numbei of contempoiarv events 
with the dates often expiessed in clnonograms con- 
stitute an impoitant source lor a penod which is noto- 
nouslv obscuie and contioveisial It is all the moie 
unfoitunate theiefoie that his Shah nama an epic 
chiomcle ol Muhammad s leign completed in 
74V 1344-5 has not survived it was still extant in 
the late 10th/ Kith centurv when the Mughal histo- 
rian Bada'um [MuntaUlab al tanaukh ed M Ahmad 
'Ah Calcutta 18b4-9 3 vols BM Indua i 241 1 
describes it as a tic asm e 

BibIio%iaph) Badi i Can hasa'id lith ed M 
Hadi 'Mi kanpui nd lith ed and comm M 
'Uthman khan Rampui 1872-3 2 vols extiacts 
tr in Elliot and Dowson Histon aj India in 5b7- 
73 Rieu (atalogut »/ tht Ptiuan USS in tin Bntish 
\lusium London 1879-8? m 10 32 

BADR al-MU'TADIDI Abu l Nadjm com- 
mandei-in-chiel of the aimies of the caliph al-Mu'tadid 
(279-89/892-902) He was the son ol one ol al- 
Mutawakkils mmuili whose name cannot be estab- 
lished with ceitaintv ikhun oi khavr?) and was fust 
in seivice as an equerrv to al-Muwaffak gaining fiom 
that time the lavoui ol the future caliph ai-Mu'tadid 
who whilst still regent altei al-Muwaflak s death (Salai 
278/Junc 891) made him chiel of police in Baghdad 
and then altei his accession com-mandei of all the 
loices Badi led seveial expeditions into vanous legions 
(Fais al-Djaziia Tiak etc i m ordei to le-cstablish 
the mihtan, situation which had been lendeud inse- 
(uit bv the kaiamita [qi] At the same time he 

the caliph exeicising a veto over even, thing He gave 


one of his daughters in marriage to al-Mu'tadid's son, 
the future al-Muktadir, increasing his influence still 
further. He had the right to be addressed by his kunya, 
and the poets, and Abu Bakr al-Sulr in particular, 
did not fail to include him in their eulogies of the 
caliph. It was because of his exceptional position that 
he acquired the name of "al-Mu'taciidi", distinguish- 
ing him moreover from several homonyms. 

In 288/901 he pleaded in favour of al-Kasim b. 
'Ubayd .Allah [see sulayman b. wahb] who was made 
vizier thanks to his intervention, but who failed to 
show him much gratitude for it. In fact, Badr refuse 
to take part in his machinations against the sons of 
al-Mu'tadid, so that al-Kasim, fearing denunciation, 
took care immediately on the accession of al-Muktafi 
(289-95/902-8) to blacken Badr in the eyes of the 
new caliph and probably to profit also by the hos- 
tility towards Badr of certain other commanders. Badr 
fled to Wasit, but was imited to return to Baghdad 
under a guarantee of amart; in the course of his trip 
up the Tigris, he was attacked on the heights of al- 
Mada'in by al-Kasim's agents, who cut off his head 
whilst he was at prayer and sent it to al-Muktafi (6 
Ramadan 289/14 August 902). His body was left on 
the spot and was later carried away by his family for 
burial at Mecca. This murder was denounced by the 
poets and imputed to the caliph, who might have 
been expected to heave a sigh of relief at seeing the 
head of the once-powerful general whom he had at 
first honoured on accession, but who seems however 
to have reproached his vizier for it. 

Bibliography: Tabarl, iii, 2209-15 and index; 
Mas'Qdl, Murud^, viii, 114, 216 ff. = § § 3242, 
3360-6 and index; Hilal al-Sabi', Rusum dar al- 
khilafa, 94; idem, Wuzaia'. passim; Tanukhi, Nishwai, 
Cairo 1392/1972, i, 172, 316-17, v, 110, viii, 114; 
Ghars al-Ni c ma, Hafawat, 206; Ibn al-Abbar, 
I'tab al-kuttab, Nos. 49, 50, 52; Ibn al-Athir, vii, 
170-1, 357-9; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadharat, ii, 201; 
Ibn Taghribirdi, Nudjum, iii, 129; Ibn al-Djawzf, 
Muntazam, vi, 34-6; Sourdel, Vizirat, index, and bibl. 
cited there. (Ch. Pellat) 

BAGHR [see marid]. 

NASR FIRUZ Kharshadh b. 'Adud al-Dawla 
Fana-Khusraw, Buyid supreme amir, who ruled 
in 'Irak and then in southern Persia also from 
379/989 to 403/1012) after 381/992 with the fur- 
ther honorific, granted by the caliph al-Kadir, of 
Ghiyath al-Umma, and towards the end of his life, 
those of Kiwam al-Dawla and Sail Ami 


I. He 

third s 

1, after 

Dawla Marzuban and Sharaf al-Dawla ShTrzfl, of 
the great amir 'Adud al-Dawla [q.v.], who had built 
up the Buyid confederation into the mightiest empire 
of its time in the Islamic east. 

On 'Adud al-Dawla's death in Shawwal 372/March 
983, Samsam al-Dawla, as the eldest son, succeed- 
ed as amir al-umara', but his succession was disput- 
ed by Sharaf al-Dawla, and internecine warfare 
followed, in which the young Baha' al-Dawla was 
also involved. Finally, in Ramadan 376/January 387 
Samsam al-Dawla's position in Baghdad became par- 
lous;' he submitted to Sharaf al-Dawla, who now 
became the supreme amir, and was partially blinded 
and im-prisoned at Slraf. However, Sharaf al-Dawla 
died in Djumada II 379/September 989, and Baha' 
al-Dawla, whom Sharaf al-Dawla had nominated 
before his death as his successor, assumed power 
in Baghdad as amir al-umara' at the age of 19. He 
thus began a reign of 23 years, long by Buyid stand- 

ards. This reign falls into two roughly equal parts, 
the first filled with warfare against rivals like his 
uncle Fakhr al-Dawla 'All of Ray and Djibal and 
Samsam al-Dawla, now escaped from incarceration, 
until by ca. 1000 he had consolidated his power in 
Fars and Kirman and was able to make Shiraz, his 
father's old capital, the centre of his own dominions 
for the rest of his lifetime, acknowledged by all the 
Buyid princes as supreme amir. 

At the outset of his reign, Baha' al-Dawla recog- 
nised Samsam al-Dawla in Shiraz as an equal ruler 
controlling Fars, Kirman and 'Uman. In 381/991 
he deposed the 'Abbasid caliph al-Ta'i' [q.v.] in 
favour of his cousin al-Kadir [q.v.], whom he hoped 
to find more tractable; this proved in fact the case, 
and the new caliph agreed subsequently in 383/994 
to become betrothed to Baha' al-Dawla's own daugh- 
ter, though she died before the marriage could take 
place. The amir also secured from the caliph at this 
time a fresh grant of titles; and it is from this year 
that the ancient Iranian title Shahanshah, used unof- 
ficially by his father, appears on his coins (cf. W. 
Madelung, The assumption of the title Shahanshah by the 
Buyids and "The reign of the Daylam (Dawlat al- 
Daylam)", in JJVES, xxviii [1969], 174-5). Baha' al- 
Dawla now had to defend 'Irak and Ahwaz against 
the ambitions of Fakhr al-Dawla (who, urged on by 
his vizier the Sahib Isma'il b. 'Abbad [see ibn 'ab- 
bad], had on 'Adud al-Dawla's death himself assumed 
the title of Shahanshah and the implied headship of 
the Buyid family), and northern 'Irak against vari- 
ous local Arab and Kurdish chiefs. Samsam al- 
Dawla, after his escape, took advantage of unrest 
in 'Irak and of Baha' al-Dawla's preoccupation with 
internal strife in Baghdad — the divisions of the Sunm 
and Shi'I populace and of the Turkish and Daylaml 
elements in the Buyid army — and seized Ahw3z and 
Basra. Baha' al-Dawla secured the alliance of the 
ruler of the Batiha, Muhadhdhib al-Dawla 'AIT b. 
Nasr, and of the Kurdish prince Badr b. Hasanuya 
[see hasanawayh]. Even so, his vizier and general 
Abu 'All b. Isma'fl al-Muwaffak could make little 
headway against Samsam al-Dawla's skilful com- 
mander Abu 'Ali ai-Hasan b. Ustadh-Hurmuz. After 
several oscillations in the fortunes of war, Samsam 
al-Dawla was in 388/998 assassinated near Isfahan 
by Abu Nasr Shah-Firuz, a son of 'Adud al-Dawla's 
cousin and former rival Tzz al-Dawla Bakhtiyar. 
AbO 'All b. Ustadh-Hurmuz now came over to Baha' 
al-Dawla's side with the remnants of Samsam al- 
Dawla's Daylami troops. Once Abu Nasr Shah-Firuz 
had been killed in Kirman, Baha' al-Dawla was sole 
master of the southern provinces of Persia, Fars and 
Kirman, and of their dependency 'Uman. Two years 
later, his implacable enemy Fakhr al-Dawla died, 
and his successors in Ray and Hamadhan, the young 
and inexperienced Madjd al-Dawla Rustam and 
Shams al-Dawla Abu Tahir respectively, acknowl- 
edged Baha' al-Dawla's supreme overlordship, as 
coins minted at Ray from 400/1009-10 and at 
Hamadhan from 401/1010-11 attest. 

Baha' al-Dawla now moved his capital from 
'Irak to Shiraz, captured from the temporary con- 
trol' of the sons of Tzz al-Dawla, and never 
returned from it to Baghdad. The move eastwards 
showed that he regarded southern Persia as the 
heartland of the Buyid dominions, and except for 
the brief occupation in 390-1/1000-1 of Kirman 
by the Saffarid Tahir b. Khalaf, the Persian lands 
remained generally peaceful. But the relinquishing 
of Baghdad as capital meant a distinct relaxation 



orth e 


to governors ffor much of this period, until his death 
in 401/1010-11, to the 'Amid al-Djuyush Abu 'Air 
b. Ustadh-Hurmuz) at a time when powerful ene- 
mies were rearing their heads there. Baha' al-Dawla's 
departure for Fars allowed the caliph al-Kadir to 

enjoy ] 

of a 

authority, especia 
SunnI interests against ShT'i policies of the Buyid 
amir [see al-kadir biYlah for details]. Above all, the 
contused situation in 'Irak after 'Adud al-Dawla's 
death and the squabbling of his sons in Fars over 
control of the empire had allowed local Arab poten- 
tates in 'Irak to extend their power at Buyid expense, 
so that direct Buyid authority was to be for much 
of Baha' al-Dawla's reign confined to Baghdad and 
Wash and their immediate vicinities. In northern 
'Irak there were the 'Ukaylids \q.v.] of Mawsil; Baha' 
al-Dawla sent against the ami) Abu '1-Dhawwad 
Muhammad several expeditions, but could not entirely 
quash his power, and after Abu '1-Dhawwad's death 
in 386/996, his nephew Kirwash b. al-Mukallad (after 
391/1001) carried on the struggle. In central 'Irak, 
the Asadi amir 'All b. Mazyad was ever ready to 
stir up the Bedouins of the Khafadja and Muntafik 
groups [] against Buyid rule, whilst in the south 
of the country a rebel called Abu 'l-'Abbas b. Wasil 
in 393/1003 seized Basra and invaded Ahwaz, hav- 
ing driven out from the Batiha Muhadhdhib al- 
Dawla. In 396/1006 a coalition of Badr b. 

to besiege Baghdad, but the capital was saved by 
Ibn Wasil's being captured and then executed 
1 397 /100b). An attempt was made to conciliate the 
Arab amirs of 'Irak, so that the 'Ukaylid Kirwash b. 
al-Mukallad was in 396/1005-6 awarded the lakab 
of Mu'tamid al-Dawla and the Mazyadid 'Air in 
397/1007 that of Sanad al-Dawla. Also, the new 
governor for Baha 1 al-Dawla in Baghdad after 
401/1010, Fakhr al-Mulk Muhammad b. 'All, defeat- 
ed the 'Ukaylids, drove oil" the Khafadja and man- 
aged to make peace with the Kurds, who in fact 
ceased to be such a threat to the Buyid position in 
'Irak after Badr's murder in 405/1014-15. 

In Djumada II 403/December 1012 Baha' al- 
Dawla died at Arradjan, probably en route for 
Baghdad. His corpse was taken to Baghdad and then, 
like that of his father, interred near the grave of the 
Imam 'All b. Abr Talib at Nadjaf near Kufa. It 
appears that during his lifetime, Baha' al-Dawla's 
(eldest?) son Abu Mansur had been the wall al-'ahd, 
for his name, with the title of amir al-umaia', appears 
on an inscription at Persepolis dated 392/1002, but 
this son had died in 398/1008. Hence just before 
his death, he had nominated his 19-year old son 
Sultan al-Dawla Abu Shudja' as supreme amir, the 
latter after his accession appointed his brothers Djalal 
al-Dawla and Kiwam al-Dawl ' " 

the Buyid fa 
the recurren 

of the later Buyids and 
loney and for fresh iktii' 

philosopher Miskawayh [q.v.] served as a secretar 
nd despite the absence of n 

, of o 


: Shir; 

I Tha'alibr in his Tatimmat al-latima. ed. Eghbal, 
18, 26-30, mentions only two poets of note, Abu 
'Abd Allah al-Husayn al-Mughallis and Abu Sa'd 'All 
al-Hamadham), there is reason to suppose that Baha' 
al-Dawla continued the tradition of patronage of 
Arabic learning established by 'Adud al-Dawla before 
him. Certainly, Samsam al-Dawla had as his vizier 
for two years Abu 'Abd Allah al-Husayn b. Ahmad, 
Ibn Sa'dan [q.v. 

through t 
d Shai ' 


s of Abu Hav 

amongst Baha' al-Dav 
ambitions of the Arab 
sure from the Ghazna' 

The < 


;ons, combined with the 
in 'Irak and distant pres- 
old then the Saldjuks in 
the east, were soon to destroy the precarious unity 
of the Buyid empire inherited by Baha' al-Dawla 
from his father. 

It is not easy to form a clear picture of Baha' al- 
Dawla's character and personality, and he suffers in 
the sources by comparison with his father. They 
describe him as tyrannical to his entourage, avid for 
gold and niggardly over its disbursement, but these 

distinguished astronomer Abu Sahl al-Kuhi [q.v.]. Abu 
Nasr Shapur b. Ardashir id. 416/1025 [see sabur b. 
ARDAsnlR in EI']], who served Baha' al-Dawla as 
vizier on several brief occasions during the first part 
of his amu-ate, seems to have been a scholar of out- 
standing calibre, considered by Tha'alibr as worthy 
of a separate section in his anthology because of the 
amount of poetry dedicated to him by such figures 
as Abu '1-Faradj al-Babbagha, Ibn Lu'lu' and Abu 
'l-'Ala' al-Ma'arn (latlmat al-dahr. ed. Damascus, ii, 
290-7, ed. Cairo 1375-7/1956-8, iii, 129-30j; whilst 
the governor for Baha' al-Dawla in Baghdad land 
subsequently for his successor Sultan al-Dawla i Fakhr 
al-Mulk was the patron of the poet Mihvar al-Davlaml 
[</.r.] and of the mathematician of Baghdad Abu Bakr 
Muhammad al-Karadji [q.v.; the msha to be correct- 

ed thus 

es], the 

: Miskawa 

r dedic; 


ihudja' al-Rudhrawarl iup to 389/999) and ii 
urviving fragment of Hilal al-Sabi"s Ta'rikh 
■ring 389-93/999-1003 (both sources forming 
Jth and Amedroz's Eclipse r. 



Amedroz for his study Tine, 
of Buwaihal rule in Baghdad. A.H. 389-393. in JRAS 
[19011, 501-36, 749-86). These specifically Buyid 
sources can be filled out and supplemented by ihe 
general chronicles of Ibn al-Athir, ix, Ibn al- 
DjawzT, vii, and Sibt Ibn al-DjawzT, the latter two 
especially important for events in Baghdad and 

Of s. 

accounts of Baha' al-Dawla's amirate and of the 
cultural life of the period in Mafizullah Kabir, The 
Buwailud drnasty of Baghdad [334/ '946-447/ 1055). 
Calcutta 1964, 77-91, 179 ffi; in H. Busse, Clialif 
mid (Jwsflcomg, die Buriden im Iraq 1945-1055). Beirut- 
Wiesbaden 1969, 67 ff. and index; and in idem, 
ch. Iran imdei the Buyids. in Camb. hist, oj hall, iv, 
ed. R.N. Frye, Cambridge 1975, 289-96; The 
extensive bibliography in Busse's book expands and 
brings up-to-date that of the article buwayhids [q.v.]. 

(C.E. Bosworthi 
BAHRIYYA. I. The navy of the Arabs up 
o 1250. Although Near Eastern writers in mediaeval 

times did not address themselves specifically to 
the subject of bahriyya, references to seafaring activi- 
ties made by Arab, Byzantine, southern and western 
European chroniclers, geographers and travellers, as 
well as pertinent details found in the Arabic papyri 
and the Geniza documents, provide a considerable 
body of information concerning the rise and fall of 
the Arab navy. 

The naval requirements of the Arabs were dictated 
by the necessity of defending their Mediterranean ter- 
ritories — stretching from Cilicia and Syria in the East 
to the Spanish Levante seaboard in the West — and 
of protecting their shipping, as well as by their offen- 

Mediterranean. Until the appearance of aggressive 
Italian fleets and the coming of the Crusaders, Muslim 
sea power, along with that of the Byzantines, consti- 
tuted the dominant factor in mediaeval Mediterranean 
naval history. 

The organisation and command structure of the 
bahriyya were affected by the policy and strategy of 
the caliphate. In the beginning of the 2nd/8th cen- 
tury, the naval organisation involved several naval 
districts and distinct, self-controlled fleets. The naval 
districts, with their strategic ports (thaghr, pi. thughur 
[q.r.]) and warships, remained under the jurisdiction 
of commanders appointed by the caliph and respon- 
sible for the supervision of the construction and equip- 
ment of the ships; for their safety in the winter bases; 
for the selection of the entire naval personnel; for 
gathering and analysing naval intelligence; and for 
giving operational orders. With the decline of the 
caliphate, the organisational logistic, and operational 
responsibility for the bahriyya rested with those dyna- 
mic regimes whose power was based on the coastal 
provinces, whether they enjoyed a sovereign status, as 
was the case of the Fatimids, or that of local dynas- 
ties, like the Aghlabids, the Tulunids, the Ikhshldids 
and the Ayyubids [q.vr.]. 

An essential feature of the bahriyya were the dur 
al-sina'a (sing, dar al-sina'a [</.;>.]). These naval instal- 
lations served not only as operational bases, but 
also as shipyards, naval arsenals and as the man- 
power centres supplying sailors and combat per- 
sonnel. The number and activity of these installations 
depended on the degree of concern for naval mat- 
ters of individual regimes. The latter ensured the 
operations of the installations by raising taxes specif- 
ically earmarked for naval expenditure; by procur- 
ing raw materials needed for the construction and 
fitting of warships; and by conscripting the neces- 
sary manpower. The Muslim naval inventory 
involved a great diversity of combat and support- 
ive vessels. In fact "the Muslim navy not only had 
a variety of names for a single type, but a single 
name for a variety of types" (A.M. Fahmy, Muslim 

A fleet [al-ustul [q.v.]) was commanded by the ra'is 
al-ustid (commander of the fleet) selected from among 
the top naval officers (al-kuawad), but the care of 
weapons and direction of naval action were discharged 
by the chief sailor (ka'id al-naivatiya). The crews of the 
warships were made up of sailors (nuti, pi. namatiya); 
oarsmen {kadhdhaf)\ craftsmen and workmen (dhamu 
'l-sma'a wa 'l-mihan); as well as of the fighting men, 
such as the naphtha throwers (al-najfatun) and the 
marines. The actual fighting involved both the bom- 
bardment with combustible projectiles, and the sub- 
sequent ramming, boarding and hand-to-hand combat 
of the marines. The latter were employed also for 
landing raids. 

The early history of the bahriyya was highlighted 
by the raids against Cyprus in 28/649 and 33/655; 
by the victory over a Byzantine armada in the Battle 
of the Masts (Dhat al-Sawan [q.r. in Suppl.]) in 
34/655; and by the two sieges of Constantinople in 
54-69/763-9 and 98-9/717-18), during which the 
Muslim fleets attempted to blockade maritime access 
to the imperial capital, and supported logistically the 
Arab land forces. In that period Muslim squadrons 
raided Sicily in 32-3/652 and 46/666-7, temporar- 
ily occupied Rhodes in 52/672 or 53/673 and Arwad 
(Cyzikus) in 54/673, and raided Crete in 55/674. 
In the first half of the 3rd/9th century, the position 
of the bahriyya was enhanced by the reassertion of 
Muslim influence over Cyprus [see kubrus] and the 
conquest of Crete [see ikritish]; both these strate- 
gic islands facilitated offensive operations against 
Byzantine possessions. Regular Muslim fleets were 
stationed at Alexandria, Rosetta, Damietta, 'Akka, 
Tyre, Sidon and Tarsus. In the Western 
Mediterranean, the navy of the Aghlabids engaged 
in relentless attacks against Sicily [see sikilliyya] and 
the southern and western shores of Italy from the 
naval base of Tunis. 

The pursuit of ambitious political goals in Egypt 
and Syria by Ahmad b. Tulun (254-70/868-84) entailed 
both an expansion of naval installations, especially 
those of 'Akka, and the strengthening of naval squad- 
rons. His example was emulated by Muhammad b. 
Tughdj al-Ikhshrd (323-34/935-46); but neither the 
fleet of the Tulunids nor that of the Ikhshldids proved 
to be very effective. The former was annihilated in 
293/905 by a small 'Abbasid fleet, the latter was un- 
able to support Crete and Cyprus against the resurgent 
Byzantine navy. On the other hand, in 291/902 the 
Muslim bahriyya achieved a great success when Aghlabid 
naval forces conquered Sicily. 

Following the Byzantine re-conquest of Crete 
(350/961) and Cyprus (352/963), the difficult task of 
upholding the prestige of the bahriyya was taken over 
by the Fatimids. Having inherited strong naval tra- 
ditions from the Aghlabids, the Fatimids undertook 
a major expansion of the fleet. Their powerful 
naval squadrons proved instrumental in contesting 
supremacy in the western Mediterranean. Malta, 
Sardinia, Corsica, the Balearic and other islands 
were attacked. In 324-5/934-5 a Fatimid fleet har- 
ried the southern coast of France, took Genoa, and 
coasted along Calabria, carrying off slaves and other 
booty. In 344/955 another Fatimid fleet raided the 
coasts of Umayyad Spain. In 358/969 a power- 
ful Fatimid armada participated in the conquest of 
Egypt. Concerned with the offensive operations of 
the Byzantines, as well as with the need for pre- 
serving the unity of their realm, which stretched from 
North Africa to Syria, the Fatimids attached great 
importance to the status of their navy. They found- 
ed a "Department of the Holy War or of Maritime 
Constructions": (Dlwan al-Djihad aw Dlwan al-'Ama'ir). 
Ships were built in Alexandria, Damietta, at the island 
of Rawda, in Misr, and in the new dockyards of 
al-Maks, which alone is credited with producing 
600 vessels. Availability of the services of the Syrian 
thughur, such as Tyre and Tripoli, extended the oper- 
ational capacity of the Fatimid fleet in the eastern 

In the 5th/ 1 1th century the power of the bahriyya 
began to decline. The North African provinces 
slipped away from the Fatimids. The fleets of the 
Italian mercantile republics asserted their prepon- 
derance in the western Mediterranean and began 

- BAKI billah 

to raid with vntual impunitv the Algerian and 
Tunisian shores The dvnamic Normans conqueied 
Sicih and Southein Ital\ and then began piepar- 

In the first half ot the bth/12th centurv the vic- 
tories ot the C rusaders were facilitated b\ the decline 
of Fatimid naval foices and resulted in the loss of 
all Islamic coastal towns uilh the exception of 
'\skalan Alter the sunendei of that lortiess in 
548/1 15^ the coast of Egvpt became an eas\ tar- 

An attempt to challenge the Christian na\al power 
was made b\ Salah al-Din i5b7 80/1 171-031 the 
supplanter of the Fatimids He increased the salaries 
of the sailois re-toitified Egvptnn na\al bases and 
cieated a special office ot the fleet [diuan aluitul) 
to which se\eral blanches of Egvptian itvenue con 
tnbuted In 574-5/117° his fleet counted 80 ves- 
sels of which bO were gallcvs ind 20 transports 
Mthough the revitalised navy achieved some suc- 
cess during Salah al Din s struggle tgamst the 
Ciusaders (including an effective counter-attack in 
Dhu 1-Hidjdja 578/Fcbruarv 1183 agamst a dar- 
ing Frankish penetiation of the hitherto immune 
Red Sea waters) it proved impotent to prevent the 
movement of Christian fleets bringing new hosts of 
European warnois eager to fight against the Muslim 
conqueiors of Jeiusalem The Thud Crusade (585- 
7/1180-91) did not recover the Hol\ Cm but it 
delivered a mortal blow to the Egyptian navy whose 
squadrons tried smcidalh to suppoit the garrison 
of 'Akka blockaded b\ a tiemendous concentrition 
of Euiopean fleets According to al-Maknzi (7bb- 
845/ Hb4- 1442), \ftcr the death of Silah al-Din 
the affairs of the fleet weie given little attention 
Service in the nav\ was considered to be a dis- 
grace to such an extent that to call at an Eg\ptian 
\ou sailoi 1 was tieated as an insult What a change 
fiom the da\s when the names of the sailois were 
invoked in the pra\crs of the people and from the 
times when these ven sailors had been called the 
soldiers of God waging the Hol\ War against the 
foes of ■Ulah'' 

Bibliography AM < \bbadi Ta'nUl al 
bahnyva al islamiyyaji \hsr na I Sham Cairo 1072 
M Canard Lis npiditions des irabes tontrt 
Constantinople dans Vhistoire it dam la legtnde in J4 
ccvm (102b), bl-121, AS Ehrenkieutz The plait 

in the Middle igis in JWS Kxv |1055) 100-lb 
E Eickhoff Setkntg und Sitpohtik zaiuhen Islam und 
[650 1040] Saarbtucken 1054 '"' 



; Eastttn 


lObb W Hoenerbach irabtr und Uittdmiei in/any 
und Problemt arabisihtr Seegtsihichtt in Zjh lelidi 
Togan irmagam Istanbul 1050-5 370-Ob Dj 
Khanki Ta'nkh al bahnyya al misnyya Cauo 1048 
S Mahir al Bahnna fi Mm al islamma Cano 
10b7 \ lewis \aial pouer and tiade in tin 
Mediterranean ID 500 1100 1051 al-Makrm, al 
Maaa'i ua I I'tibar Pans 1853 11 104 L -R 
Menager imiratus Au,T|pSi; I Emu at it lis ongrnes 
di limiraute ( \I Mil siettis) 10b0 Kudama b 
Dja'fai \uskhat 'afid bi ailayat thaghi al bahi in M 
Hamidullah Muslim londuit oj statt Kaiachi 1053 
310-21 MA Shaban Islamic history AD 600 750 
[4H 112) Cambndge 1071 M Talbi LEmnat 
aghlabidi Pans lObb ^84-524 

[\S Ehre 
II, III [See Vol I. 045 fl] 

mup of Eg\pt horn 1014 until 1021 He was 
boin m the village of al-Muti'a in the province ot 
\s\ut on 10 Muhairam 1271/24 September 1854 
\ftei completion ot his studies at al-Azhar in 
1202/1875 he remained attached to that institu- 
tion as a teacher until 1297/1880 when he was 
appointed kadi of al-Kal\ubi\\a piovince This was 
the beginning of his caieei in the judician in which 
he seived as provincial judge in various lesorts as 
kadi of Alexandria as kadi ot Cairo and in a num- 
bei ot othei high positions such as the oflite of 
Inspectoi ind the office of mujti in the Ministn of 
Justice pnor to his appointment as mufti of Egvpt 
on 21 December 1014 In the course of his caieer 
he was involved either directh or indnecth in 
notable events of the da\ such as the intrigues 
against reform in al-\zhai as sponsored b\ 
Muhammad 'Abduh lef \hmad Shaflk Mudhakkirat, 
fl msf lam Cano 103b 11 part 2 35), the compli- 
cations surrounding the marriage of 'All lusuf [ibid 
fall and the events of 1021 pieceeding Egvptian 
independence (cf Shaffk 111 275 fl ) He was a mem 
ber of al-Rabita al-Sharkivy a [qi], but resigned horn 
this association in 1025 in protest to the effoits of 
some of its members to bring about the annulment 
of the intended tnal of 'Ah 'Abd al-Razik )cf \hmad 


s Man. 

sul ai 

.ised bv Muhammad Bakhit in his Haiti at al Islam 
uausul at hukm, Cairo H44/1025-b This book as 
well as publications with suggestive titles such as al 

Murhajat I yamamyy 1 fl 'unuk man lata hi butlan al nakf 
'a/a Idhunyya Cano 1344/1025-b Ii shad al Ian' u a 

I sami' ila anna il talal idha lam yudif ila al mafa ghayr 
iiah' Cairo 1348/1029-30 Hudjdjat Allah 'ala 
khali/atihi fi bayan hakikat al hui'an ua hikam Kitaba 
tihi Cairo 1932 icflect Muhammad Bakhit s active 
intellectual involvement with the various issues of his 
time such as the disputts pettaming to the transla- 
tion of the Kui'an the position of women and the 
campaign toi abolition of the uakf ahli Othei pub- 
lications such as his Tanbih al'ukul al msanma lima 

raruyya Cairo 1344/1025-b Taixftk al Rahman li tauftk 
bain ma lalahu 'ulama' al hay'a ua bayn ma dfa' Ji 
ahadith al sahiha ua ayat al Kufan Cairo 1341/1922- 
3 and al Djauab al shaft ft ibahat al tasix ir al jutughraft 
Cairo nd and Risala ft \hkam lira' at al funughraj 
Cano 1324/190b-7 show his concern with pioblems 
msing out of the confiontantion of Islam with the 
results of Western science and technologv 
Muhammad Bakhit died on 20 Radjab 1354/18 
October 1935 

Bibliography For biographies see Zaki Fahmi 
Sqfuat al'asi fi ta'nlji rusum mashahir ndjal Misr 
Cairo 1320/1008-0, 501 ff Ilvas Zakhuia \Iifat 
al 'asi Ji ta'nkh rusum alabir rigjal hi Mist Cairo 
101b 11 4b7 Sulav man al-Zav van Kan alcanna? 
Ji ta'nlh al 4Jar Cano nd 172 fl and the 
weeklv alhlam Cairo ed Amin < \bd al- 
Rahman) iv (1035) 30 38 f (an obituarv con- 
taining biographical data) 

BAKlBI'LLAH Khadja, Sufi saint ol Muslim 
India bom in Kabul in 971/15b3-4 His tathei 
Kadi 'Abd al-Salam Khaldji Samarkandi was a 
scholaih Sufi and his mothei a descendant of 
Shavkh 'Ubavd \llah Ahrai id 80b/1401) the dis- 
tinguished saint of the Nakshbandi oidei [see 
ahrar, kh adja, abov e] . He completed his earl} 


education and then studied the religious sciences under 
the guidance of Mawlana Sadik Halwa'T, who had 
stayed in Kabul at the persuasion of Mirza Hakim 
in 978/1570-1 on his way back from the Hidjaz 
to Samarkand. After some time, he accompanied 
Halwa'T to Transoxiana, and there he outshone 
other students of his in Islamic theology. As he 
was inclined towards piety and Sufism, he visited 
the famous Sufis and developed a desire for spir- 
itual perfection. Hence he turned to India and 
wandered about here and there in the Pandjab, 
spending nights in vigil and performing mystical 
exercises, to the point that his health was adversely 

Having spent sometime in the Pandjab and 
Kashmir, Baki bi'llah again went to Transoxiana in 
1000/1592 in search of a spiritual guide. In Samar- 
kand, he became the disciple of the Nakshbandi saint 
Mawlana Kh"adjagi, who acquainted him with the 
teachings and philosophy of his order. He adopted 
the teachings of Shaykh Ahrar and returned to India 
towards 1007/1599, settling down in Dihli as a founder 
of the Nakshbandi order there and gathering a num- 
ber of disciples, including some of the leading grandees 
and scholars. Shaykh Farid Bukhari, one of Akbar's 
prominent nobles, also became his disciple, and met 
all the expenses of his khankah in Dihli. As regards 
his teachings, he emphasised the importance of right 
faith, strict adherence to the Islamic Shari'a, constant 
meditation and the service of man; to him, this was 
the essence of Sufism, and no importance was attached 
to other mystic experiences. He considered Ibn 
al-'Arabfs philosophy of wahdat al-wudjud ("unity of 
being'") as a narrow lane, while 'Ala' al-Dawla 
Simnanfs concept of wahdat al-shuhud he declared to 
be a wider road. 

Baki bi'llah died in 1011/1603 leaving a number 
of distinguished disciples to further his work. It was 
largely due to him that the Nakshbandi order sub- 
sequently gained popularity in India and became one 
of the important orders there, making an impact on 
the religious life of the Indian Muslims which can be 
felt even today. 

Bibliography: Ahmad Sirhindi, Maktubat-i 
Rabbanl, i, ed. Mawlana Yar Muhammad Djadld 
Badakhshi, Kanpur 1877; Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk 
Muhaddith, Akhbar al-akhyar, Dihli 1914; Athar 
'Abbas Rizvi, Muslim revivalist movements in India 
in the 16th and 17th centuries, Lucknow 1965; Mu- 
hammad Hashim Badakhshani, ^ttbdat al-makamat, 
Lucknow 1885. (I.H. Siddiqui) 

BAKR b. AL-NATTAH, Abu 'l-Wa'il, minor 
poet of Basra, who belonged to the tribe of Bakr 
b. Wa'il and who eulogised Rabi'a; but it is not 
known for certain whether he was descended from 
Hanifa b. Ludjaym or from his brother Tdjl (Ibn 
al-Kalbi-Caskel, Tab. 141), so that he is sometimes 
given the nisba of Hanafi and sometimes that of 
'Idjll. He spent part of his life in Baghdad, and 
according to information given in the Aghani (xix, 
38), he is even said to have received for some time 
a stipend from the diwan of al-Rashid. However, he 
seems to have led a fairly restless life in search of 
patrons, being avid for rewards. He is moreover 
made into a su'luk, a brigand of the highways, because 
he boasted of using his sword in order to earn his 
living; but the only relevant episode here mentioned 
in the sources is an attack by the hordes of 
Abu Dulaf al-Kasim b. Tsa al-TdjlI (d. 225/840 
[q.v.]) after the latter had remarked to Ibn al-Nattah 
that he was always boasting of his bravery but never 

put it to the test. For the rest, his relations with 
Abu Dulaf are unclear; according to one tradition, 
he was recruited into his army and received a stipend 
until the end of his life, whilst another tradition 
describes him as coming every year to the master 
of al-Karadj asking for money to buy an estate 
allegedly adjacent to his own existing one. Whatever 
the truth, he eulogised his benefactor, above all in 
a fine kasida of 90 verses which has been preserved 
by Ibn al-Mu'tazz. Abu Dulaf's brother, Ma'kil b. 
'Isa, interceded on his behalf for the prince to par- 
don Ibn al-Nattah's indiscretions, which led to sim- 
ilar eulogies on Ma'kil and an elegy on his death. 
Ibn al-Nattah also mourned the death of Malik b. 
'Ali al-Khuza'i, at whose side he had fought in cam- 
paigns against the Kharidjis of the district of Hulwan. 
He is also found in Kirman, where he received a 
regular stipend, and at the side of Malik b. Tawk 
[see al-rahba], to whom he dedicated some pane- 
gyrics. However, the chronology of all these events 
is far from certain, and it is most unlikely that he 
could have praised the latter person (who died in 
260/874), at least if he himself died in 192/808, 
which an allusion to his loss in the Diwan of Abu 
VAtahiya (ed. Beirut 1964, 105, rhyme -ata, metre 
sari') seems to support. 

The critics recognised that he handled with talent 
the various poetical genres, though at the same time 
criticising him for certain exaggerations on occasion. 
His eulogies and elegies remain within the Bedouin 
tradition, but several poems in which he hymns a 
dfariya called Durra have a more modernist form; it 
was because these were set to music that Bakr b. al- 
Nattah merited a notice in the Aghani. Out of his 
total poetic production, which ran to a hundred or 
so leaves tFihrist, 232), Ahmad b. Abi Tahir Tayfur 
made a selection {Ikhtiyar shi'r Bakr b. al-Nattah) which 
Yakut cites (Udaba', iii, 92). 

Bibliography: Djahiz, Hayawan, iii, 196, iv, 232; 
Ibn Kutayba, 'Uyun, index; Mubarrad, Kdmil, 561- 
2, 708-9, 853; "ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tabakat, 99-103; 
Abu Tammam, Hamasa, ii, 88-9; Kali, Amali, i, 
227; Bakri, Stmt al-la'ali, 520; Mas'Qdl, Murudi, 
vii, 140 = § 2824; Aghani, xix, 36-52; Ibn 'Abd 
Rabbih, 'Ikd, ed. Cairo 1940, i, 275; Tawhldi, 
Imta', iii, 50; Marzubani, Muwashshah, 298; 'Askari, 
Sina'atayn, index; Ibn Khallikan, Wqfayat, in the 
notice "no. 511; Ibn Shakir, Fawat, no. 62; Ibn 
Rashik, 'Utnda, ii, 53, 145; Khatib Baghdad!, 
Ta'rikh, vii, 90; HusrT, £aAr al-adab, 596, 966-7, 
1017; Nuwayrl, Maya, ii, 18; J.E. Bencheikh, Les 
voies d'une creation, Sorbonne thesis 1971 (unpub- 
lished), index; WahhabI, Mara§i', iii, 114-5; 
BustanI, DM, iv, 105-6; Zirikll, A'lam, ii, 46. 

(Ch. Pellat) 
al-BAKRI, Muhammad Tawfik b. 'AlI b. 
Muhammad, Egyptian religious dignitary. He was 
born in Cairo on 27 Djumada II 1287/24 August 
1870, and was appointed nakib al-ashraf [q.v.], shaykh 
mashayikh al-turuk al-sujiyya (head of the tarikas [q.v.]), 
and head of al-Bakriyya [q.v.] in January 1892 in suc- 
cession to his deceased brother 'Abd al-Bakl, obtain- 
ing life-membership of the maqjlis shura al-kawanin 
(Legislative Council) and of the q^am'iyya al-'umumiyya 
(General Assembly; in that very same year. During the 
period in which he held the office of shaykh mashayikh 
al-turuk al-sujiyya, various regulations for the Sufi orders 
in Egypt were introduced. These regulations, which 
were in force until 1976, allowed him to re-establish 
the authority over the orders to which the head of al- 
Bakriyya had been legally entitled since 1812, and 


which had declined dramaticalK undei his piedecessoi 
<Abd al-Baki 

■\s naktb al ashraj he was forced to abdicate in 
]anuar\ 1895 b\ the Khedi\e 'Abbas Hilmi, who 
must have aimed at cuibing al-Bakri s aspirations 
to political significance as was suggested b\ Mahir 
Hasan Fahmi (92 fl see bibhogi aphv ) Following 
this event relations between il-Bakn and the 

sought to mobilise Ottoman support in his attempts 
to assert his position over Loid C romei the British 
proconsul This was totallv unacceptable to al-Baku 
since it ran counter to the unadulterated Egyptian 
nationalism which he advocated In consequence he 
showed himself to be aggressivelv antagonistic to 
'Abbas Hilmi s polio, to a degree which brought 
him close to being faced with legal prosecution for 
lese-ma|este (cf Ahmad ShafTk Mudhakkirati ft nnf 
lam Cairo 193b, u/ 1 248 1 Muhammad Husavn 
al lltidjahat al uatamyya fl I adab al mu'asu Cairo 
1954 i 94) When the Khedive changed his 
pohcv and turned to the Egvptian nationalists in his 
efloit to achieve freedom from Bntish tutelage rela- 
tions improved considerablv and in carlv 1903 
Muhammad Tawfik was again installed as naktb 
al ashraj in succession to 'All al-Biblawi [q ] 
who had been appointed Shay/Ji of 

930 fl w 44 fl )— and he published a selection from 
the works of eight poets from the 'Abbasid period 
{Fuhul al balagha Cano 1313/1895-6) in addition to 
a collection of poems and makamas in the style of al- 
Hanri written bv himself [Sahandi al lu'lu' Cairo 1907 
\ selection fiom this woik was published bv 'Uthman 
Shakir undei the title al Lu'lu' ft I adab Cairo 1927) 
As a poet he is consideied as one of the last rep- 
resentatives of the classical tiadition 

Bibliography The most extensive biogiaphv 
Mahir Hasan Fahmi Muhammad Tanfik <' 




raphv is to 

be lou 

nd in h 

s Bay 

al Siddik Cairc 


11 ff 

Foi a d 

m of tr 

of his auth 

ntv o 

ver the 

Sufi orders 

n Egypt 

and of the 


of the 



under his a 


and of 

his political 

see F de ] 


of the 

/ Mashay 

,kh al 
in 1 


a and th 
un Egyp 

in A Dietr 

d ) ikttn 


n Ron 

aitiHi ju 

irabntik und 





976 22 

ff , and ide 

i Tu 


tutions i 

19th untun 





the i 

t this 


piochement between the Khedive 'Abbas Hi 
Muhammad Tawfik the lattei became graduallv 
more implicated in the Khedives pohcv notablv in 
his efforts aimed at the deposition of the mufti of 
Egvpt Muhammad 'Abduh who was a piotege of 
Ciomers when the Khedive called upon him for 
mediation on vanous occasions (cf ShafTk 
Mudhakkuati n/1 348 u/2 34 fl 95 f Fahmi 
103 fl ) On the political scene he manifested him- 

ernment for which he campaigned in the Legislative 
Council as well as in the Press He was committed 
to pan-Islamism and was activelv involved in the 

meetings for the foundation of the Umveisal Islamic 
Congress \al Mu'tamar al hlanu al 'imma) proposed 
bv Isma'il Gaspnnskv [q } held in the palace of 
the Bakns in Cairo at the end of 1907 From the 
latter veai onwards telations between al-Bakri and 
the Khedive again become strained when Eldon 
Goist who had succeeded Cromer to the procon- 
sulate at the beginning of that veai managed to 
win 'Abbas Hilmi awav from the nationalists and 
obtained his support foi British policies This c lused 
the relationship between al-Bakri and the Khedive 

hostihtv which must have contubuted to the severe 
paianoia which forced al-Bakri to abdicate al the 
end of 1911 In 1912 he left Egvpt for Benut 
wheie he was confined to a mental hospital until 
earlv 1928 when he returned He died in Cairo in 
August 1932 

In addition to Muhammad Tawfik al-Bakri s signil- 
lcance foi the Sufi orders in Egypt which have been 
under the lasting impact of an administration which 
was at least paitialh designed b\ him and which was 
instituted under his auspices he is also notable for his 
hterarv activities He founded a short-lived piedecessor 
of the Academv of the Aiabic Language he compiled 
an anthology of raa^a^ poetrv (\iadn al'iiab Cairo 
1313/1895-6)— about which it was rumoured that it 
had not been compiled bv him at all but bv Ahmad 
b \min al-Shinkiti (cf al Muktataf xi\ (Cairo 1895) 


BALANCE [see mintakat al-burudj mizan] 

b M-vnsur b Muhammad T^dj *l-Din gra 
lan poet and adib onginallv tiom the 1 
Balad on the Tigns which also had the n 
Balat (see \ akut i 721 1 whence his msba of al-Balati 
sometimes given in the diminutive ioim of al-Bulavti 
Abu 1-Fath went fust ot all to teach in Svn; 
then when Saladin assumed power in Egvpt 



to Cai 

e the 


a fixed stipend and appointed him 

mosques of the town He icmained theie till his 
death on 19 Safar 599/7 November 1202 his corpse 
was not discovered till three davs after his death 
because the people of Cairo were preoccupied bv 

each other 

Thanks to 'Imad al-Din al-Isfaham (519-97/1125- 
1201 [qi]i who knew him personallv, and to a tianj 
called Abu Dja'far al-Idnsi (apparentlv not to be 
confused with the famous geogiapher) who had been 

habits He was tall corpulent with a loftv foiehead, 
a long beard and a ruddv complexion he was verv 
susceptible to cold alwavs wrapped himself up took 

ind haidlv went outside in winter He had the lep- 
utation of being extiemelv learned in all the liteiarv 
fields but his personal conduct left something to be 
desned he apparentlv sought the companv ot dis- 
solute pei sons and sometimes got drunk 

The examples which have been preseived trom 
his poetiv show that it was of traditional type and 
some poems show l special aptitude lor verbal 

kasida a difleiing word in each verse which could 
be read equallv well in the thiee giammatical cases 
a lhvme in unu which exhausts the lexicons pos- 
sibilities a schema maj'ala arbitranlv constiucted, 
etc ) Neveitheless he also wiote a long poem in 


praise of al-Kadi al-Fadil [qi] in which Saladin s 
secretary is placed above al-Djahiz Ibn "Abbad and 
Ibn al-'Amid as well as a muixashshaha whose kjiard}a 
is not however in accordance with the lules since 

Al-Balatf i: 


a Kita 

3 his peetrv, the author 

al 'irud at 

I Arud 

1 A al Nanu 

ikhbar al Mutanabh a A al Mustazad 'ala I mustazad 
mm Ja'alat al adjuad, a A 'Urn ashkal al khatt a A al 
Tashij ixa I tahnj and a A Ta'hl al 'ibadat 

Bibliography \akut Udaba' xn 141-67 idem, 
Buldan, 1 721 n 735 Tmad al-Din hhandat al 
kasr A;™ shu'ara' al Sham u 383 Kutubi Fauat 
n, no 279 Ibn Hadjar Lisan al Mizan iv 150- 
1 Stryiiti Bughya, 323-4 Hadjdji Khalifa ed 
Istanbul passim Brockelmann S I 530 Bustam 
DM \ 24-5 MZ Enam h. muuassah en Orunl 
Sorbonne thesis 1973 (unpublished) 90-1 

(Ch Pellat) 
BALBAN Ghfvath al-Din Ulucjj Khan the most 
piominent of the slave Sultans of Dihh was 
originalf, a Turkish slave of the Ilbari clan A mem- 
ber of the famous corps of Fort, Slaves or C ihikam 
raised b\ Sultan Iltutmish Balban lose b\ dint of 
sheer merit and ability to be the mimstei and deputy 
(na'ib i mamlakat) of the ascetic king Nasir al-Din 
Mahmud Shah (644-64/ 124b-b5) to whom he had 
given his daughter in mainage As de Jaito ruler dur- 
ing Mahmud s reign he checked the forces of dis- 
integration and infused vigour into the admimstiation 
The experience which he earned during his deputy- 
ship stood him m good stead when he mauguiated 
his own reign in bb4/12b6 as Ghryath al-Dm Balban 
following the death of the childless Mahmud Many 
and varied were the problems which beset Balban 
as he set to administer the country ruined b\ mtei- 
nal anarclry and threatened with foreign invasion 
The tieacheious manoeuv rings of the Turkish nobil- 
ity the growing intensity of the Hindu resistance 
and the mounting menace of the Mongol inroads 
combined to create a situation which called foi leal- 
lstic approach, coupled with a will to take bold 

As a typical oriental monauh he advocated the 
theory of the divine right of the king and ngidl\ 
insisted on the observance of court ceremonial Foi 
iefiactoiy nobles he thought the assassins dagger oi 
poison to be the only remed\ and he got rid of most 
of them by a hbeial use of both With firm deter- 
mination and concentrated drive he brought the 
Mewati insurgents to then knees and suppiessed 
the uprising of the Hindus of the Doab For repelling 
the Mongol maraudeis, he put his able and trusted 
son Muhammad Khan in command of an elaborate 
defence anangement along the north-western fron- 
tieis and as a result the advance oi the Mongols 
was effectively halted At home the army was re- 
organised an efficient espionage s\stem perfected 
and art and literature liberally patronised The cele- 
brated Amfi Khusraw [q v] was one of the liter- 
vigorous administration peifect peace and prosperi- 
ty prevailed over his kingdom, except for an insur- 
rection in distant Bengal After peisistent flouting of 
the kings will by the goveinor of that province 
Toghiil Khan Balban had to take peisonal charge 
of a strong military expedition which resulted in the 
rebellious goveinoi being caught and slain His adhei- 
ents were taken by the Sultan to Lakhnawti [iji ] where 
they weie publicly punished by impalement This 

exemplary chastisement was also intended to be served 

he appointed goveinor of Bengal befoie letuming to 

Balban s beloved son Pnnce Muhammad whom 
he had designated his heir, was killed earh, in 
b85/128b in a fierce engagement with the Mongols 
This bereavement eventually brought about his own 
death a year later in b8b/1287 this sounded the 
death-knell of the Slave-King dv nasty for the Khaldjis 
took over the reins of the Dihli sultanate only three 
vears later 

Bibliography Diya al-Din Baram Ta'nkh i Firu^ 
Shahi Calcutta 18b0-b Shams-i Snadj 'AfTf 
Ta'nkh i Firu*. Shahi Calcutta 1888-9 Elliott and 
Dow son History oj India m Sir Wolseley Haig 
Cambndge history oj India m, Cambridge 1928, ABM 
Habrbullah Foundation oj Muslim tule in India Lahore 
1945 AL Snvastava Tht sultanah of Delhi Agra 
1953, P Hardy Historians oj media al India London 
1%0 index G Hambly Who uere tht (luhileam 
thtjoity skits oj Sultan Shams al Dm Iltutmish oj Ddhp 
in Iran Jnal oj tht British Inst oj Posian Studits x 
(1972) 57-b2, Muhammad 'Aziz Ahmad Political 
history and institutions oj the earl) Turkish empm oj Delhi 
(1206 1290) Indian edition Delhi 1972 

(Abdus Subhan) 
Sidi BALLA, Abu Muhammad 'Abd Allah Ibn 
'Azzuz al-Kurashi al-Shadhili al-Marrakushi a 
cobbler of Marrakesh to whom thaumaturgic gifts 
were attributed and who died in an odour of sanc- 
tity in 1204/1789 His tomb, situated in his own 
residence at Bab Ay Ian has been continuously vis- 
ited because of its reputation of curing the sick 
Although he had not received a very advanced edu- 
cation Ibn 'Azzuz nevertheless succeeded in leav- 
ing behind ap abundant body of works, dealing 
mainly with mysticism and the occult sciences but 
also with medicine However his works display 
hardly any originality and none of them has inter- 
ested a publisher despite the success in Moiocco of 
his Dhahab al kusuj ma najy al zulumat ji 'Urn al tibb 
ixa I taba'i' ma I hikma a popular collection of ther- 
apeutic formulae (see L Leclerc La 
dAbulcasis Pans 1861, n 307-8 H PJ Renaud in 
Initiation au Maroc Pans 1945 183-4) his hasty al 
rumu^ concerning medicinal plants is equally well- 
known Out of his thiee works on mysticism the 
Tanbih al tilmidh al muhtad} is perhaps the most ong- 

the hakika [q i ] Finally in the field oflhe occult 
sciences his Lubab al hikma ft 'dm al huruj ua 'dm 

survives is a treatise on practical magic and di\- 
inatory magic 

Bibhoe,,aphy On the manuscripts of Sidi 
Ballas works see Brockelmann S II 704 713 
M Lakhdar \u htkram 253-b see also Ibn 
Suda Dahl Mu'amkh al Maghrib al Aksa Casa- 
blanca I960 n, 446 449 <A Gannun al Nubugh 
al Maghribi Beirut 1961 i 304-5 310 

BALYUNASH, also B NYUN SH (in Leo 
Afncanus i ,e.nones, in Marmol I aldtvmom s) 
Poituguese Bulhoes, Spanish Bullones site of a once- 
important karya 8 km \\ N \\ of Ceuta beneath 
Sierra Bullones (Djabal Musa) Its name is from 
the Spanish Romance bunyohi vine\aids not Bu 
or Bern \unus/-ash etc Sunounded on land by 
mountains Balyunash lies in a small valle\ drop- 
ping shaipl\ to a creek in a ba\ set in a nanow part 


In Islam the aiea s history m i\ well have begun 
with Musa b Nusayr [q i } who is said to ha\e 
ciossed to Algecnas in 9V712 from uhit became 
Marsa Musa latti within the oibit of Balvunash 
Levi-Pio\encal \Hnt Esp mus n 260) associates the 
emeigence of Bahunash pioper with a palace built 
iraong gardens bv Ibn Abi ' \mir 'Almanzoi) and 
piotected b\ a fortress on the shoie In the 5th/ 11th 
centuiv Balvunash was ceitainlv known to the geog- 
lapher al-Bakn as a laige feitile and populous place 



1342 it witnessed a battle between ships fiom a 
Mannid-Nasiid fleet and \esstls from l C istilian 
fleet covering Altonso \I as he besieged Algttiras 
The hevday of Bahunash- lauded as an Eden bv 

Mediaeval Ceuta a i datively ban en isolated and 
and peninsula can be seen as the laison d ttrt of 
Balvunash A resoit foi pnntes and the nch who 
had fortified villas there the latter was certainly i 
nth souite of tresh food ind ibove all flowing watei 
which in Mannid times it least must hue been fed 

roveinor of Balkh from 2W847-8 onwaids being 
;till theie when the Saffind \ a'knb b al-Lavth cap- 
ured the city tempoianh in 258/872 Dawud fled 
o Samnkind in Samamd temtorv Isc to refuge with 
us suzeiains >) but letumed to Balkh shoitlv aftei- 
*aids and died theie in 259/87 5 (Barthold Turhstan 
ioun to thi Mongol imasion 77-8) It was probablv this 
Diwud (thus accoiding to \ asmer op at 50 pan 
rquart) and not the Dawud b Abi Dawud of the 
Khuttal local lulers isee below) who at one point in 
career made a laid south ot the Hindu Kush 
against the local luler Fiiuz b Kabk who was piob- 
abh fiom the famih ot Zunbils of Zabuhstan ilbn 
Khunadadhbih 180 cf Mas'udi Murudi vm 42 

Dawud b al-' Abbas s kinsman I ■> nephew) Abu 
Dawud Muhammad b Ahmad mled in Balkh fiom 
260/874 onwards after having already contiolled 
Andaraba and Pandjhn in Badakhshan the lattei 
place impoitant for its silver mines during the veais 
259-61/873-5 \a'kub b al Layth took ovei Pandjhir 
and minted coins theie but m 261/875 Abu Dawud 
Muhammad was once more able to issue his own 
coins fiom theie (\ asmer I bit du Murium dtr 
Sajfandin und ihitt (n^nti in Fan und Hurasan m \um 
Zntvhr NF xxm [1930) 1 »-4) If the inhumation 
ot the local histonin ot Bukhaia Narshakhi is coi- 
rect Abu Dawud Muhammad was still luhng in 
Balkh in 285/898 oi 286/899 when 'Ami b al- 
Layth summoned him togtthei with the Fanghumd 
ami) of Guzgan and the Samamd Isma'il b Ahmad 
to obedience iTa'tifh i Bulhata ti Frye Tht hitton 

rallel 1 

cf \a-. 
ine of g 


and a 

es Balbas L 
1957) 275-9 

text ot which see Hisfiim \n (1931) Tetuan 
11959) and ed A Ben Mansour Rabat 1969 
see also J \alhes ti in it indalus xxvn (1962)) 
B Pavon Maldonado -irtt hupanomusiilman in 
(tula in Cuadanos di la Mhambra vi (1970) 69 
107 plus plates G Ay ache Bdiounuh it U dis 
tin di Ciula in Hupim Tamuda Mil |1972) 5-36 
R Ruird Etudes sur I histoin dti Pmtugms au 
Maroe passim GS Colin Fhmolo°it> ma^nbints 

(J D Latham) 
BANIDIURIDS or Abu Davvudids a minoi 
dv nasty probably of Iiaman but conceivably of 
Turkish origin which ruled in Tukhuistan and 
Badakhshan sc in what is now Afghan Turkestan 
with i possible panllel bianch m khuttil st in what 
is now the Tidzhik SSR during the latei 5rd/9th 
and eaily 4th/ 10th tentunes 

The genealogy and historv of the Binidjunds aie 
veiv imperfectly known despite the attempts of 
J Marquait in his Eiamah, 300-2 and R \ asmei 
in his Bntiage ur muhammidanuehen Munzlunde I Dit 
UwKtn dei \bu Da'udidoi in \unmmatnehe ~eiti<hi N F 
win (1925) 49-62 to elucidate them through the spaise 
historical ieferences and the meagie numismatic evi 
dence It setms that thev sprang fiom one B imdjui 
a contemporary of the earlv 'Abb isid caliphs al-Mansur 
and al-Mahdi who had connections with Farghan i, 
and his son Hashim (d. 243/857-8) was ruler of the 
mountain districts of Wakhsh and Halaward on the 
upper Oxus. But the first member of the family known 
with any certainty is Dawud b. al-'Abbas, who was 

Oxus in Khut 
Ibn Khurradadhbih hi at describes the rukr of 
Khuttil in ea 272/885-6 al-Hanth b Asad as the 
kinsman of Dawud b il- c Abbas governoi of Balkh 

was still I uhng in 293/906-7 Neveitheless \ asmer 
thought that the appaientation of al-Hanth b Asad s 
line to the main stock ot the Bamdjunds was dubi- 
ous These Khuttal princelings minted coins in the 
eaily 4th/ 10th century and the rebellious gover- 
noi of Khurasan Abu 'Ah C agham in 33b/947 
ed help fiom the amir Ahmad b Dja'fai 


n \ asm( 

ached t. 


spring of Abu Dawud Muhammad b Ahmad 
[Bntratt 59 ff , cf Gaidizi ~a)n al alhbai ed 
Nazim 36 ed 'Abd al-Havv Habtbi 157 and 
Barthold Tuit titan 248 We do not know how 

oflocal rulers in Khuttal during the earlv Ghaznaw 
id penod and a sister of Mahmud of Ghazna the 
Hurra yi Khuttah of Bavhaki was possibly man led 
to one ot these lulers cf Boswoith Till Ghajiaudi 
thin impvt in Afghanistan and tasttrn Iran 1 58 237 
and idem Tin later (rha^nands splendour and dam 
The dynasty in A^hamstan and noithirn India 1040 1186 
Edinburgh 1977 148 

Bibliography Given in the aiticle \ ismei 
Batmge 5 5 has a conjectural genealogical table fol 
lowed bv Zimbaui in his Manuel 202 204 


BARBER [see celebi hall^k, in Suppl J 
MAD al-'ArabI b. Ahmad al-Andalusi, prominent 
Moroccan kadi in the reign of Mawlay Isma'il [q.u.]. 
Born in Fas on 2 Djumada II 1042/15 December 
1632, he died there on 15 Radjab 1133/12 May 1721 


and was interred outside Bab Gisa (al-Djisa) on the 
leit or Karawiwin bank of the Wadi Fas 

Mainh because of its non-Arabic origin Bardalla 
is vocalised differentl\ in the Aiabit sources and in 
some one encounters coirupt forms such as in Bin 
Dalla Understandabh we find inconsistencies in 
European spellings (Bordola Bordala Berdella etc ) 
This last ioim most nearh represents the pronun- 
ciation of the familv name as found in 20th centurv 
Fas and it closeh accords with the onlv two forms 
which — on the basis of scrutinv of manuscripts 
and inquiry from informed local souues — can be 
consideied acceptable viz Bardalla Bui dalla The 
Andalusian origin of Muhammad al 'Arabi s iamilv 
suggests that the etvmology is to be sought in a 
Romance diminutive in elk oi an epithet 101 respon- 
ding to sa> the modem Castihan panto blown 

duskv Such a name is quite probable isee filaha 
vol in 901 col 2 and if Nghialh < Negrello 
and on uh > a (ta> ma, but a) cf also Ibn Sida [q i ] 
< Ibn Siduh) 

A respected jurist and teacher Muhammad al- 
' \rabi seems to have been a popular and influential 
religious leader Dunng the fust half oi the 17th cen- 
turv and the first half oi the 18th notablv between 
1088/1677 and 1118/1706-7 we see him against 
the background of the mosque of al-Karawiw in [q i] 
semng in various religious capacities — mujti supei- 
mtendent of religious endowments (nazii al 
aitkajlahbas) khatib and imam and last but not least 
kadi of Fas (kadi I ajama'a) In this last office his 
caieei was somewhat erratic because of dismissals 
and reinstatements bv the sultan Thus from 
1088/Decembei 1677 when he replaced one 
Muhammad b al-Hasan al-Madjdjasi, he had at least 
five or six separate terms of office. His initial trou- 
bles seem to have stemmed from the attempts of al- 
Madjdjasi to cling to office and his later ones from 
the effects of local politics and rivalries. In 1116/1704 
he was denounced to Mawlay Isma'il for perform- 
ing the salat over his dead rebel son, Mawlay 
Muhammad al-'Alim, but the sultan's wrath can have 
done him little harm, for we find him leading the 
Eclipse Prayer at al-Karawiyyln in 1 1 18/1706. A man 
of evident integrity, he is described in one source as 
"the last just kadi of Fez". 

Bibliography. In addition to Levi-Provencal, 
Chorfa, 306 (see references in n. 1), 309, 312, 403, 
see the new edition and English translation, by 
Norman Cigar, of al-Kadiri's Mashr al-mathani 
(= part I of a D. Phil, thesis, Oxford 1976 (details 
in Bulletin of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies, 
3 (1976), 43 f.)), i (tr.), 23 and n. 8, 26, 29, 30 
f, 35, 46, 54 f; ii, 94, etc.; Mawlay Sulayman, 
A". 'Inayat uli 'l-mad^d k-dhikr al al-Fasi b. al'fyadd, 
Fas 1347, 27, 26, 40, etc.; al-Nasin, A'. al-Istiksd', 
vii, Casablanca 1957, 54, 91, 106, 107, 113; In 
Ibn Suda, Datil mu'amkh al-Maghrib al-Aksa there 
are references to parts of two works preserved in 
the private library of Muhammad b. Ahmad 
Bardalla in Fas, one dealing with the early 'Alawids, 
the other treating of the sulaha' of Fas, but they 
seem to be the work of Muhammad al-'Arabi's 
son despite the index reference (DalJl, Casablanca 
1960, 1965, i, 42 (no. 69), 145 (no. 525), n 608 
(index), cf. ii, 441 (no. 2034)). (J.D. Latham) 
BARHA SAYYIDS (Barha from the Hindi 
numeral barah "twelve"), the name applied fiom 
Akbar's reign onwards to those in possession of 
a certain group of twelve villages in the 
Do '5b (Muzaffarnagar district, U.P.). 

Aitei the establishment oi the Ilkhamd Mongol king- 
dom in Persia and Tiak in ia 65b/ 1258 manv Saw id 
families rmgiated to India and obtained grants oi vil- 
lages in the aiea extending from the Pandjab to Bihar 
Some of them weie endowed with qualities of leadei- 
ship and not onlv exercised effective control over their 
own villages but l allied the support oi the neigh- 
bouring village leaders generallv Hindus The authen- 
ticitv oi their claims to be Sayvids was always suspect 
but their chivalrv and heroic achievements made them 
indispensable to the Dihh iultans The ancestoi oi the 
Barha Saw ids Abu 1-Farah left his original home 
m Wasit [qi\ in 'Irak with his twelve sons at the 
end of the 7th/ 13th oi m the 8th/ 14th centurv and 
migrated to India where he obtained iour villages in 
Snhind [qi] Bv the lOth/lhth centurv some oi Abu 
1-Farah s descendants had taken ov ei the Barha vil- 
lages in Muzaflarnagai In the reign oi Akbar the 
Barha Savyids occupied a place of distinction and 
nine oi them held mamafc [qi] ranging irom 2 000 
to 250 the total family tnansab being 8 550 a verv 
high position in the Mughal hierarchv Natuiallv with 
the Baiha villages as a nucleus the Saw ids owned 
extensive d/agin [qi] m the region Their pride in 
their Indian birth gieatlv appealed to the local Hindu 
leaders who helped them to raise the strong contin- 
gents thev led m the Mughal imperial wars Occupy- 
ing a distinguished place in the vanguard like 
many Radjput warriors they preferred to fight as 

Bv the reign of Awrangzlb although ostensibly 
they maintained their traditional lovaltv thev weie 
impelled bv ambition to join in the scramble for 
political power For example Saw id Hasan 'Air 
(afterwards 'Abd Allah Kutb al-Mulk) and his voungei 
brother Husayn 'Air, known as the Sayyid brothers, 
by helping Farrukh-Siyar [q.v.] succeed to the throne 
in 1124/1712, obtained for themselves the highest 

puppet emperor. They abolished the ajizya and tried 
to conciliate the Radjputs; but by giving too much 
administrative power to their favourite, Lala Ratan 
C and, a Vaishya, they dislocated the entire admin- 
istrative machinery. Finally, in 9 Djumada II 1131/29 
April 1719, they deposed and strangled Farrukh- 
Siyar. They then raised four puppet rulers to the 
throne, one after the other. However, early in the 
reign of the fourth puppet emperor, Nasir al-Dfn 
Muhammad Shah [q.v.], they and their supporters 
were defeated by an opposition party under the lead- 
ership of Nizam al-Mulk [q.v]. On 6 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 
1132/9 October 1720, Husayn 'Air was assassinat- 
ed, and, on 14 Muharram 1133/15 November 1720, 
'Abd Allah was defeated near Agra, taken captive 
and killed in his Dihll prison on 1 Muharram 
1135/12 October 1722. 

The Barha Savyids were ShiTs, and many Sunni 
Sayyid families, such as that of Shah Wall Allah 
Dihlawl [q.v.], who lived in their neighbourhood, 
exerted themselves to ensure that the Barha Sayyids 
did not recover their political power. 

Bibliography: Besides the works cited in 
Bahadur Shah I, Djahandar Shah and Farrukh- 
Siyar, see Munawwar 'All Khan (ed.), Istisal-i 
Sadat i Barha, India Office Ms. 4002; H. Blochmann 
(tr ) and D C Phillot (ed.), A'ln-i Akbarl, Calcutta 
1939 i Shah Wall Allah, Maktubat-i Shah Wall 
illah Rada Library, Rampur (U.P.), Suluk Farsl no. 
b04 SAA Rizvi, Religious and intellectual history of 
the Muslims in ikbar's reign, Delhi 1975. 

(S.A.A. Rizvi) 

apparentK wooded region of the 
ance m Iran, described b\ the medi- 
geographers as the haunt of 
the Kufitis or Kufs and the 

s tec 
steepsided giamte chain running in a NW-SE duec- 

(sc the massif which culminates in such peaks as 
the Kuh-i Hazai and the KQh-i Lalazar), to the 
south of the towns of Bam [q <, J and Fahradj the 
geographers count it as amongst tht garmsvat 01 

Djabal Bauz uses to"! 2 450 feet, and the Hudud al 
'Slam states that it possessed mines of lead toppei 
and lodestone 

The actual name appears variously in the sources 
as Bauz, Bandjan, etc the modem foim being 

tions riaptKdvioi who paid tnbute to Darius and 
supplied infantry foi Xerxes' aim\ (it Mai quart, 
ErSnsahr 51), and Tabari, i 894 sa\s that Khusiaw 
AnQshirwan le-estabhshed Sasamd control over the 
people of al-Banz aftei the anarch\ of Kubadh s 
last \eais Until the earl\ 'Abbasid period, the Djabal 
Banz lemained a stionghold of Zoioastnanism The 
Kuficis or 'mountaineers" of the legion iesisted the 
attempts of Ya'kub b Layth to assert Saftand con- 
tiol o\er Kirman, and it was piobabK onK after 
this time (sc the later 3id/9th century) that Islam 
began to penetrate there The geographers of the 
following centurv describe the people of tht moun- 
tain as savage iobbeis and bngands whom the puni- 
tive expeditions of Ya'kub b Layth, the Buyids 
Mu'izz al-Dawla and 'Adud al-Dawla, and the 
Saldjuk Kawuid b d'aghn Beg quelled onlv tem- 
~ "" "osworth. The hufiti~ 

son Khalid, who was still a child, the son of this 
last, Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad (correcting Yakut 
l daba', lot at) would appear to be the fust mem- 
ber of this tamilv to paititrpate in the transmission 
of Shfr tradition A supporter of 'AIT al-Rida (d 
203/818 [qi]) and of his son Muhammad al-Djawad 
(d 219/834) whom he ceitainlv visited, he was the 
author (if we are to believe Ibn al-Nadim, Filunl, 
Cairo ed 309-10 cf al-TusT, Fihust, 153) of a num- 
ber ol works, st the Kitab al 'Aius A al Tabsira A 
alRidial (on tiansmitters of traditions ascribed to 
"Ali b \bi rahbl and the A al Uahasin, which 

attribution If we are to |udge bv the details sup- 
plied bv Ibn al-Nadim this A al Mahasin would be 

constituting a soit of encvclopaedia of knowledge 
which a good Shfi would be obliged to possess in 
ordei to conform to tradition Km" ' 


\ hai 

of ft 

'i Inst 

Persian Studus, xiv (197b), 9-17) OnK 
tvaftar and Dihak, are mentioned as market centres 
oi the mountain The Djabal Ban? long remained 
m inaccessible place and Sn Peicv Sykes descnbes 
t as still being a haunt of thieves when he was 
British Consul in Knman \A fifth journn in Persia, in 
r M0tri Jnal, xxv in (1906) 4») 

Bihlwgiaph In addition to the refeiemes given 
in the aiticle, see Muhammad b Ibrahim, Ta'rikh 
i Saldjuhnan i human, ed M BastanT-PanzI, Tehran 
1%4, 6 n 1, Hudud al 'Slam ti Minoiskv, 65, 
125, Le Stiange Tht lands of tht Eastern Caliphatt, 
316-17 Admiralh handbook, Persia, London 1945 88, 
95 98, 106, 391, For Euiopean tiavellers in the 
region, see A Gabriel Du Eijonthung Ptrsitns, 


(C E 1 


membei, Abu Dja'fai ahmad b muhammad b Khahd 
b 'Abd al-Rahman b Muhammad b 'All, enjoys 
a consideiable tenown in Iraami tncles When the 
ancestor of the family, Muhammad b 'All, was 
imprisoned and put to death by Yusuf b. 'Umar al- 
Thakafi (governor of 'Irak from 120/738 to 126/744 
[?.».]) following the suppression of" the revolt of Zayd 
b. 'Alt (122/740 [q.v.]), his son 'Abd al-Rahman 
escaped and established himself at Barka, in the 
region of Kumm, whence the ethnic name al-Barkl, 
to which there is sometimes added, for the purpose 
of avoiding confusion, the name al-Kumrm (Yakut, 
Buldan, i, 572, s.v. "Barka", gives the nisba precise- 
ly, but in the Egyptian edition of his Mu'dfam al- 
udaba', iv, 132, al-Barkr becomes al-Rakkr). 'Abd 
al-Rahman b. Muhammad was accompanied by his 



Ibn al-Nadim who probabK did not \ 

eightv of them and adds that the son of Muhammad 
Abu Dja'fai Ahmad, composed thiee works of his 
own the A al Ihtidjad) (a subject alieadv dealt with 
bv the preceding), A al Safar and A al Buldan more 
developed than that of his fathei ' 

Now the authoi of the Fihrist is tunouslv, the 
onlv one to attribute a fust veision of the A al 
Mahasin to Muhammad b Khahd Yakut totalis 
ignoies this individual, whom he mentions neither 
in the Mu'iiam al buldan, noi in the section of the 
Uu'diam aludaba' Uv, 132-6) devoted exclusivelv to 
Ahmad b Muhammad and probably incomplete, bas- 
ing himself, without admitting it, on the Fihrist ol 

specifying that thev constitute the A al MahSsin men- 
tioned above, but giving the impiession all the same 
that the number of these kutub is vanable and assert- 
ing that he has personal knowledge of those that he 
enumeiates, he judges this Baikr 'woithv of cre- 
dence, reliable {thika) although he repioaches him 

hadlth'i transmitted directly bv rep- 

The san 

I the s, 

ond s 

reproach is directed at him — and in 
tire same teims — bv Shfl writers who describe how 
he was temporarily expelled from Kumm because of 
the defects of his methods, these authors ignore too 
the father of Ahmad, they declare that this last was 
very wise and learned composed veise and had many 
disciples (although the ones that they mention bv 
name mostly belong to a later penodj, they make 
him an associate of Muhammad ai-Djawad (which 
would seem haid to accept) or of 'Air al-Hadi (d 
254/868; and a contemporary of al-Mu'tasim (218- 
27/833-42), they make no mention of his successor 
and they suggest that he died in 274/887-8 or in 

The articles which the Shi*! n&aliyym devote to 
him are conveniently reproduced by Muhsin al-Amin 
al-'Amili in his A'yan al-Sht'a (ix, 266) and most com- 
pletely by al-Sayyid Muhammad Sadik Bahr al-'Ulum, 
who was responsible for the second edition of the 
Kitab al-MahSsin (Nadjaf 1384/1964, two volumes 
I bound in one; the first edition, by Djalal al-Din al- 
Husayni, Tehran 1370 (?) remained inaccessible to 
the author of the present article). 

It must in fact be said that this celebrated K. al- 
I MahSsin, which appears to have enjoyed great influ- 
I ence over a long period, has not survived in an 


integral form, although it has not totally disappeared, 
and eleven of its "books" have been preserved: (1) 
al-Ashkal wa 1 km a' in (11 tabs); (2) Thawab al-a'mal 
(123 tabs); (3) 'Mb al-a'mal (70 babs); (4) al-Sajwa wa 
•l-nur wa 'l-rahma (47 babs); (5) Masablh al-zulam (49 
babs); (6) al-'Ilal 1 1 bab); (?) al-Safar (39 bah); (8) al- 
Ma'akil [136 babs), (9) al-Ma' (20 babs); (10) al-Manafi' 
(6 iafc); (11) al-Marafik (16 Aafa). These titles almost 
all appear, in the same form, in the ancient lists, 
where there is also reference to htabs derived from 
babs in the published chapters. So we possess one- 
sixth or one-seventh of the original work, which is 
essentially a collection of hadiths attributed to the 
Prophet and to the Ahl al-Bayt, in paiticular to al- 
Husayn b. '.Air b. AM Talib, simply classified and 
reproduced without any interference on the part of 
the compiler. To judge by what has survived, the 
collection constituted a sou of musannaf of a partic- 
ulai type grouping together all the traditional ele- 
ments that the Imami considered to be essential, both 
in matters relating to the faith and in questions of 
everyday life. .All the same, a certain lack of order 
dominates the classification of traditions, so for exam- 
ple we find hadlths concerning bread in the chaptet 
devoted to water (no. 9), whereas we would expect 
to find them in the preceding chapter (al-Ma'akil), 
which is extensive and contains references to a long 
list of foodstuffs. The titles enumerated in the lists 
give the impression that the author did not neglect 
literary formation, poetry and other cultural fields, 
which makes the more regrettable the loss of so many 
chapters, no doubt considered less indispensable by 
posterity. It is probable that the htabs formed inde- 
pendent fascicules, which would explain both how 
they could be so easily lost and why authors cannot 
agree either on their number or their order. 

A comparison between Ibn al-Nadim's list and 
all the others might perhaps allow an insight into 
the respective roles of the father and of the son in 
the compilation of the hitab al-Mahasin, but this 
would be a hazardous enterprise and ultimately of 
doubtful benefit. In othet respects, the presentation 
of these lists is such that it is impossible to see 
clearh whether Muhammad or his son wrote works 
that were not included in the composition of the 
A. al-Mahaun; it is however possible that one or the 
other left biographies of ndial, and al-Mas'udr 
(Murudj, l, 12 = § 8) mentions among the sources, 
attributing it to Ahmad, a hitab al-Tabyan which 
no doubt had a historical or a hieio-historical 

Bibhogi aphy: (in addition to references in the 
article): Khatib Baghdadi, Ta'rikh, v, 4; Kumrm, 
Ta'nkh-i hum, 277; Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-Mlzan, i, 
262; Shfr authors (including those whose notices aie 
given in the introd. of the A. al-Mahasin): Nadjashl, 
Ridjal, 55; Nun, Mustadiak al-uma'd, iii, 552; 
Karbala'I, Muntaha 'l-makal, lith. 1302, 41, 42; Mirza 
Muh. AstarabadT, Manhad} aimakal, lith. Tehran 1307; 
Mamakam, Tanklh al-makal, 82-4; Kh"ansan, Rawdat 
al-djannat, lith. Tehian 1306, 13; Modern biogra- 
phers: Kahhala, ii, 97; Ziriklr, i 195; see also F. 
Rosenthal, A fusion' of Muslim historiography-, 501. 
(Ch. Pellat) 

BARSAWMA al-ZAMIR, Ishak, famous flute 
player in early 'Abbasid times, died after 188/804. 
He was a dark-coloured muwallad of humble origin, 
son of a "Nabataean" woman from Kiifa. Ibrahim 
al-MawsilT brought him to Baghdad, gave him an 

, belonging firsl 

introduced him 

3 Haiur 

al-Rashrd. He accompanied 

to the second class (tabaka) of court musicians, and 
later on was promoted by the caliph to the first 
class. Ishak al-Mawsili knew "nobody being more 
competent in their profession than four persons' al- 
Asma'I" as an expert in poetry, al-Kisa'i in gram- 
mar, Mansur Zalzal as a lute player and Barsawma 
as a flautist". 

Bibliography: Aghanf, v, 176, 227, 241, 255, 
vi, 164-5, 297," 303, 304, xix, 294, xx, 358; Djahiz, 
Hayawan, vi, 17; Ibn 'Abd Rabbih, 'Ikd, vi, Cairo 
1949, 31-2, 37; Pseudo-Djahiz, Taaj, 39, 41; Ibn 
al-Kifti, Inbali al-iuwat, ii, 272-73; H.G. Farmer, 
History of Arabian musu, 94, 116. 

(E. Neubauer) 
BASBAS is the fennel (Foenuulum vulgare), belong- 
ing to the family of umbellal plants. The term 
bnbas, used in the Maghrib for fennel, indicates in 
the Eastern countries the red seed-shell of the nut- 
meg (Mynstica Jragram), known as Macis, while the 
teim basbasa, not to be confused with the two other 
terms, indicates only nutmeg in the entire Arab world. 
The most often used synonym of basbas is raziyanad}, 
borrowed from the Persian. The complete nomencla- 
ture, also taken from other oriental languages, has 
been brought together by I. Low, Die Flora dei 
Juden, iii, 460-5. The Greek term ucipa8(p)ov is 
found as marathun (and variants) in the Arabic med- 
ical inventories. Like in Dioscorides, this term indi- 
cates the garden fennel (basbas bustani), Anethum 
joemculum, while 'utrcoudpctSov (ibbumarathun, and vari- 
ants, strictly speaking "horse fennel"), which is most- 
ly mentioned in connection with the garden fennel, 
apparently stands for the wild fennel. The term bas- 
bas djabati, likewise used for the latter, is confusing, 
for the "mountain fennel" (Seseh) does not belong to 
the genus Foemculum. Other kinds mentioned can- 
not as yet be determined. 

The volatile oil extracted from the fruits of the 
fennel has a strongly fragrant scent and a bitter, 
camphor-like smell. It loosens phlegm and was, in 
the form of fennel-tea or fennel-honey, used, as it is 
now, against coughs and flatulence. A decoction of the 
flower stalk was considered to be a diuretic and to 
further menstruation; mixed with wine it was used as 
a medicament against snake bites, while the pressed 
juice is praised as an ophthalmic remedy. The leaves 
and fruits were added to food as a spice. AsmaT 
counts them among the precious spices {.habat, ed. 
Ghunaym, Cairo 1392/1972, 13 ff.). Abu Hanifa al- 
Dinawari praises their aroma, remarks that the plant 
thrives on wild soil and proves both observations with 
verses (SabSI. The Book of Plants, ed. B. Lewin, 59 f.). 
Fennel has been used as spice from Old Egyptian 
times until today. Ibn al-'Awwam consecrates a spe- 
cial chaptei to the cultivation of the fennel (hitab al- 
Filaha, tr. Clement-Mullet, ii, Paris 1866, 250 f.). 
Curious is the assertion of NuwayrI [hihaya, xi, 82), 
that vipers and snakes, when leaving theii holes in 
spring, rub their eyes at the fennel shrub in older to 
be able to see again; the same is mentioned repeat- 
edly by Kazwinf (see Wiedemann, Aujsatze zm arab. 
Wissenschaftsgesihiihte, ii, 336, 386). 

Bibliography: Dioscurides, Materia medua, 
ed. Wellmann^ ii, Berlin 1906, 81 f. (= lib. ni, 
I 70, 71); La "Materia mediea" de Diosiondes, ii 
(Arabic tr.) ed. Dubler and Teres, Tetuan 1952, 
271; The medical formulary or Aqrabadhin of 
al-hmdl, tr. M. Levey, Madison etc. 1966, 242; 
Suwaydf, Simal, Ms. Palis ar. 3004, fols. 49a, 
256a; Ibn Biklarish, Musla'im, Ms. Naples, Bibl. 


Naz. iii, F. 65, fol. 82b; Ibn al-Djazzar, I'timdd 
Ms. Ayasofya 3564, fol. 58a-b; Maimonides, Shark 
asmd' al-'ukkdr, ed. Meyerhof, no. 351; Anonymous 
[Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Nabati b. al-Rumiyya?], Ms 
Nuruosmaniye 3589, fol. 102a-b; Ibn al-Baytar 
Djdmi', Bulak 1291, i, 93, ii, 134 f, tr. Leclerc 
nos. 286, 1019; Ghassanl, Mu'tamad, ed M al- 
Sakka', Beirut 1975, 23 f. and 182-4; Die phar- 
makolog. Grundsatze des Abu Mansur . . . Harawi, tr. 
A. Achundow, Halle 1893, 167, 210; Tuhfa't al- 
ahbab, ed. Renaud and Colin, Paris 1934, no. 358; 
Razf, Hawl, xx, Haydarabad 1387, 535-9 (no' 
378); Ibn Sina, Kdnun, Bulak, i, 277, and 429 f; 
Ibn Hubal, Mukhtdrdt, Haydarabad 1362, ii, 178- 
DawQd al-Antakr, Tadhkira, Cairo 1371,'i, 74 f' 
165; H.G. Kircher, Die "einfachen Heilmittel" cms dem 
"Handbuch der Chirurgie" des Ibn al-Quff, Bonn 1967, 
no. 34; W. Schmucker, Die pjknrjiche und mineralische 
Materia medica im Firdaus al-hikma des All ibn Sahl 
Rabban at-Tabari, Bonn 1969, no. 318; F.A. 
Fluckiger, Pharmakognosie <fo Pflanzenreiches, Berlin 
1891, 948-50. - (A . Dietrich) 

form Bashkardia, a region of south-eastern 
Iran, falling administratively today within the 8th 
or province of Kirman and in the shahrastan 


t of t^iruft, of which 

d 4 ughrafiy 



ln - -- - .. ■--, -., 1332/1953, 

49. It is the mountainous hinterland of western 
Makran, lying to the east of Mlnab near the Straits 
of Hormuz and bounded on the north by the south- 
ern fringes of the Djaz-Muryan depression; the peaks 
of the Manz range within it rise to just over 7,000 
feet. The whole region has been, and still is, extremely- 
remote and inaccessible, and only in recent decades 
has a measure of control from Tehran been extended 
over a people formerly much given to raiding and 
brigandage. The main settlement is at Angohran, but 
the population is everywhere sparse; the Admiralty 
handbook, Persia, London 1945, mentions 100 reed's 
huts at Angohran, and a total population for Bashkar- 
dia of an estimated 8,000 families; the Farhctng, hi. at, 
mentions 108 settlements [dbadi], with a population 
of ca. 6,700. ' H 

The people of Bashkardia are ethnically Iranian 
and Shr'i in madhhab; at least until very recently, 
included a slave elen 

. Irani; 

ulated by Tomaschek that the modern Bashkardfs 
could be the descendants of the mediaeval Islamic 
Kudos or Kufs, the predatory people of Kirman 
and Makran provinces often linked in the sources 
with the Baltic [see balO-cistan and kufs]; for a 
discussion of this, see C.E. Bosworth, The KufuhJs 
or Qitfs in Persian history, in Iran. Jnal. of the British 
Institute of Persian Studies, xiv (1976), 9 ft The actu- 
al name Bashkard (Bashakard is a form apparently- 
exhibiting a pseudo-Arabic broken plural) is unat- 
tested till the mid- 19th century, when the first 
Europeans, Col. E. Mockler and E.A. Floyer visii 


Bashkardia for some months in 
theless suggested that the name might derive from 
the dominant Persian tribe, to which the Achaemenids 
themselves belonged, of the Pasargadae, located 
by Ptolemy in Carmania (= Kirman). The Bash- 

inguage is 


t New Persi; 

and a 

e.g. the hardwood 

;sible in prii 

djag or djakh, identifiable with the O. Pers. yakd- 
wood used in the construction of Darius's palace at 
Susa, see Gershevitch, Sissoo at Susa (O. Pers. yaka = 
Dalbergia Sissoo Roxb.), in PSOAS, xix (1957), 317-20 
xx (1958), 174. 

Bibliography: The main items in the exigu- 
ous bibliography of Bashkardia are given by 
Bosworth in art. cit., 11, n. 13; of special note 
are the works of Floyer and A. Gabriel, and 
most recently, of Gershevitch, Travels in Bashkardia, 
mjnal. of the Royal Central Asian Society, xlvi (1959), 
213-24, and F. Balsan, Etrange Baloutchistan, Paris 
1969; Linguistic material was collected bv 
Gershevitch, but has not y 
toto.; for sections of it so ft 
see Bosworth, art. cit., 13, 

(C.E. Bosworth) 
BASHKUT, Djewad FehmI, modern Turkish 
Cevat FEHMi Baskut, Turkish playwright 
and journalist (1905-71). He was born in Edirne 
and educated at an Istanbul high school, choosing 
journalism as his career when he was still a very- 
young man. He began to write plays in the early 
1940s and became very popular. Of his 23 plays, 
most of which were performed in the city theatre 
{Sehu tiyatrosu) of Istanbul, the best known are Kuptk 
sehir ("Little town") 1946; Paydo- ("Break") 1949; 
Harput'ta bir Amerikah ("An American in Kharput") 
1956; and Buzlai (ozulmeden ("Before the thaw") 
1964. His plays are sentimental and unsophisticated 
renderings of human dramas and comic situations, 
with an edifying approach. He writes in an easy- 
style at times tending to be somewhat literary and 

Bibliography: Metin And, Elli yilin Turk tiyatrosu 
Istanbul 1973, 438 and index; Behcet Necatigil' 
Edebiyatimizda isimlei sozlugu', 1975, s.v. 

BASQUES [see bashkunish]. lFAHIR ^ 

BATRIYYA or BUTRIYYA, the pejorative des- 
ignation for a group of moderate ShrTs in the 
time of Muhammad al-Bakir (d. 117/735) and for 
the moderate wing of the early Zaydiyya [q.v.] who 
did not repudiate the caliphates of Abu Bakr and 
'Umar. Their position was opposed to the more rad- 
ical Shi r stand of the Djarudi>-ya [q.v.], who con- 
sidered 'Air the only legitimate immediate successor 
of the Prophet. The name is most often derived in 
the sources from the nickname al-Abtar of Kathrr al- 
Nawwa' and explained as referring to their "muti- 
lating" (batr), either of the legitimate rights of the 
family of the Prophet, or of the recitation of the bas- 
mala in the prayer which they performed only with 
a subdued voire, or of the caliphate of 'Uthman, 
which they repudiated for the last six years of his 
reign. The first of these explanations is clearly the 
most plausible one and points to an origin of the 
name in internal Shi'i controversy. 

Imami sources name the Kufans Kathrr al-Nawwa' 
Sahm b. Abi Hafsa (d. 137/754-5), al-Hakam 
b. Utayba (d. 112/730 or 115/733), Salama b 
Kuhayl (d. 122/740), and Abu '1-Mikdad Thabit al- 
Haddad as the chiefs of the Batriyya in the 
time of Muhammad al-Bakir, and describe them 
as not recognising his full rank as imam and sole 

mbigumes in his teaching. 'Umar b. Riyah, 
rst recognised the imamate of al-Bakir, iat. 
-nounred him and joined the Batriyya 

, for 


Though only a few of the leaders of the Batriyya 
are expressly mentioned as participants in the rising 
of Zayd b. 'All in 122/740, it may be assumed that 
the early Batriyya generally inclined towards sup- 
porting him, as his attitude toward the first caliphs 
was close to their own. The Zaydl Batriyya held 
that 'All was the most excellent of men after the 
Prophet, but admitted the legitimacy of the ima- 
mates of Abu Bakr and 'Umar, since 'All had vol- 
untarily pledged allegiance to them. Concerning 
'Uthman, they either abstained from judgment or 
renounced him for the last six years of his reign. 
Unlike the Djarudiyya, they did not ascribe a supe- 
rior knowledge in religious matters to the descen- 
dants of 'All, but accepted the hadith transmitted in 
the Muslim community and admitted the use of indi- 
vidual reasoning {idjtihad, ra'y) in order to close gaps 
in the Shatl'a. Thus they did not adopt the specifi- 
cally ShrT theses in various points of the ritual and 
law and belonged to the traditionalist school of Kufa 
in their fikh doctrine. A leader of the Batriyya in 
the revolts of Zayd and of Ibrahim b. 'Abd Allah 
(145/762-3) was the traditionist and Jakih Harun b. 
Sa'Id al-Tdjlr, whose supporters, known as the 
'Idjliyya, were probably recruited from among his 
tribesmen. Equally prominent among the Zaydl 
Batriyya was the traditionist and theologian al-Hasan 
b. Salih b. Hayy [q.v] (d. ca. 168/784-5), who sup- 
ported the candidacy of Zayd's son 'Isa to the ima- 
mate and concealed him from the 'Abbasid 
authorities. 'Isa b. Zayd, in spite of his preference 
of the Shi'I position in some ritual matters (see L. 
Veccia Vaglieri, Divagaziom su due Rwolte Alidi, in A 
Ftancesco Gabrieh, Rome 1964, 328 if.), generally 
inclined to Batri views. A son of al-Hasan b. Salih 
b. Hayy led a group of Kufan Batriyya in the revolt 
of Yahva b. 'Abd Allah in the mountains of 
Daylaman [see daylam] (ca. 176/792), but was soon 
alienated by Yahya, who, espousing strictly Shi'i rit- 
ual, disapproved of some of his practices. Also to 
be counted among the chiefs of the Batriyya is the 
kalam theologian Sulayman b. Djarfr al-Rakkr [q.c], 
although his supporters were often mentioned as a 
group separate from the Batriyya. He participated 
in the debate about the imamate in the circle of 
the Barmakids, and a community of his followers 
survived in 'Anat for some decades. In the 3rd/9th 
century, the Batriyya quickly disintegrated as the 
Kufan traditionalist school was absorbed in Sunnism, 
while within the Zaydiyya, the DjarudI views con- 
cerning the imamate prevailed and Zaydl" fikh was 
elaborated on the basis of the doctrine of the family 
of the Prophet. 

Bibliography: Al-Nashi', Masa'il al-imama, ed. 
J. van Ess, Beirut 1971, 43-5; al-Nawbakhtl, Firak 
al-shi'a, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1931, see index; 
al-Ash'ari, Makalat at-istamhyin, ed. Ritter, Istanbul 
1929-31, 68 f.; al-KashshT," 'ikhtnar ma'ufat al-riajal, 
ed. Hasan al-Mustafawi, Mashhad 1348/1969, 
232-8, 390-2; Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfahanf, Makatil 
al-talibinin, ed. Ahmad Sakr, Cairo 1368/1949, 
468; Nashwan al-Himyarl, al-Hur al-'ln, Cairo 
1367/1948, 150 f., 155; Shahrastanl, 120 f.; R. 
Strothmann, Das Staatsrecht der jjiiditen, Strassburg 
1912, 31-4; idem, Kultm der £aiditen, Strassburg 
1912, 56 f; C. van Arendonk, Les debuts de 1'ima- 
mai Zaidite au Yemen, tr. J. Ryckmans, Leiden 1960, 
see index; W. Madelung, Der Imam al-Qasim ibn 
Ibrahim, Berlin 1965, see index. 

(W. Madelung) 
al-BATTI [see abu 'l-hasan al-battI, in Suppl.]. 

BAWRAK (buiak) is natron, sesqui-carbonate of 
soda, a compound of various salts containing mainly 
sodium carbonate (soda). Derived from the Persian 
bum, the term does not indicate borax in the mod- 
ern sense (Natrium biboracicum), but has given its 
name to it. The Arabic lexicographers know the 
bawrak ma'i, b. ajabali, b. armanl, b. misri (= naiiun), 
b. al-sagha ("borax of the goldsmiths", Chrysocolla), 
b. al-khabbazin (or: al-khubz) and b. ifiiki. Since unbi- 
ased elucidations of these terms are almost com- 
pletely lacking, this enumeration is almost valueless. 
Al-Khwarazmi (Mafatih, ed. van Vloten, 260) men- 
tions, furthermore, the bawrak zardwandi and also the 
tinkar which is made artificially; both are known as 
tincal until today. Further information about the 
nomenclature, also in other languages, is given in 
Moattar, Isma'il Gorgani (see Bibl). In his cosmog- 
raphy, Dimashkr distinguishes between bawrak and 
tmkar. he says that both have a natural and an arti- 
ficial kind and that both kinds of the latter were 
used in melting and purifying minerals (Wiedemann, 
Aufsatze zur arab. IVissenschqftsgeschuhte, i, 713). The 
fact that there existed a class of borax-traders 
(baicraki) indicates that trade in these various sodi- 
um compounds required specialised knowledge. This 
trade was apparently lucrative: Ibn Hawkal J , 346 
(tr. Kramers-Wiet, ii, 339) mentions a borate (milh 
al-bawrak) which was delivered from Lake Van to 
the bakers in 'Irak and Mesopotamia (bawrak al- 
khabbazin, see above); this denomination comes from 
the bakers who used to coat the bread with borate 

in order to give it a prettier and more shiny appear- 
ance. The particularly valuable bawrak al-sagha (see 
above) was exported with great profit from 
Kabudhan to 'Irak and Syria. 

The books on mineralogy mention the numerous 
find-spots and kinds of bawiak. Like salt it is found 
either as a liquid in water or as a solid on the sur- 
face of the soil. It is white, grey or red, and causes 
all kinds of solid substances to melt. Natrun, a kind 
of bawrak, cleanses the body and beautifies the skin; 
it is also used in chemistry as a reagent against impu- 
rities (J. Ruska, Das Steinbuch des Ansloleles, Heidelberg 
1912, Arab, text 118, tr. 173). 

In antiquity bawrak (natruri) was known as vixpov, 
which is different from our saltpetre (Nitrum). At 
that time, as in Islamic times and nowadays, it was 
gained from lakes which have no discharge, in which 
it was left behind as a gleaming crust as a result of 
evaporation. According to Ghassam and Ibn al-Kuff 
(see Bibl.), nattun is "Armenian borax", but they also 
say that the best natiun comes from the Egyptian 
saltlakes. It was widely used in therapeutics, espe- 
cially to treat skin-diseases like itching, scaly erup- 
tions, scabies, pimples and boils, and also to cleanse 
fresh wounds. Dissolved in wine, honey or water, it 
purifies dirty and purulent sores. Taken internally, 
it has a loosening effect, softens the bowel motions 
and dispels flatulence. In al-Kindi's collection of pre- 
scriptions, it is an ingredient of various tooth-pow- 
ders. Spread on the eyes, it removes the so-called 
hard white spot (baydd al-'ayn al-ghaliz)\ however, espe- 
cially in the treatment of the eyes, quackery took 
possession of this substance (according to Djawban, 
al-Mukhtar fi kashf al-asrat. cf. Wiedemann, Aufidtze, 
i, 765 IT.). 

Bibliography: Dioscurides, Materia medica, 

ed. Wellmann, iii, Berlin 1914, 83 f. (= lib. 

v, 113); La "Materia medica" de Dioscondes, ii 

(Arabic tr.) ed. Dubler and Teres, Tetuan 1952, 


42b t The midical formulary or iqrabadhin oj al 
hindi tr M Leve\ Madison etc 19bb 248 Bnuni 
Smdala ed HM Slid Karachi 1973 'Vrab 102 
f and 3b3 tr 79 j22 Ibn Biklansh Uuitaim 
Ms Naples Bibl Naz m F b5 fol 25b 
Maimomdes Sharh asma al ukkai ed Me\erhof 
no 51 Ibn al Bavtai Djami Bulak 1291 i 125 
7 tr Leclerc no 381 with raw quotuions from 
sources Ghassam Mu'tamad Beirut 1975 41 t 
F Moattai hma'il Gori,ani und sunt Bideutung )u> 
die iramsche Heilkunde imbesondere Pharma le M irburg 
1971 299 f (no 135) Die pharmakoh^ G, und at t 
des ibu Varum Haram tr \ \chundow Halle 

189j 162 f 31b Tuhfat al ahbab td Renaud and 
Colin Pins 1934 no 92 Razi Ham xx 
Havdarabad 1387 134 7 Ibn Sina hanun i 
Buhk 2b7 f Dawud al Antaki Tadhkua Cairo 
1371 i 87 f El Libro igrega dt Serapiom ed G 
Ineichen n \ emce 19bb 77 H G Kncher 
Du im/achtn Htilmitttl aus dem Handbuth dti 
Chirurgit des Ibn al Quff Bonn 1967 no 39 \\ 
Schmucker Du pflanjuhe und mineralische Materia 
medua mi Firdaus al hikma da. ill ibn Sahl Rabban 
at Taban Bonn 19b9 no 153 M Berthelot La 

with r 

1893 (r 



BAY'AT al RIDWAN the mm 

exacted b\ the Prophet from some of his followers 
during the Medimn penod 

During the expedition to il Hudavbiva [q t \ in 
Dhu 1 Ka'da of the veu b (March b28) a lepoit 
leached Muhammad tint the Meet ins had killed 
Uthman b '\ffan who hid gone into Mecca to 
negotiate a tiuce Muhimraid realised that he 
would lose face unless Uthmins death was 
avenged and summoned the membeis of the expe 
dition to take an oath of allegiance to himself 
There are different versions of the content of the 
oath Some held it was i pledge not to flee oth 
ers that it was a pledge to the death {'ala I 
maut) and one man (Sinan) is said to have pledged 
himself to do what was in Muhammad s mind 
(ala ma fi najiika) To fight the M< 

Oxford 195b 50 f 
(imoidanci sv bau. 

AJ Wen 


iW Montcoi 
BAYHAKI SAYYIDS a icligio political 
gioup active in the political life ot t arlv Islamic 
Kashmn The Bavhaki Saw ids migiated to Kashmir 
from Dihh m the time of Sultan Sik indar (791 
81b/1389 141j) and plaved a verv important pait 
in the social and political lite ol the \ allev until 
its conquest bv the Mughals m 99b/ 1588 Owing 
to their descent fiom Prophet Muhammad through 
his daughter Fatnm thev weie treated with gieat 
respect b\ the Sultans who gave them ajagirs and 
high offices and enteied into matrimonial relations 
with them \t first thev were unpopular and aioused 
both the anger and |ealousv of the Kashmiri nobks 
because conscious of their high bnth thev behaved 
irrogantlv and ]omed those elements who were 
allien of Hindu piactiees and ceiemomes ind 
wanted the enfoicement of the Shan a and the 
Islamic wav ot life But gnduallv thev began to 
ldcntifv themselves with the aims and aspnations of 
the Kashmiris who then upon accepted them as 
their leaden 


v dange 

! Mush 

ind this was doubt 
;s whv Muhammad asked for the pledge and whv 
it is described as a pledge not to flee or to the 
death If the third version is eoneet it indicates 
a formal increase in Muhammad s autoci Uic power 
which is known to have been increasing inforrmllv 
about this penod One man al Djidd b Kavs 
refused to take the oath and appens to have shoitlv 
afterwards been deposed bv Muhimmad from being 
chief of the \nsari clan of Sahma The incident 
is mentioned in Kuran xlvm 18 God was well 
pleased (radna) with the believers when thev pledged 
themselves to vou under the tiee From this is 
derived the name Bay at al uduan which mav be 
tianslated the pledge of good pleasure or the 
pledge which pleased (Godi It is also known is 
the pledge of the tiee and those who made the 
pledge heie were later honoured as the \shab al 
ihad^aia the men of the tree It has been sug 
gested that the tree might have been a saeied one 
in pre-Islamic times At a later period there was 
a mosque on the spot (Bukhan m 113 = Magha j, 
35; Wellhausen, Reste 1 , 104). 

Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, ed. Wiistenfeld, 
746; al-Wakidi, ed. Marsden Jones, ii, 603 f.; 
W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 

tv ed a 
The c 



Btvhaki Sayvid howevei tbout whom anv reliable 
evidence exists was Sawd Muhammad who gave his 
daughter Tidj Khitun in marriage to Sultan Za\n 
al \bidin (823 74/1420 70) and latei his grandson 
Saw id Has in wis married to the Sultans daughtei 
On the death of 7a\n al '\bidins son and successor 
Havdar Shih (874 b/1470 72) Hasan Shah who sue 
ceeded him made Sawid Hasan his llaji and since 
Saw id Hasan succeeded in setting up Muhammad 
Shah Hasan Shih s minor son as Sultan in 889/1484 
he continued as Ha^ir But his arrogance and his 
opposition to Hindu customs and practices aioused 
the angei of the Kashmir nobles who plotted against 
him and earlv one morning thev entered the fort of 
Nawshahr in Snnagar where thev were holding court 
and killed him and his thirteen followers His two 
sons Sawid Hashim and Sawid Muhammad who 
weie not in the fort at the time cimed on the strug 
gle against the enemies of then father but thev were 

followers But after two vears the Saw ids were re 
called and under the leadership of Sawid Muhammad 
thev once again became active in the struggle for the 
throne between Muhammad Shah and Fath Shah 
intriguing with and making alliances with different 
groups as suited then interests In the end Sawid 
Muhammad succeeded in 898/1493 in becoming 
Ha^ir of Muhammad Shah but in 910/1505 he was 
defeated and killed bv his rivals This however did 
not demonhse the Savvids Instead when Mirza 
Havdar Dughlat established his powei in Kashmir 
(948 58/154151; Sayjid Ibi ihim the son of Sayjid 
Muhammad |Oined the Kashmir nobles in over 
thi owing him 

Undei the C ak Sultans also the Bavhaki Savvids 
continued to plav an impoitant pait \li Shah 
Cak (978 8b/1570 78) appointed Sa^id Mubarak 
the son of Sav>id Ibrahim is tfa^ir and took his 
advice on all important matteis But on Ah Shahs 
death, Sayyid Mubarak set aside the latter's son 
Yusuf Shah on grounds of incompetence and 
declared himself Sultan (986/1578). Yet, after a few 
months he was overthrown by the nobles, who were 


denied by him any share in the government In 
spite of this, he joined Ya'kub Shah, Yusuf Shah s 
son and successor, in the struggle against the Mughal 
armies sent by the Emperor Akbar to conquer 
Kashmir. Finding resistance to the Mughals huit 
less, he submitted to the Mughal commander Kasim 
Khan Mir Bahr on 27 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 994/9 
December 1586, and was sent to Agra. Akbar wanted 
Sayyid Mubarak to accompany Yusuf Khan Ridwi 
who was ordered by him to proceed to Kashmir 
to relieve Kasim Khan. But Sayyid Mubarak refused 
so he was imprisoned and sent to Bengal. His son, 
Abu '1-Ma'alT, also fought side by side with Ya'kub 
Shah against the Mughals, but he was taken pris- 
oner. This was the end of the significant role which 
the Bayhakl Sayyids had played for over 150 years 
of Kashmir history. 

Bibliography: G.M.D. Sufi, K'ashir, i, Lahore 

1948-9; Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under the Sultans, 

Calcutta 1959; Baharistan-i Shahi, anonymous ms. 

I.O. 509. (Mohibbul Hasan) 

BAYRAK [see 'alam]. 

al-BAZDAW! [see al-nasafI]. 

BEDOUINS [see badw]. 

BEERSHEBA [see bir al-sab']. 

BEHZAD [see bihzad]. 

BEKAA. [see bika']. 

BELOMANCY [see istiksam]. 

BELUCHISTAN. [see balucistan]. 

BENI MELLAL, formerly Kasaba Beni Mellal 
ifrom the name of the tribe living around it), or some- 
times Kasaba B. Kush, a town of Morocco roughly 
equidistant from Casablanca, Marrakesh and Fas. It 
lies on one of the slopes of the Dir [q.v. in Suppl.], 
at an altitude of 620 m./ 1,980 feet, in this piedmont 
region between the Middle Atlas and the wide, his- 
toric plain of the Tadla, of which it has recently 
become the official chef-lieu. 

The town is built around the fortress or kasaba built 
towards 1099/1688 by Mawlay Isma'Il, restored in the 
19th century by Mawlay Sulayman and since once again 
restored. The Vauclusian spring of Asardun to the south 
of the town leads one to think that Beni Mellal, like 
all the other centres of the Dir, e.g. Aghmat, Damnat 
[\], etc., goes back to ancient times, but no traces 
of prehistoric life have as yet been discovered there. It 
is possible that Bern Mellal is Hisn Dal, the little cap- 
ital which Yahya b. Idns inherited in the 3rd/9th cen- 
tury at the time of the division of his father's kingdom. 
It is mentioned by the Arab geographers as a fortress 
and an important market centre. In 534/1140 or 
535/1141 it was occupied by the Almohads. 

The demographic explosion of the town has been 
remarkable. In 1918 it had an estimated 3,000 inhab- 
itants; now it has 60,000, and the increase between 
the 1952 and I960 censuses has been 81%. This un- 
doubtedly stems from its administrative role today, 
one of the results of agricultural development of the 
great alluvial plain of the Tadla or else of the very 
important hydrauli< 

r the last 30 y 

Mellal's importance has grown still further from its 
role as a market centre for provisions of the Berber 
tribes in the Middle Atlas valleys, and also those of 
the central Grand Atlas (especially the Wad! Tadghat). 
A very lively fair is held in the town centre every 
week, where curious coverlets of thin rugs (hanbal) in 
gaudy and evanescent shades of colour are sold, and 
are much appreciated. 

Superb gardens, rich olive-groves and flourishing 
orchards of mulberry trees, oranges and pome- 

giamtes extend as fai as the scarp out of which 
gush six abundant and pure springs of water In the 
midst of this oasis is the ^attiya of Sidi Ahmad b 
Kasim whose minaiet is attributed to the great 
Almoravid \iwjf b Tashfir, (it is more probable that 
it was the work of his grandson Tashfin who passed 
thiough Bern Mellal befoie going on to die in Orama) 
The town has now become a centie foi torn 1st excur 
sions into the mountains and has promise of a great 

Bibliography al Bakn ed and tr de Slane 
Description de I'AJnque Septentrional*, Algiers 1913, 
index; H. Terrasse, Histmre du Maroc, Casablanca 
1949, index; P. Ricard, Guide Bleu, Maroc 1 , 1950, 
index; J. Pourtauborde, L'office de I'irrigation aux Beni 
Amir-Bent Moussa, in Encycbpedie d'Outre-Mer, Paris 
(June 1954), document No. 28; H. Awad, Djughrd- 
fiyyat al-mudun al-maghnbiyya, Rabat 1964, index. 
(G. Deverdun) 
BESTIARY [see hayawan]. 
the BEYOND [see akhira]. 

al-BIBLAWI, 'Ali b. Muhammad, 26th 
shaykh of al-Azhar. He was born in the village 
of Biblaw near Dayrut in Upper Egypt in Radjab 
1251 /November 1835. After a period of study and 
teaching at al-Azhar [q.v.], he was employed at the 
Khedivial Library and became its Director (nagir) 
for a short period in 1881 and 1882. In the wake 
of the 'Urabi insurrection in 1882, he was removed 
from this office, to which he had been appointed 
thanks to the help of his friend Mahmud Sam! al- 
Barudi [q.v.], one of the insurrection's principal pro- 
tagonists. Subsequently he held the office of khatib, 
and from 2 Safar 1311/14 August 1893 onwards 
the office of shaykh khidma of the Husayn mosque 
in Cairo. In addition to the latter' office he was 
appointed naklb al-ashmf [q.v.] on 6 Shawwal 1312/1 
April 1895, following the abdication of the former 
naklb, Muhammad TawfTk al-Bakn [q.v.]. During his 
term of office, which was to last until the end of 
1320/March 1902, a set of regulations was prom- 
ulgated, the so-called la'ihat nikabat al-ashraf (cf. al- 
Waka't al-Misriyya, 17 June 1895, no. 67), which 
made the incumbent to this office virtually an offi- 
cial within the Ministry of Wakfe and a subordinate 
to its napr. His appointment as shaykh of al-Azhar 
on 2 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1320/1 March 1903 in suc- 
cession to Salfm al-Bishn, who had been deposed 
because of his efforts to frustrate implementation of 
the reforms provided for in the law of 20 Muharram 
1314/1 July 1896, was the result of a compromise 
between the Khedive and his ministers, who had 
originally favoured other candidates. Only two years 
later, on 9 Muharram 1323/15 March 1905, he 
found himself compelled to resign when his inabil- 
ity to deal with the obstruction of his efforts to 
implement reforms had reduced his authority to a 
unacceptably low level. He died shortly afterwards 
on 30 December 1905. 

Bibliography: Biographies may be found in 
Ahmad Taymur, Taradjim 


1940, ; 

ind Mahmud b. 'All al-Biblawi, al-Ta'rih 
Husayni, Cairo 1324, 57 ff.; The biographi 
Khayr al-Dln al-Zirikll, al-ATam, v, 171 f., ana 
by Muhammad Zaki Mudjahid, al-A'lam al 
sharkiyya, Cairo 1950, ii, 140, are mainly based 
upon Taymur's. For additional data see 'Abd al- 
Muta'al al-Sa'rdi, Ta'rikh al-islah fi 'l-Azhar ma- 
safahat min al-djihad fi 1-islah, Cairo n.d., 67 f.: 
and Ahmad Shafik, Mudhakkirati fi msf karn. 



Cano n 


■e Jong 

BIBLIOMANCY [see klr'a] 

BIGHA' the kur'inic teim (XXI\ 33) for 

prostitution Piostitute is tendered bv baghm (pi 

a more vulvar term although we have here a euphe- 
mism is kahba (pi hhab) which the lexicogiapheis 

professional piostitutes used to cough in order to 

\lthough M &audefrov-Demombvnes ( Mahomet 
Pans 19b9 48) saw in the legend ot Isaf and Nd'ila 




lar with the woilds oldest profession which was at 
least in the laigei centres oi population earned on 
bv free women spinsters widows or divorced women 
reduced bv miseiv to trafficking in then own bod- 
ies but mainlv bv slaves working for then mas- 
ters These women weie recognisable as elsewhere 
bv the banneis which thev flew at the doors oi then 
dwellings thev accepted all comeis as clients ll thev 
produced a child the latter was entrusted to the offi- 
cial responsibility oi the man whom the physiogno- 
mists (kafa [see kivafa]) designated as the lathei the 
latter not ha\ing the right to iefuse These items oi 
information aie grven on the authonty nf ' Visha 
bv al-Bukhin (Sahih A al \ikah bab 3b, vn 19-20 
tr O Houdas La tiaditwrn islanuqun in, 5()i-(i) who 
mentions the preceding usages as one of the three 
forms of mkah foi bidden bv the Prophet the two 
others being the istibda' and a kind of polyandry 
Iihbda' consisted of a man who feared th it he him- 
self could not sue a robust offspring placing his wife 
in the hands of a better piogenitor In the mkah al 

bands (less than ten) and if she has a child attributes 
the paternity to one of this group who is unable to 
refuse it \1-Bukhiri does not m this passage cite 
temporal v man rage mufa [q . ] which was likewise 
prohibited In his A al Bukhala' led Hadjni 112 tr 
Pellat 179) al-Djahiz uses the expression ^audj nahan 
husband bv day the sense of which is hard to 
determine but may allude to a very fleeting type of 
tempoiaiy marriage 

ir less disguised pi 

, the 1 

• of the 

ached to haunts of plei 
should be noted that the m 
brothel makhui comes 

ure ind t, 

keeper (khammat) whe 
\bu Sufvan the won 
Zivad b \bihi the t 
nition of the latter s 
Mu'awiva re\eal the 
tei of the courtesans 

i al-IYif ot i 

particulai by slave girls belonging to the famous 
physician ot the \iabs al-Hanth b kalada [qi 

Mus'udi Minudj. v 21 ft = ^ 1778 ft ) is was the 

or employed by thud paities The Mcdinan '\bd 
\llah b Ubaw [q I ] is also said to have piactised 
this same form of exploitation this being allegedly 
the origin isce the Kur'an commentaries on xxiv 
ii al-laban Tafur win 132-4 al-Kuitubi Tajw 
\n 254-5 etc) of the veise condemning this prac- 
tice \nd do not tonstiain youi maidseivants 
[jatayat] to prostitution ibigha') it thev wish to live 
in leputable mainage itahaaun) in order that vou 

anyone compels them thus [he will bear the sole 
responsibility for it] toi God who is merciful and 
compassionate will pirdon them after compulsion 
has been laid upon them Thus the Kur'an does 
not expiessly condemn piostitution and is content 
to foibid any woman being compelled to practise it 
For his part the Prophet must ceitamlv have spo- 
ken about the prostitutes examples of whom he must 
have seen in Mecca and Medina (sec Wensmck 


t the 

in which he foibids 
payment foi the sen ices (if the word mahi is correctly 
inteipreted here) of the piostitute and the gains ikaib) 
fiom prostitution lal-Bukhan Sahih A al Talak bab 
51 ti Houdas in b42) It was a ioundabout wav of 
prohibiting what was considered as a dishonourable 
activity but one m the end adjudged bv postentv as 

In practice despite pious peisons who inveighed 
liom time to time against an institution which was 
regaided as incompatible with Muslim ethics prosti- 
tution has always flourished in Muslim lands keep- 
ing itself, undei necessity discieet as in Fas whcie 
at certain periods the police authorities suppiessed it 

having paiading them through the streets of the town 
and then expelling them ind insisting on their being 
buried in a special pait of the cemetery (R Le 
Tourneau Fis a ant le Pwtatorat Casablanca 1949 
580) This seems to have been a special case md 

pletely successful Although tiavellers and historians 
tion testifying to the existence ot more or less free- 
in the various Islamic cities Thus al-Mukaddasi [4hsem 
al takaum 407) saw a biothel at Sus near the mosque 
whilst Leo \fncanus speaks ot taverns at Fas with 
whores residing in them (ti Epaulaid 191) and pios- 
titution at Tunis (385) \c cording to al-Kifti iHukama' 
<d Lippert 298) the muhtasib ot Latakia put up for 
ilk tion the tavouis of the public women and issued 
to the successful bidders a nng which thev had to 
show if thev weic met at night with one ot the 

all ti 

s prosti 

ut even iecognised officially and very 
subject to a tax payable to the public 
t Fis the headman of the quarter had 

ing disorders, but in general, it was the muhtasib 
who fulfilled this function (see P. Chalmeta, El "senor 
del zoco" en Espana, Madrid 1973, index, s.v. pros- 
titutas). However, the manuals of hisba do not men- 
tion the existence of a precise regulatory scheme, 
and Ibn 'Abdun, for instance, is content to forbid 
the denizens of places of public resort to show them- 
selves bareheaded outside the house (E. Levi- 
Provencal, Trots traites hispaniques de hisba, Cairo 1955; 
idem, Seville musulmane, Paris 1947, § 168). In al- 
Andalus, the tax imposed on them was curiously 
called kharadj ("land tax" [q.v.]) and the brothels 
called dav al-kharadj (or ddr al-banat), whilst the pros- 
titutes themselves were called kharddjiyydt (Ibn 
Bassam, Dhakhua, i/1, 207, where the text should 
be corrected) or even kharad^ayrdt (Levi-Provencal, 
Hist. Esp. Mus., iii, 445-6). It is further known that 
'Adud al-Dawla [q.v.] imposed a tax on the whores 
of Fars (al-MukaddasI, 441) and that the Fatimids 
did likewise in Egypt (al-Maknzi, Khitat, i, 89). 
As in many other lands, various categories of 
night be distinguished. At the bottom of 


e the s. 

tched v 

hired rooms in caravanserais by th( 
near the centre, and in addition to the rent, paid 
a due to the keeper of the caravanserai; but there 
were also procurers who brought them clients, 
mainly strangers visiting the town; peasants, seasonal 
workers, soldiers, etc. Some of these women cer- 
tainly sank to the level of the rogues and vagabonds 
whose various activities have been described by C.E. 
Bosworth in his The mediaeval Islamic underwoild (Leiden 
1976, 2 vols.). At a higher level, brothels proper 
catered for a more affluent clientele. As in pre- 
Islamic al-Ta'if, special quarters were reserved for 
prostitution, which the authorities were thereby more 
easily able to control. This system has remained 
down to our own time, and a visit to these locali- 

which a 


may e 

n be 

nended to tourists, male and female, by guides 
and travel agents; this is especially the case in regard 
to Bousbir (< Prosper) at Casablanca and the street 
of "dancing girls" of the Ouled Nail at Bou Saada 

The practice of early marriage among the Muslims, 
who can take four legitimate wives and as many 
concubines as they can afford to keep, ought in 
the natural course of things to have set bounds to 
venal love-making. However, many young men from 
the modest levels of society were unable to find their 
sexual initiation otherwise than by recourse to 
prostitutes, and legal marriage entailed financial bur- 
dens which men from the masses of people were not 
always in a position to undertake, especially if they 
had to migrate away from their original home. 
Furthermore, the Kur'anic prohibition could always 
be easily circumvented by procurers and procuresses 
lured on by the prospect of gain, whilst the easy facil- 
ities for husbands in regard to the repudiation of their 
wives [see talak] threw on to the streets women who 
did not always have the possibility of returning to 
their families. 

Bibliography: There does not seem to have 
been produced any monograph on prostitution 
in mediaeval Islam. In the list of writings of Abu 
VAnbas al-Sayman [q.v. above] a K. Nawddh 
al-kuwwad (?) and a K. al-Rdha, wa-mandfi' al- 
kiyada, which may possibly have dealt with 
pimps, are to be found, but these have not sur- 
vived. In addition to sources cited in the article, 
see A. Mez, Renaissance, Eng. tr. 361-4; A. Maza- 

heri, La vie quohdienne des Musulmans au moyen age, 
Paris 1947, 64-5; R. Le Tourneau, Fes avant le 
Protectorat, Casablanca 1949, 557-9 and index; 
al-Markaz al-kawmi li '1-buhuth al-idjtima'iyya, 
al-Bighd' f, 'l-Kdhua, Cairo 1961; a fairly well- 
developed study by a sociologist is that of 
A. Bouhdiba, La sexuahte en Islam, Paris 1975, 
228-39 and the bibl. cited there. On male pros- 
titution, see liwat. (Ed.) 
BIHBIHANI, Aka Sayyid Muhammad Bakir, 
Shi'T mudjtahid and proponent of the Usulr [q.v.] 
madhhab, often entitled Wahid-i Bihbihani or 
Muhakkik-i Bihbihani, and commonly regarded by 
his Shf l contemporaries as the "renewer" (mudjaddid) 
of the 12th Hidjri century. He was born in Isfahan 
some time between the years 1116/1704-5 and 
1118/1706-7. After a brief period spent in Bihbihan, 
he was taken to Karbala' by his father, Mulla 
Muhammad Akmal, whose principal student he 
became, while studying also under Sayyid Sadr al- 
Din Kummi. Mulla Muhammad Akmal had studied 
under Mulla Muhammad Bakir Madjlisi, the great 
divine who had dominated Iranian Shi'ism in the 
late 1 1th/ 1 7th century, and had also married his 
niece. The young Bihbihani, who came to exercise 
a similar dominant role at the end of the 12th/ 18th 
century, was thus both spiritually and genealogically 
related to Madjlisi. It is related that after complet- 
ing his studies in Karbala', Bihbihani intended to 
leave the city, but was dissuaded from doing so by 
the appearance of the Imam Husayn to him in a 
dream, instructing him to stay (Muhammad Bakir 
Kh*ansarl, Rawdat al-dfatmat ft ahwdl al-'ulama' wa'l- 
saddt, Tehran 1304/1887, 122). In obedience to the 
dream, he stayed on, and engaged in fierce contro- 
versy with adherents of the Akhbarl school of fikh, 
which at that time was predominant in Karbala' as 
well as the other 'atabdt [see akhbariyya above]. The 
controversy between the Akhbaris and the UsQlis, 
centering on various questions of usul al-fikh and par- 
ticularly on the permissibility of idjtihdd, was an ancient 
one, but had become particularly acute in the late 
Safawid period and the middle part of the 12th/ 18th 
century. Before the appearance of Bihbihani, the 
Akhbaris were so assured in their dominance of the 
'atabdt that anyone carrying with him books of Usull 
fikh was obliged to cover them up for fear of pro- 
voking attack. By the end of his life, however, 
Bihbihani had been able almost completely to uproot 
Akhbari influence from the 'atabdt and to establish 
the Usuli position as normative for all of the Twelver 
Shl'a. He accomplished this change partly by debate, 
polemic and the composition of written refutations of 
the AkhbarT school, the most important of which was 
Kitdb al-iajtihad wa 'l-akhbar. Hardly less effective was 
the demonstration of the prerogatives of mudjtahid that 
he provided. One of his pupils, Shaykh Dja'far Nadjafi 
(d. 1227/1812), records that he was constantly accom- 
panied by a number of armed men who would imme- 
diately execute any judgement that he passed. The 
example that he thus gave was to be followed by 
numerous Iranian 'ulama' of the Kadjar period. 
Another target of Bihbihanl's hostility was the 
Ni'matallahi Sufi order; such was the enmity that he 
nurtured for them that he gained the title of sufikush 
(Sufi-killer). He died in 1206/1791-2 or 1208/1793- 
4, and was buried near the tomb of the Imam 
Husayn in Karbala'. Bihbihani is credited with more 
than sixty works; the titles of twenty of them are list- 
ed in Muhammad 'All Mudarris, Rayhdnat al-adab, 
new ed., Tabriz n.d„ i, 52, and a further fourteen 

,ughly si 

titles arc preserved in autograph in the library of 
Bihbihanl's descendants in Kirmanshah (see Muhsin 
al-Amln, A'yan al-shi'a, Beirut 1378/1959, xliv, 96). 
It is said that his writings on usul al-fikh were com- Tehra 
piled into a single work by one of his pupils, Sayyid 
Mahdl KazwInT. The number of his pupils was very 

his sons, Aka Muhammad 'All, who settled in 
Kirmanshah and inherited his father's violent hatred 
of the Sufis, and Aka c Abd al-Husayn; Shaykh Dja'far 
Nadjaff, author of a number of important works on 
Usull fikh; and three mudjtahidt, who dominated the 
life of Isfahan in the first quarter of the 19th cen- 
tury— Hadjdj Muhammad Ibrahim KalbasI, Sayyid 
Muhammad Bakir Shaftl, and Sayyid Mahdl Bahr 
al-'Ulum. But his influence extended far beyond the 
generation of mudjtahid*. he trained; through his the- 
oretical vindication of the Usui! position and his prac- 
tical demonstration of the function of muditahid, he 
was in effect the ancestor of all those mudjtahid>, who 
have sought since his time to assert a guiding role 
in Iranian society. 

Bibliography: Muhammad b. Sulayman Tunu- 
kabuni, K'isa\ al-'ulamd', Tehran 1304/1887, 
147-8; Muhammad Bakir Kffansarl, Rawdat al- 
djannat 123; 'Abbas b. Muhammad Rida Kumml, 
Hadiyat al-ahbdb, Nadjaf 1349/1930, iO(); Mlrza 
Muhammad 'All Mudarris, Rayhanat al-adab, i, 51- 
2; Muhammad 'AIT BidabadI, Makanm al-athclr 
dm ahwal-i ntgal-i dawra-yi kacffai, Isfahan 
1337/i958, i, 220-5; Muhsin al-Amin, A'yan al- 
shi'a, xliv, 94-6; Muhammad Hirz al-Din, ' Ma'anf 
al-riajal ft taradjim al-'ulamd' wa 1-udaba', Nadjaf 
1384/1964, i, 121-3; H. Algar, Religion and slate 
in Iran, 1785-1906: the wle of the Ulama in the Qcijai 
period, Berkeley & Los Angeles 1969, 34-6; 'All 
DawwanI, Ustdd-i kull Aka Muhammad Baku 
Bihbihdni b. Muhammad Akmal ma'iuf ba Wahid-i 
Bihbihani, Kumm n.d.; H. Algar, Religious Jones 
in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in Cambridge 
history of Iran, vii, ch. xiv (forthcoming). 

(H. Algar) 
BIHRANGI, Samad, Persian prosewriter 
(1939-68). Bihrangi's birth in a lower-class, Turkish- 
speaking family in Tabriz and his eleven-years' 
employment as a primary schoolteacher in rural 
Adharbaydjan are attested in the greater part of 
his farsl writings. These, both fictional and non- 
fictional, largely deal with village life in his native 
province and with the specific problems of a cul- 
tural minority region. His concern for the plight of 
Adharbaydjanl peasant youth prompted a series of 
educational essays, as well as some twenty children's 

I's essays, notably the 

ard, firmly committed wi 

itist pseudo-intellec 

. The 

s of his 

ced by t! 

Al-i Ahmad [q.v. abovej 

a writer like himself; rejecting the unquestioned 
adoption of American teaching methods and find- 
ing the current textbooks inapplicable in a class- 
room with Azeri Turkish-speaking pupils, BihrangI 
designed an alternative "textbook for village chil- 
dren": the completed but yet unpublished Alif-bd 
bara-yi kudakdn-i tusta'T. 

Bibliography: The greater part of Bihrangi's 
writings first appeared in newspapers and periodi- 

, the chief foundation o 
Notable for their "ideological" content rather than 
for strictly literary merits, Bihrangi's children's 
stories no longer recommend the conventional virtues 
of obedience, cleanliness and modesty, but aim at 
imparting "a correct view of the dark, bitter reali- 
ties of adult society". Accordingly, his stories picture 
the needy, powerless village children, their search for 
freedom and their revolt against ignorant parents, 
local landlords or urban aristocracy. The political 
commitment felt in most of these stories contributed 
to Bihrangi's considerable popularity among the 
dissident intelligentsia; at the same time, it gave 

writings by the Iranian authorities and to a vast 
wave of rumours at his sudden death in September 
1968, reportedly a drowning accident. More explicit 
views on society and literature are present in Bih- 


. Thir 

of h 

ere posthumouslv < 
Maajmu'a-yi kissaha, Tabriz 1348 sh., which also 
contains a chapter on Adahiyydt-i kudakan ; originally 
published as part of a review-article in Rahnamd- 
yi Kitab xi (1347-53 sh.), 48-5i, outlining the 
author's conception of children's literature. Not 
included in this volume are his most successful 
story, the internationally awarded Malu-yi uydh-i 
kuculu, separately published in Tehran 1347 sh., 
and the collection Talkhun wa cand kissa-t dlgar. 
Tehran 1349 sh. A number of his educational 
essays appeared as h'and-u-kaw dar masail-i tarbiyatj- 
vi Iran, Tabriz 1344 sh.-', while other articles on 
"various subjects were posthumously edited as 
Madjmri'a-yi'makalaha, Tabriz 1348 sh.; this col- 
lection contains several chapters on Adharbaydjanl 

listed in Afshar's Index iianuus ii, Tehran 1348 sh., 
84, 415. An anthology of translated folktales was 
separately edited in collaboration with B. DihkanI; 
Ajsanahayi Adharbaydjan, i: Tabriz 1344 sh.. ii: 
Tehran 1347 sh. Finally, BihrangI prepared some 
Persian translations from modern Turkish poetry 
and prose. 

BihrangI issue of Aiash,' ii/5 (Adhar 1347 sh.).; 
for additional information, cf 'A.A. Darwishiyan's 
short monograph Samad djawidana shud, Tehran 
1352 sh. J and G.R. Sabri-Tabrizi, Human val- 



8. Bihrangi's political role as a "totally involved 
revolutionary artist" is stressed by Th. Ricks in 
The little black fish and other modem stories, 
Washington, D.C. 1976, 95-126; his folklore stud- 
ies are passingly mentioned by L.P. Elwell-Sutton 
in Iran and Islam, in memory of the late Vladimn 
Minor iky, Edinburgh 1971, 253-4; Of the chil- 
dren's stories, a German translation has appeared 
in B. Nirumand ed„ Feuer unteim Pfauenthron, Berlin 
1974, 19-35; English translations include two dif- 
ferent renderings of Mahl-yi shah ... in The Literary 
Review, xviii/1 (Rutherford, NJ. 1974), 69-84, and 
in The little black fish . . ., op. at., 1-19. For other 
translated stories, cf. M.C. Hillmann, ed., Majo, 
voices in conlempoiary Persian literatuie, and M.A. 
Jazayeri, ed., Literature East and West. 

(GJJ. de Vriesi 
BINN, a term of the Druze religion. In this, 
the Binn were conceived of as one of a number of 
earlier races or sects whose names are also mentioned 
in the Druze writings, such as the Rimm and the 
Timm. The Binn were said to have been a group of 
inhabitants of Hadjar in the Yemen who believed in 
the message of Shatnll, the incarnation of Hamza 


in the Age of Adam. According to the Druzes, 
city was originally called Surna (meaning "Mirac 
according to Hamza), and Shatnil came there from 
India. He called on the people to renounce polythe- 
ism and worship al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah [q.v.] as 
their sole deity. Those who accepted his message 
he commanded to "be separate" (yablnun) from the 
polytheists; as a consequence they were known as al- 
Binn. This etymology is clearly unsatisfactory, and it 
is possible that a Persian origin should be sought for 
this term. 

One of the Druze da'i% al-Harith b. Tirmah of Isfahan 
refused to obey Shatnil, and was expelled from the 
number of the da'is, being dubbed "Iblfs". He became 
the imam of the polytheists in Surna (the dfinn in the 
Druze account). When one of the Binn met another, 
he would say: "Flee from (uhdfui) Iblis and his party!". 
As a result, Surna acquired the name of Hadjar. 

Bibliography. H. Guys, Theogome des Druses, Paris 
1863, 35 and n. 70, 104; C.F. Seybold, Die 
Drusenschrift: Kitab Alnoqat waldawair. Das Buch der 
Punkte und Kreise, Kirchhain 1902, 71; Muhammad 
Kamil Husayn, Ta'ifat al-Duruz, Cairo 1962, 116; 
D.R.W. Bryer, The Origins of the Druze Religion, in 
IsL, liii (1976), 8. 

(R.Y. Ebied and MJ.L. Young) 
BISAT (a.), pis. bust/busut, absita, which implies the 
general meaning of extensiveness (thus in Kur'an, 
IAXI 18) is a generic term for carpet, more 
specifically one of fairly large dimensions Any kind 
of carpet with a pile is called a tmfisa if it is deco- 
rated with multicolouied bands, a zarbiyya (zitbiyva, 
zurbiyya pi zaiabi cf kur'an LXXXVIII 16); if it 
is decorated with a relief design a mahfira whilst a 
prayer carpet is called a sadfdjada (modern Turkish 
seaade), and the collective sadfdjad is sometimes used 
as a generic term (on the numerous Arabic terms, 
see WH Worrell On certain Arabic terms for "rug", in 
in hlamica, i (1934) 219-22, n (1935) 65-8). The 
word kilim, applied to a woollen rug generally long 
and narrow in shape, is often taken to be of Turkish 
origin (see e.g. Lokotsch, No. 1176), but seems rather 
to be Iranian (Persian gillm). Sumak, not far from 
Baku, and the districts of Verne and Sile in the south- 
ern Caucasus, have given their name to a type of 
flatwoven carpets. The etymology of kali (vars. ghali, 
khali, modern Turkish hali) is unclear; Yakut, Buldan, 
iv, 20, remarks that the carpets (busut) called kali are 
manufactured at Kallkala (= Erzerum [q.v.]), but since 
this word was difficult to pronounce, the nisba has 
been shortened. Although this particular term is 
generally considered to be Turkish in origin, it is 
unattested in ancient Turkish texts; it is, however, 
used by GardizF [q.v.] and may therefore be of Iranian 
origin (detailed study in Doerfer, No. 1405). 


1. Technique 

For the manufacture of oriental carpets, sheep's 
wool, cotton, silk, goat-hair and camel-hair are used, 
which are prepared, spun and partly wound The 
foundation consists of warp-threads (Fr.: ihaine 
Ger.: Kette) stretched the length of the loom and 
weft-threads (Fr.: trame, Ger.: Sehusse) run in hori- 
zontally. For knotted carpets which form the bulk 
of the products, one or several weft rows are 
inserted between knot rows, the latter forming the 
pile. In Turkey, the Caucasus and the regions of 

northwestern Persia inhabited by the Kurds, the 
Turkish or Gordes knot (so called after the Turkish 
town of Gordes [q.v.]), has been commonly used. 
But whilst the Persian or Senneh-knot (so-called after 
the Persian town of Senneh, today called Sanandadj 
[q.v.]) is commonly associated with Persia, India and 
Turkestan, the Gordes knot is also found in Persian 
rugs and the commonly-accepted geographical 
demarcation must be treated with reserve (for dia- 
grams of these two knots see I A, v/1, 137). Kilims, 
and Sumak, Verne and Sile rugs are flat woven, 
with no pile. Until aniline and chromate dyes were 
introduced in the eighties of the 19th century, only 
natural dyes were used (see C.E.C. Tattersall, Notes 
on taipet-knotting and weaving, Victoria and Albert 
Museum, 1961; A.N. Landreau and W.R. Pickering, 
Fiom the Bosporus to Samarkand, flat-woven rugs, The 
Textile Museum, Washington 1969). 

2. History 

a. Early Stages 

The oldest known knotted carpet was discovered 
in 1949 in the tomb of a local prince in Pazyryk, in 
the Altai Mountains. By means of other finds in the 
tomb, it may be dated to the 4th century B.C. There 
are as yet no indications as to the place of its man- 
ufacture, but the suggestion of its manufacture in 
Achaemenid Persia has been put forward. Its tech- 
nique (3,600 Turkish knots to the square decimetre) 
and its design, in Achaemenid style, are of a remark- 
able perfection; it is one of, and the most important 
of, the three extant pieces of evidence for a highly- 
developed art of knotting of this early date. It shows 
in a developed form the composition of a central field 
surrounded by borders, which consist of a wide main 
border and several subsidiary or guard borders, char- 
acteristic of all oriental carpets. 

Very small fragments of carpets, conjecturally dated 
between the 3rd and 6th centuries A.D., were dis- 
covered by Sir Aurel Stein during his Turfan expe- 
ditions (at Lop Nor). These, however, are not knotted 
carpets but napped fabrics, in which the pile is pro- 
duced by the wefts, introduced first as loops and 
later split (see A. Stein, Ruins of desert Cathay, London 
1912, 380, plate 116, 4). The "Spanish "knot", on 
the other hand, always tied around a single warp, 
is used in a fragment discovered by Le Coq in Kucha 
during the fourth Turfan expedition, the earliest pos- 
sible date of which is the 5th-6th century (see F. 
Sarre, Em fruhes Knupfteppich-Fragment aus chinesisch- 
Turkestan, in Berliner Museen (1920-1), 110). The piece 
is too small and the design too faint to permit any 
conclusions about the carpets of this period. The 
many small fragments of knotted carpets from Fustat 
can hardly be dated (see M.S. Dimand, An early cut- 
pile rug fom Egypt, in Metropolitan Museum Studies, iv 
(1933), 151 ff, SY. Rudenko, The world's oldest knot- 
ted carpets and fabrics, Moscow 1968 (in Russian); R.B. 
Serjeant, Material for a history of Islamic textiles up to 
the Mongol conquest, in Ars hlamica, ix (1942), 54 and 
xv-xvi (1951), 29). 

b Turkey 

homa carpets 

The development of oriental knotted carpets can 
be traced to a certain extent onlv from the 7th/ 
13th century onwards The oldest coherent group 
comes from Anatolia In 1907 FR Martin discov- 
ered three large and several small fragments in the 

'Ala' al-Din mosque at Konya, to which were 
given the generic name "Konya carpets". Shortly 
afterwards, smaller fragments of the same type 
were found in the Esrefoglu mosque at Beysehir. 
The date of the enlargement of the 'Ala' al-Din 
mosque, 1218-20, provides a date post quern for 
these carpets, but they do not necessarily belong 
to the 7th/ 13th century. Their designs and tech- 
nical execution are simple and the knots are not 
very close. Where they survive, the borders with 
their heavy Kufic character or large stars pre- 
dominate over the inner motifs, which have small, 
all-over, repeat patterns. See F.R. Martin, A his- 
tory of oriental carpets before 1800, i, 113, ii, plate 
xxx; K. Erdmann, Siebenhundert Jahre Onentteppich, 
Herford 1966, 117; R.M. Riefstahl, Primitive rugs 
of the "Konya " type in the mosque of Beyshehir, in The 
Art Bulletin, xiii/2 1 1931), 16 ff.; E. Kiihnel, Islamic 
, London 1966, 94 and PI. 37b; 

d PI. I. 


Anatolian carpets of the 8th/ 14th 
and 9th/ 15th centuries are attested by reproductions 
in Italian paintings of the period. They are charac- 
terised by a series of square or octagonal motifs filled 
with stylised animals. The best known fragment of 
such a carpet, which is in the Islamic Museum of 
Berlin, shows on a yellow ground two octagons, set 
in squares, in which are found a dragon and a 
phoenix, the pair borrowed from Chinese mythology 
(Kiihnel, Islamic art..., 109-10 and pi. 42b). A fres- 
co of Domenico di Bartolo, dated between 1440 and 

a church in Marby, preserved in the Statens Historiska 
Museet in Stockholm, is closely connected in design, 
technique and colouring with the Berlin fragment. 
See CJ. Lamm, The Marby rug and some fragments of 
carpets found in Egypt, in Svenska Orienlsdllskapets Arsbok, 
1937, 51 ff.; K. Erdmann, Der Turkiuhe Teppich des 
IS.Jahrhunderts, Istanbul n.d. [1957]; R. Ettinghausen, 
Neiv light on early animal carpets, in Aus der Welt der 
islamischen Kunst,' Festschrift E. Kiihnel, Berlin 1959, 93; 
and PI. II. 


"Lotto" carpets. 

On the portrait of the merchant Gisze, painted 
by Hans Holbein the Younger in 1532 and kept 
in the Picture Gallery of the Staatlichen Museen, 
Berlin, can be seen a carpet that serves as table- 
cloth. It represents a further group of Anatolian 
carpets which appear frequently on paintings from 
the middle of the 15th century until the end of the 
16th century; these are characterised as "small-pat- 
terned Holbein carpets", and a fair number of them 
have survived. Their design, too, is based on squares 
with inset octagons in vertical and horizontal rows. 
The octagons are formed by bands knotted sever- 
al times and the corners of the squares are filled 
by stylised arabesque leaves, which, joined together, 
merge into diamond-shaped linking motifs. Variety 
of colours within the squares of some specimens 
produces a kind of chessboard effect. In the details, 
these carpets correspond with the so-called large 
partitioned Holbein-carpets, the pattern of which 
is limited to a few broad, clearly separated 
motifs which are ranged only lengthwise. The decora- 
tion of the borders is mostly based on Kufic charac- 
ters. In the earlier designs the vertical strokes which 
have been directed to the edging of the carpet are 

clearly recognisable. Later on they develop into a 
twined band without definite orientation. Red, with 
brownish shades, blue, yellow, white and green are 
dominant. The large-partitioned Holbein-carpets are 
believed to have been made in Bergama, the small 
partitioned ones in Usak. See Pis. Ill, IV. 

The fourth type of early Ottoman carpets is also 
localised in Usak. These are the so-called Lotto-car- 
pets, because they appear among others, on the paint- 
ings by the Italian painter Lorenzo Lotto. They are 
also called "carpets with arabesque tendrils", since all 
specimens of this group show a red foundation cov- 
ered with a yellow net of tendrils, arabesque leaves 
and palmettes. As is the case with the small patterned 
Holbein-carpets, their arrangement is basically deter- 
mined by a system of octagons set in squares, while 
the fillings of the spandrels form also diamond-shaped 
figures. More often than the Kufic-borders, those of 
the Lotto-carpets are made up of undulating tendrils, 
mukifoiled lozenges and later on, alternating cloud 
bands. See PI. V. 


r U§aks. 

In the 11th/ 17th century the early Ottoman pat- 
terns are replaced by Persian-influenced arrange- 
ments of motifs which characterise the Medallion and 
Star-Usaks. The centre of the Medallion-Usaks 
is usually marked by a pointed oval-shaped medal- 
lion with a flamboyant outline and a floral inner- 
design. Lengthwise on both sides shield-shaped 
pendants are attached to the medallion. In the cor- 
ners of the field quadrants of a differently shaped 
medallion appear. The composition can be understood 

medallions. Examples showing greater parts of the pat- 
tern prove this. The usually red ground colour between 
the medallions is traversed with entangled, angularly 
drawn tendrils. The Star-Usak, with staggered star- 
shaped medallions, connected by lozenges, is a vari- 
ant of the Medallion-Usak. Both types occur frequently 
on Dutch 17th centurv paintings. Like the Lotto-car- 
pets, the Usaks were' manufactured in coarse, mis- 
construed versions far into the 18th and 19th century 
(see K. Erdmann, Weniger bekannte Uschak-Muster, in 
Kunst des Orients, iv, 79 ff.; and Pis. VI, VII). 

"Bird" and "Tschintamam" carpets. 

U§ak-carpets with a white ground both in field 
and border are rare. Two simple patterns can here 
be distinguished: the "Tschintamani" and the "Bird" 
motifs. The first, in all-over repeat, consists of two 
parallel undulating lines and three balls arranged in 
a triangle over them. This motif is undoubtedly of 
Far Eastern origin. From the 15th century onwards 
it is known as a pattern for clothing in Persian and 
Turkish miniatures, and from the 16th century it 
was popular on Turkish textile fabrics. The "Bird"- 
motif consists of horizontal and vertical running stripes 
crossing each other, and is composed of rosettes and 
leaves, the form of which superficially looks like birds. 
Both patterns have often been copied in the 20th 


An important group of small-sized Anatolian 
pets from the 17th to 19th centuries, showing ; 
ogy with the U.5ak-carpets, are the Transylva 
carpets, so-called because they have survive! 
great number in the churches of Transylv; 
Besides some smaller versions of the Lotto-, ] 
and Tschintamani-patterns, they are mainly pn 


rugs, the inner-fields of which are arch-shaped to 
represent the mihrab, often in connection with one 
or more pairs of columns. They form a link with 
the Turkish prayer rugs of the 18th and 19th cen- 
turies from Gordes, Ladik and Milas (see E. 
Schmutzler, Altorientalische Teppuhe in Siebenburgen, 
Leipzig 1933; J. de Vegh and Ch. Layer, Tapis lures 
provenant des eglises et collections de Tiansylvanie, Paris 
1925; M. Mostafa, Turkish prayer mgs,'Cairo 1953; 
Turkish Rugs, The Washington Hajji Baba, The Textile 
Museum, Washington 1968). 

c. Egypt 

Mamluk, Ottoman and Chess-board 


Fifteenth-century Mamluk Egypt saw the origin of 
clearly recognisable carpets with a kaleidoscopic design, 
consisting of stars, rectangles and triangles, filled with 
small leaves, shrubs and cypresses. Their wool is soft 
and glossy, and the colours normally range between 
cherry-red, vivid green and bright blue. The many- 
sided star-like ornaments and the arrangement of the 
motifs towards the centre show a stylistic connection 
with the inlaid metal-work, the wood and the leather 
fabrics and the book-illuminations of the Mamluk 
period. Only a few large-sized Mamluk carpets have 
survived, among which one with a silk pile counts as 
one of the most beautiful carpets in the world (Vienna, 
Museum fur Angewandte Kunst). More numerous are 
small specimens with a medallion that takes up the 
entire width of the carpet, to the upper side and bot- 
tom of which a tightly patterned rectangular field is 
attached. An essential distinction between the Mamluk 
and the Anatolian carpets lies in the fact that the 
former are characterised by groups of patterns and 
not by regular repeat patterns from which, within a 
constant internal relation as far as size is concerned, 
variable formats can be chosen. In the borders rosettes 
usually alternate with oblong cartouches. European 
and Oriental sources mention Cairo as an important 
centre of the knotting industry at least from 1474 

After Egypt was conquered by the Ottomans in 
1517, the Mamluk carpets were replaced by carpets 
manufactured in the Ottoman court-style. Their luxu- 
riant floral decoration presents a sharp contrast to the 
geometrical patterns of the Mamluk carpets. The pal- 
mettes and rosettes, the feathered lanceolate leaves and 
the naturalistically treated tulips, pinks and hyacinths 
are also to be found on the contemporary textiles and 
on pottery and tiles of Iznik. It would therefore seem 
obvious to deduce that the carpets also were manu- 
factured in Turkey. However, in their fineness, tech- 
nique and colour-scheme, they differ completely from 
the rest of the Anatolian carpets, but match to a con- 
siderable extent the Mamluk carpets. It is therefore 
plausible that they were manufactured in the Cairene 
workshops after models made by Ottoman artists. This 
theory is supported by some hybrid types, i.e. Mamluk 
carpets with elements of Ottoman carpets, and vice 
versa. The products of the Cairene workshops were of 
a special quality, as may be seen from the fact that 
Murad III in 1585 summoned eleven master carpet- 
makers together with their materials from Cairo to 
Istanbul. It is as yet unknown whether they carried 
out there a special order or established a local weav- 
ing-industry. Among the Ottoman carpets are some 
prayer rugs. Ewliya Celebi mentions the use of Egyptian 
prayer rugs in Anatolia in the middle of the 1 7th cen- 
tury. See Pis. VIII, IX. 

The chess-board carpets hold an intermediate 

position between the Mamluk and the Anatolian 
carpets. Their basic motifs are clearly Mamluk in 
character: a star with eight rays on which small cypres- 
ses, blossoms and rosettes are radially directed, stands 
in a hexagon or octagon which is itself placed in a 
square. The way in which this motif is dealt with, 
the use of various-sized sections of the pattern, the 
coarse wool, and the weft (which is always red) point 
however at Anatolia. The colours are restricted to 
bright blue, vivid green and red, and thus come near 
to the Mamluk carpets. Moreover, these chessboard 
carpets have the Persian knot in common with the 
Mamluk and Ottoman carpets. As their place of ori- 
gin E. Ktihnel proposed the area around Adana in 
Anatolia; Rhodes and Damascus have also been sug- 
gested. They can be considered to have originated 
between the middle of the 10th/ 16th and the end 
of the 11th/ 17th centuries (see E. Kuhnel and 
L. Bellinger, Cairene rugs and others technically related, 15th- 
17th cent, Washington 1957; K. Erdmann, Kauener 
Teppiche, i, Europaische und islamische Quellen des 15.-18. 
Jh., in Ars Islamica, v (1938), 179; idem, Mamluken- und 
Osmanenteppiche, in Ars Islamica, vii (1940), 55; idem, 
Neuere Untersuchungen zur Frage der Kairener Teppiche, in 
Ars Orientalis, iv (1961), 65). 

a. Timurid caipets. 

The oldest Persian carpets which have been pre- 
served date from the first half of the 10th/16th cen- 
tury. They represent culminating points of the art of 
carpet knotting which are inconceivable without ear- 
lier stages. Timurid miniatures of the 9th/ 15th cen- 
tury represent indeed with great accuracy various 
genres of carpets. Roughly, two basic types can be 
distinguished. First a small-pattern group with geo- 
metrical design, consisting of repeating squares, 
stars and crosses, hexagons, octagons or circles. They 
resemble contemporary tile-patterns. The motifs are 
framed by bright, small bands which interlace into 
stars or crosses and in between into knots. The cen- 
tral field is monochrome or is divided in chess-board 
style with contrasting colours. In the borders a Kufic- 
like writing stands out from a dark background. The 
relation to the small-patterned Holbein carpets is 

This type is replaced by arabesque and flower pat- 
terns towards the end of the 9th/ 15th century. The 
finest specimens are to be found in the miniatures of 
the painter Bihzad [q.v.]. He belonged to the school 
of Herat and was in 1522 entrusted with the direc- 
tion of the library of Shah Isma'il I in Tabriz. A 
direct influence on the royal carpet manufacturies is 
thus possible. In this new style with arabesque-pat- 
terns, construed lines cross the field — symmetrical to 
both axes — and outline semi-circles, circles, multi-foils, 
cartouches and ellipses. These forms intersect, creat- 
ing segments which are emphasised by their colour 
and by their arabesque tendril decoration. There are 
also carpets in which medallions are arranged over 
arabesques, and others with a simple decoration of 
scrolls on a monochrome ground. Instead of the stiff 
Kufic borders, elegantly twisted tendrils are used. 
These general principles and individual motifs form 
the bases of the Safawid carpets of the 10th/ 16th and 
11th/ 17th centuries (see A. Briggs, Timurid carpets, in 
Ars Islamica, vii, 20, and xi-xii, 146). 

P. Safawid carpets. 

Dating. Four carpets with a date inserted and some 

i provide the basis for dating the carpets 
which were manufactured in the 10th/ 16th and 
11th/ 17th centuries under the Safawids: (1) the car- 
pet with the hunting scene, designed by Ghiyath al- 
Din Djarm and now in the Museo Poldi Pezzoli, 
Milan, with the date 929/1522, occasionally also read 
949/1542; (2) the famous Ardabrl carpet by MaksQd 
Kashanl, dated 946/1539-40, manufactured together 
with one or even two others for the tomb mosque 
of Shaykh Safi; then, after a gap of more than 100 
years, (3) a "vase" carpet in the museum of Sarajevo, 
1067/1656, by Ustadh Mu'min b. Kutb al-Dln 
Mahani; and finally (4) a silk carpet by Ni'mat Allah 
Djawshakam, dated 1082/1671, from the mausoleum 
of Shah 'Abbas II in Kum. Other inscriptions are of 

A group of silk carpets with larger fields, executed 
with gold and silver threads, the so-called "Polish"- 
carpets, represent the style prevalent around 1600 
and in the first half of the 17th century (PI. XV). 
With the aid of documentary evidence they can be 
dated as follows. In 1601 the Polish king Sigismund 
Vasa III ordered such a carpet in Kashan. In 1603 
and 1621 Shah 'Abbas I had five specimens sent as 
gifts accompanying an embassy to the Signoria of 
Venice. Besides, contemporary reports of European 
travellers contain many references to these carpets. 
European paintings, which contribute to the dating 
of Anatolian carpets, are of no help in this respect 
as far as the Persian carpets are concerned. Only 
the "Herat" carpets occur frequently on Dutch paint- 
ings of the 17th century. The Safawid miniatures 
show that at the beginning of the 10th/ 16th century 
the basic types of carpets had been developed. The 
reproductions are, however, not sufficiently differen- 

of painting about periods of their origin and locali- 
sation. Dates are to a high degree determined by 
stylistic aspects, the quality of the design and reali- 
sation and the shape and various degrees of devel- 
opment of the singular forms being weighed one 
against another. The margin for a subjective judg- 
ment remains thus relatively large. 

Localisation. Because of their patterns and technical 
singularities, the Safawid carpets, with some excep- 
tions, can be divided into clearly discernible groups. 
It is however difficult to see the relations of these 
groups with the histoncally -established knotting cen- 
tres. Undoubtedly the successive capitrls Tabnz 
(from 1502), Kazwin (from 1548) and Isfahan (from 
1596-7) had their court weaving manufactories It is 
possible that the early Safawid carpets came into 
being in Tabriz undei the influence ot Bihzad It 
is surprising that no attempts have been made to 
localise carpets at Kazwin The woik-shops of Isfahan 
are sufficiently documented Jean-Baptiste Tavemiei 
describes even their exact localttv in the Watdan area 
The manufacturing of silk so-called Polish carpets 
and woollen carpets is proved to have taken place in 
Isfahan. Apparently Kashan was known before Isfahan 
for its silk weaving Pedro Teixeira mentions alieady 
in 1604 carpets from Kashan with gold and silk beau- 
tiful brocades and velvets and the fame of the town 
was evident in 1601 when King Sigismund \ asa III 
ordered from theie silk carpets worked with gold So 
late as 1670 Chevalier Chaidin calls Kashan the cen- 
tre of the silk-industry See PI XI\ 

The woollen carpets however cannot be classi- 
fied since they are onlv verv summaiilv dealt with in 
travellers' accounts In his appraisal ot the quality 
of Persian carpets Pedro Teixeira who left Goa in 

1604 and travelled to Europe through Persia, puts 
those from Yazd in the first place, those from 
Kirman— further characterised in 1684-5 by Engel- 
bert Kaempfer as carpets with animal patterns made 
from the best wool — in the second place, and those 
from Khurasan in the third. Thadaus Krusinski 

Gilan, the towns of KashanrKirman, Mashhad! 
1 and the capital Isfahan as localities in 

which c 

Shah 'Abbas I. Tabi 
ing the 16th century, but in the 17th cc 
hardly mentioned any more. Indicatic 
regions of origin, like north-western Persi 
southern Persia (Kirman) and 
etc.), which have become qui 


ern Persi 

i the lit 
rather ; 

description of a particular type than 
localisation. The discovery of oriental sources like 
town chronicles, descriptions of weaving manufac- 
tories or patterns for designs, might clear up this 

Compartment rugs. The "Compartment rugs" of the 
Safawids are derived from the carpets with arabesque 
pattern of the Tlmurid period. The early specimens 
resemble their painted examples so closely that one 
is tempted to give them an earlier date. A Com- 
partment rug in the Metropolitan Museum. New 
York, and its companion in the Musee historique 
des tissus, Lyons, thus belong entirely to the Timurid 
tradition; the net-like pattern consisting of eight-lobed 
rosettes surrounded by shield-shaped motifs formed 
by interlaced bands and the East Asian motifs which 
fill these fields, such as the dragon, the phoenix and 
cloud bands as well as the arabesque tendrils in the 

miniatures. If dated to the beginning of the Safawid 
period, both carpets could have been manufactured 
in Tabriz. To this pair of carpets belong some later 
variants with a raised medallion, establishing the tran- 
sition to the medallion carpets of North-West Persia, 
j and other variations with shields and quatre-foils in 
] alternating rows. The overlapping fields, found in 
the carpets in Bihzad's miniatures, are seen again 
on several 17th century "Polish" carpets. 

Cutpets with hunting uenes and animals. The influence 
of miniatuie-pamting is most evident on the carpets 
with hunting scenes and animals Except for a few 
carpets with figures arranged asymmetrically the scenes 
aie adjusted symmetrica^ on the background both 
in horizontal and veitical dnections An anangement 
ot medallions is put above this usually with one 
medallion in the centre and quai ters of medallions in 
the coiners ot the field The hunters on loot or hoise- 
back attack lions leopards gazelles deei and hares 
with spears swords and arrows Together with a great 
variety of birds these animals appear also on the cai- 
pets with only animals on which tights between deer 
or bull and lion or between the <h'i Im or Chinese 
unicorn and diagon aie in the foregiound The 
Chelsea carpet of the Wtoiia and Albert Museum 
London (pi Xl with its net of medallions connected 
by diagonally ai ranged pointed ovals holds a middle 
position between the Compartment rugs and the tradi- 
tional carpets with medallions and animals \n upwaid 
and downward string ol arabesque leaves divides the 
boidei m interlocking parts of contrasting colours 
\s reciprocal pinnacle border it was in a simpler 
form very popular on the later Safawid carpets 
Among the carpets which aie close t< 

two large, silk carpets with hunting scenes, in Vienna 
and Boston (see below), are conspicuous. To these 
are closely connected some silk woven carpets and 
about 12 woollen carpets (the so-called "Sanguszko" 

Carpets with figures flourished in the 10th/ 16th 
century under Shah Tahmasp I. Apart from the mas- 
tery of the designs, their technical realisation is exem- 
plary. They are an expression of court luxury. Such 
carpets were undoubtedly manufactured in Tabriz, 
but the stylistic and technical differences point to other 
weaving centres as well. Under Shah 'Abbas I car- 
pets with figures lose their importance, so that the 
few specimens of the 11th/ 17th century are mere off- 
shoots of the 1 0th / 1 6th century carpets. 

North-west Persian Medallion-carpets. Together with a 
series of medallion carpets with figures, a restricted 
group of carpets which have in common a medal- 
lion on a background that is filled with tendrils is 
localised in north-western Persia, including Tabriz. 
The most conspicious specimen is the Ardabil carpet, 
according to its inscription dated 946/1539-40. A star- 
shaped medallion, with corresponding quarter medal- 
lions in the corners of the field, appears above a 
fourfold symmetrical double system consisting of ele- 
gant spiral tendrils (see Rexford Stead, The Ardabil ear- 
pets, J. Paul Getty Museum, California 1974). More 
characteristic is a simpler class of carpets with medal- 
lions on a continuous, somewhat clumsily designed 
pattern of scrolls with small repeat. Here too the 
medallions are star-shaped and, as in the case with 
all medallion carpets of the 10th/ 16th century, they 
clearly stand out from the pattern of the background. 
Often secondary designs are added of a vertical car- 
touche and a shield-pendant, mostly to be found 
lengthwise on both sides. Border patterns consist of 
alternating cartouches and rosettes or a continuous, 
mirrored repeat of short, interlaced arabesque ten- 
drils. Particularly striking in these carpets is their rel- 
atively long format. See PI. XI. 

Herat carpets. The Herat carpets normally have no 
medallion. They are characterised by a variety of large 
palmettes with flamboyant contours, which cover the 
points where most delicate spiral scrolls split and touch 
the symmetrical axes. The colour of the field is almost 
always purple, that of the borders dark green or deep 
blue. On the specimens of the 10th/ 16th century the 
spiral scrolls are tightly connected. The design is dense, 
with many bizarre cloud bands and often inter- 
mingled with animals and scenes of animal fights. The 
rich use of East Asiatic motifs has led scholars to 
localise these carpets in eastern Persia; it is indeed 
proved that high-quality carpets were manufactured 
in Khurasan and its capital Herat. 

In a later type, the arrangement of tendrils is 
looser and wider, the cloud bands are less frequent 
and more clumsy, and animals are completely absent. 
The pattern is determined by palmettes and long, 
often two-coloured lanceolate leaves, also simplified. 
The details and borders show parallels with the 
"Polish" carpets, and therefore this type of Herat 
carpets too can be dated to the 11th/ 17th century. 
It is as yet undetermined whether these are identi- 
cal with the woollen carpets manufactured in Isfahan. 
Such "Herat" carpets were exported to India and 
there imitated. It is difficult to distinguish between 
Persian and Indian workmanship. So far unambigu- 
ous criteria are lacking (see below). These carpets 
are the only type of classical Persian carpets which 
appear frequently on European paintings, especially 
the Dutch genre-paintings of the 1 7th century. These 

"Herat" carpets were evidently a valuable commod- 
ity to Europeans, for they have been preserved in 
great quantity mainly in Portugal and Holland, coun- 
tries which through their East India Companies had 
close commercial relations with Persia and India. See 

"Vase" carpets. In contrast with the medallion and 
"Herat" carpets, the "vase" carpets have mostly a ris- 
ing pattern which is mirrored only with respect to 
the longitudinal axis. The direction is determined by 
blossoming shrubs and, on many of these carpets, by 
receptacles which have the form of vases of Chinese 
porcelain, filled with flowers, from which the name 
of this group of carpets is derived. Typical is the divi- 
sion of the field by means of oval lozenges. Three 
groups of lozenges, pushed one against the other, are 
mostly intersected. They arise from undulating pairs 
of tendrils which touch each other and retreat behind 
magnificent flowers. The lozenges may however also 
be outlined clearly by tendrils or broad lanceolate 
leaves and be filled up with various colours. 
Occasionally, the arrangement of lozenges is absent 
and there remain entangled rows of flower-vases or 
shrubs arranged in a staggered pattern. Sometimes 
also patterns of arabesques occur, intermingled with 
shrubs and in connection with medallions. Striking 
are the wealth of colours, especially conspicious in 
large-sized rosettes and palmettes, and the combina- 
tion of these stylised flowers with naturalistic bushes. 
The borders are relatively small and the inner or 
outer guards are often lacking. 

Opinions differ about the date of the "vase" car- 
pets. Some fragments with very luxuriant decor 
and vivid lineation recall stylistically the best "Polish" 
carpets, with which they can be dated to the begin- 
ning of the 17th century. It is still under discussion 
whether the pieces of the main group, which are 
designed in a clearer and stiffer way, originated before 
or after these fragments. Some are of later date, as 
is shown by the impoverishment of the pattern. More 
difficult is the decision about others, which are rich 
in details notwithstanding the rather simple pattern. 
The "vase" carpet of the museum of Sarajevo, dated 
1656, is not typical. Its extraordinary well-executed 
design and the fact that figurative motifs are in gen- 
eral lacking, favours the opinion that most of the 
"vase" carpets originated in the 11th/ 17th century. 
Southern Persia (Kirman) is regarded as the region 
of their manufacture (see K. Erdmann, review of A 
survey of Persian art, in Ars Islamica, viii, 174 «.). See 

Garden carpets. Safawid gardens with their geometrical 
division by rectilinear canals, as e.g. Hazar Djarib near 
Isfahan, and the garden at Ashraf, laid out by Shah 
'Abbas I in 1612, are reflected in the garden carpets. 
With their canals and basins with fish and ducks, bor- 
dered by trees and bushes in which birds and other 
creatures frolic, these carpets represent "portable gar- 
dens" which are accessible all year round. The earliest 
specimen is probably a garden carpet in the Jaipur 
Museum. According to an inscription on the back, this 
"foreign carpet" arrived at the palace in Jaipur on 29 
August 1632, probably by order or as a gift. Apart 
from this one, only two other garden-carpets from the 
Safawid period have survived. The type lives on in a 
later, restricted group which can be distinguished from 
its Safawid predecessors by the schematic outline of the 
details, although the general principle remains the same. 
They may have been manufactured in north-western 
Persia from the second half of the 18th century until 
sometime in the 19th century (see M.S. Dimand, 

A Persian garden carpet m the Jaipur Museum, in Ais Islamua, 
vu (1940), 93 and PI XVI, no 17) 

'Portuguese ' carpets The ten to fifteen 'Portuguese" 
carpets all go back to the same model and form thus 
the most coherent group Thev owe their name to the 
repiesentahons ot sailing ships with Euiopean-dressed 
persons on board and a man who emerges horn the 
watei among fishes and sea monsters The represen- 
tation is repeated four times in the coiners and recalls 
the ornamental motifs on Euiopean maps One ol the 
interpretations ot that scene is that it depicts the arrival 
of Poituguese ambassadors in the Persian Gulf From 

was further concluded that these carpets were intended 
for Portuguese in Goa The lest of the filling of the 
fields is also unusual It consists of a lozenge-shaped 
middle field with four small, pointed oval medallions 
and irregularis notched and feathered outline, sur- 

and irregularis forked in the later ones thev aie rec- 
tilinear, paiallel and regular While theie is no doubt 
about dating them to the 17th centurv, their place of 
origin still lemains uncertain Foimeilv these carpets 
weie considered to ha\e originated in southern or cen- 
tial Persia but now some scholais have proposed India 
Neither hypothesis is supported bv convincing proofs 
isee C G Ellis Tie Portuguese carpets of Giqamt in Islamic 
art in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, ed R Ettmghausen, 
New York 1973, 267) 

Silk carpets The change in stvle which the Safawid 
caipets underwent between the lOth/lbth and the 
1 lth/1 7th centunes, is espeuallv recognisable in the 
silk carpets The most famous and largest carpet of 
this kind is the so-called Vienna hunting caipet which 
was in the possession ot the Austnan imperial house 
and is now in the Museum fur angewandte Kunst 
in Vienna The use of silk for pile, warp and weft 
produces a verv fine textuie and gives the possibil- 
ity foi an extremelv precise design So it is not onlv 
bee ause of its costlv material that this carpet heads 
the figuiatne medallion caipets oriented towards the 
miniature painting and dating from the period of 
Shah Tahmasp Its size ol t) 93 X 3 23 m coi re- 
sponds with that of the laige woollen knotted car- 
pets Manv details are executed in gold and silvei 
brocade It is said to have onginated from Tabriz 
or, more probablv fiom Kashan, known for its silk 

of Baron M de Rothschild, which can be compared 

Fine Arts in Boston Some thirteen small-sized silk 
carpets, which K Eidmann called the 'small silk 
caipets ot Kashan I Siebcnhundcrl Jatrn Omntteppuhe 
143), are related to these two Apart from foui cai- 
pets with animals and animal fights in a rising, svm- 
metncal anangement thev also lepiesent the tvpe 
of the earh medallion caipets Repiesentations of 
persons and pens are lacking Thev return on some 
woven silk carpets, also mostlv of small size, which 
fit in stvhsticallv with the figuiative woollen carpets 
of the "Sanguszko' gioup and among which a frag- 
mentary hunting caipet in the Residenzmuseum at 
Munich stands out Because of its size, theme and 
quahtv of delineation it is dnetth related to the 
Viennese hunting carpet It must howevei, be taken 
into account that the technique of a woven caipet 
does not permit the elegant hneation of a knotted 
one All these woven carpets have pointed oval 

alternating cai touches and quatrefoils In comparison 

with the knotted silk carpets the use of gold and 
silver brocade on laige fields is new, and not onlv 
with respect to the emphasising ot details It the 
making ot the Vienna hunting carpet, which undoubt- 
cdlv figures at the beginning ot the development, is 
dated to about the middle of the loth centurv then 
the 'small silk carpets of Kashan', the figuiative 
woven carpets and the woollen c 

t the 


carpets with puiel 

Sanguszko -group present the 
halt ot the loth ccntuiv 

Contrasting with the new figt 
thtu is a large group ot wove 

floral decor, in which a coaisening ot tne Hneation 
is iecogmsable In two of these carpets — one com- 
pleters preserved m the Residenzmuseum in Munich 
(PI XI) and the lengthwise half of another in the 
Textile Museum in Washington — the arms of the 
Polish king Sigismund Vasa III have been woven As 
is known from documents the king ordered in 1601 
silk carpets woiked with gold from Kashan In a bill 
ot 12 Septembei 1502 pairs of carpets are mentioned, 
together with the sum of five crowns for the weav- 
ing of the roval arms In lb42 an undefined num- 

the Elector Philip William of the Palatinate bv his 

daughtei ot Sigismund III Among these carpets weie 
undoubtedlv not onlv the woven carpets with the arms 
but certainlv also the othei woven carpets and the 
"Polish' carpets, now in the Residenzmuseum The 
carpets with the arms thus lllustiate the stvle of woven 
carpets about lbOO Thev form the staiting point foi 
a chronological otdei of the floial woven carpets, 
which with their latest specimens mav reach as tar 
as the second half ot the 17th centurv In the shape 
ot then medallions, however thev lemain related to 
the eailv Safawid carpets 

The view that carpets with figurative lepresenta- 

is confirmed bv the knotted silk carpets, the large 
fields of which aie brocaded with gold and silver 
threads and the manufacturing of which flourished 
under Shah 'Abbas I At first these carpets weie 
thought to be of Polish origin and therefore were 
called "Polish carpets' The gioup includes now 
about 230 specimens which came into the posses- 
sion of European couits or churches as gifts of 
ambassadors oi on older Thev were however not 
onlv intended foi export but weie also m Persia a 
sign ot wealth and luxurv, and bear witness to the 
the beginning of the 17th centuiv 

? thes, 


tamed that the mam gioup was pioduced in the 
court manufattoiv in the Matdan Jiea of Isfahan 
In the 'Polish' carpets the relaxation of the 10th 

takable This is shown bv the shifting fiom lines to 
fields which finds expression in the abandoning of 
the monochiome foundation and m the loss of the 
clear delineation of the medallions against the back- 
ground Characteristic is further a luxuriant, merelv 
floial decor 

Production in gieat quantities biought about a ratio- 
nalisation of the design, as can easilv be shown from 
the manv specimens known This kind of produc- 

v be seen fiom the piefc 

■ foi smaller 

and above all from the use of cotton besides silk in 

The patterns can be reduced to about a dozen 
basic systems, mostly present in the few large-sized 
carpets. Variety is brought about by a difference in 
choice of various details, by different medallions and 
borders and by variations of colours. Apparently 
these carpets were preferably knotted in pairs, 
because until today 25 exact pairs are known, har- 
monising even in the borders and the division of 
colours. Continuing the tradition of Kashan, where 
the earliest of these carpets may have originated, 
the uniform style of the "Polish" carpets was prob- 
ably developed in Isfahan at the beginning of the 
17th century, after the court was transferred there 
in 1005/1596-7 The - Polish" carpets characterised 
by an obvious negligence in the discipline of the 
drawing, may date from the second half of the 17th 
century. The destruction of the Safawid dynasty by 
the Afghans in 1722 put an end to the manufac- 
tuie of brocade textile (see K Eidmann, Persische 
\\ irkteppiche der Safau idinzeit, in Pantheon (1932) 227 
F Spuhler, Der figurali Kaschan Hirkteppich aus den Sign 

Orients v/1 (1968), 55, T Mankowski, Note on the 
tost of hashan carpets at the beginning of the 17th tentury, 
in Bull of the American Inst for Persian Art and 
Archaeology, iv (1936), 152, MS Dimand, Loan e\hi 
bition of Persian rugs of thi so called Polish type, 
Metropolitan Museum New York 1930 F Spuhler, 
Bin neuemorbener "Polenteppich' des Museums fur Istamisihe 
hunst, in Berliner Museen, N F , xx/1, 27, idem, Seidene 
Reprasentationsteppiche der mittleren bis spaten Safauidenznt 
inaugural thesis Berlin 1968, to be published by 
Faber and Faber, London) 

y 18th and 19th Centuries 

The few carpets from the 18th century abandon 
to a great extent the tradition of the two preced- 
ing centuries Simpler repeated patterns with plant 
motifs like trees, shrubs forked leaves, palmettes and 
rosettes are preferred In the 19th century produc- 
tion levives The old centres of Tabriz, Isfahan 
Kashan, Kirman and Khurasan with Herat gain new 
importance with mostly laige carpets In Tabnz and 
Kashan small-sized silk carpets aie knotted too, also 
as prayer rugs The airangement of the medallions 
on a monochrome or small-patterned backgiound is 
prefeired A typical design of the 19th century is 
the "Herat!"' pattern spread all ov( " rT " 

l element of it 


lanceolate leaves which run paiallel to the sides and 
a rosette in the centie The botih or almondstone 
pattern is equally populai The figural carpets have 
their origin m the hunting and animal caipets of 
the 10th/ 16th century and came mainly from Tehran 
and Kirman Elements of the classical pattern aie 
geometnsed and distorted Peculiarity and liveliness 
cannot be denied to the pioducts of the 19th cen- 
tury This is especially true for the carpets from the 
surroundings of the town of Bidjar, which are, 
moreover, of outstanding quality Charactenstic is 
an extremely fine carpet, dated 1209/1794 (formerly 
in the McMullan collection, now in the Metropoli- 
tan Museum, New York) which in colouration and 
structure belongs to the Bidjar carpets and for the 
drawing of which a pattern of ; 

used , 
this < 

s of la 

n be c 

ected K 

carpets from the manufactories, but also carpets that 
were made by tribes and villages for their personal 
use, and village products of cottage industries, mar- 
keted in the larger towns. They are usually small- 
sized. Their charm lies in their originality. To these 
belong carpets from the towns of Hamadan, Saruk, 
Bidjar, Herlz, Senneh and Kirmanshah and from 
the Kurdish tribes in the neighbourhood. Some of 
the patterns of the Bakhtiyaris living to the west of 
Isfahan are based on the Isfahan-style. The Kashka'i 
nomads around Shfraz use both purely geometrical 
forms and flowers and animals (see A.C. Edwards, 
The Persian tarpel, London 1953) (see further on tribal 
carpets. Section iii below), 
e. India 

During the 16th and 17th centuries carpets some- 
times of very high perfection were manufactured in 
the towns of Agra, Lahore and Jaipur, evidently with- 
out any pieceding Indian tradition in this field of 
handcraft The stimuli surely came fiom Peisia Under 
the Mughal Akbar I (1556-1605) a strong tendency 
towards Safawid taste was developing This led to 
the summoning of Persian artists and craftsmen and 
affected all the artistic activities under Akbar 's suc- 
cesses Djahangir, Shah Djahan and Awrangzib until 
about 1700 Between lb25 and 1630 European influ- 
ences too made themselves felt In the present state 
of research it is not possible to establish a chronology 
of the Indian carpets of the Mughal penod It is 
plausible that the separate groups did not replace 
one another but existed contemporaneously Some 
fragments with grotesque animal patterns which are 
rooted in Indian mythology are to be placed at the 
beginning of the development and dated perhaps as 
early as the lbth century The miniatures in the 
Akbar nama of Abu '1-Fadl [qi], dated 1602-5, give 
us an idea of the carpets ta 1600 With their ogi- 
val medallions, scrolls and cloud-bands, they cone- 
spond to the Persian carpets of the 16th century, so 
that the actual origin remains obscure In the same 
way the Indian carpets of the later "Herat" type can- 
not with certainty be separated from their Peisian 
predecessors A gioup with pattern of scrolls stands 
out more clearly, it is characterised by lanceolate 
leaves at the ends of the scrolls, formed by leaves of 
blossoms which oveilap like scales This group is rep- 
lesented by a carpet which was ordered in Lahoie 
and presented in lb34 by Mr Robert Bell, now in 
the possession of the Girdlers' Company of the City 
of London Also authentically Indian is a carpet with 
scenes of animal fights, cairying the arms of the 
Fremlin family (now in the Victoria and Albeit 
Museum in London), which helps to distinguish the 
Indian animal carpets from the Peisian ones R 
Skelton has proved convincingly that a naturalistic 
flower style arises in miniature painting between lb20 
and 1627, towards the end of the reign of Djahangn 
This style, encouraged by the import of European 
botanical works, spread to carpets and textile fabrics 
and did not hesitate to employ plastic effects in its 
design, produced by gradations of colour A carpet 
with rows of blossoming shrubs lies underneath 
Awrangzib's throne on a portrait painted around 
lb60 A date post quern is thus available for quite a 
number of extant carpets of this kind with cherry- 
red background and a fine arrangement of colours 
Such a date is valid too for the extraordinarily tight- 
knotted prayer rugs with a central blossoming bush, 
standing out from a flat landscape Apparently both 
types did not originate before the second quarter of 

the 17th centurv a: 
ot populantv about 
differing qualitv in 

V ha\e reached their peak 
iddle ot that century Then 
that thev were manutac- 
In the 18th and 19th cen- 
seem to ha\e been made 
onlv for expoit and are artistic allv without conse- 
quence (see R Skelton, 4 dtcoiatue motij in Mughal ait 
in ispats of Indian Art Papers presented in a symposium 
at the Los Angdes Country Musium of Art October 1970 
Leiden 1972 147, and Pis \VI WII) 
f The Caucasus 

The stvlised archaising representations ot pairs ot 
animals dragons trees bushes etc on the Caucasian 
dragon and tree carpets caused FR Marquait in 
1908, in the first chronology of Oriental carpets to 
place these carpets at the beginning ot the develop- 
ment and to date them to the 13th/ 14th centuries 
This opinion howevei is contiadicted b\ the evident 
influence the Satawid caipets have had on these 
dragon' carpets as is shown bv the tloial motifs 
animals and scenes of animal lights These carpets 
got then name fiom the diagons which aie mostlv 
distorted until thev are unrecognisable The dragons 
are inserted into a using lo7enge-shaped design made 
fiom diagonal stupes This airangement and the nai- 

pets According to modern opinion only a few of 
these carpets date back to the 17th century Togethei 
with their Caucasian versions most of them aie derived 
from the 18th century tree-carpets and floral carpets 
with spital tendrils and have their ongin in the 
Shirwan/Karabagh area Some of the Caucasian car 
pets of the 17th and 18th centuries are of consider- 
able size, which indicated that they were manufactured 
in uiban manufactories In accordanie with the sense 
of decoration of the rural population a piofusion of 
bright patterns with large fields m lively colouration 
developed in the 19th centuiv fiom the above- 
mentioned wealth of foims With then geometucal 
design these small carpets and runners — there are no 
more large-sized carpets in this penod— stand out 
clearlv from the Persian carpets of the 19th century 
The most impoitant knotting centres were Kazak 
ShirwSn Dagtustan Karabagh Mughan lahsh 
Gandja and Kuba (see <\ Sakisian homeaux doiu 
merits sur les tapis armtnuns in Syria xvn (1936) 177 
M \gaoglu Diagon rugs a loan inhibition The Textile 
Museum Washington 1948 U Sthuimann Teppuhe 
aus dem kaukasus Brunswick n d Eng tr Grainge 
Basingstoke 1974 Catalogues haukasisihe Tippuhi 
Museum fur kunsthandwerk Fiankfurt 1962 C G 
Ellis Caucasian caipds in the Textili Museum in Foisehun^in 
zui Kunst isuns in Mimimam Kuit Eidmann Istanbul 
1969, 194, and PI X\II no 20) 

g. Spain 

In a survey of knotted carpets as expiessions of 
Islamic handicraft, the eaily Spanish carpets should 
also be mentioned. The so-called synagogue carpet 
of the Islamisches Museum, Berlin (I 27) is proba- 
bly the oldest and may belong to the 14th- 15th cen- 
turies. They are often laige-sized pieces in a style 
which prefigures the later "Holbein" carpets. The 
colours of the Spanish carpets are marked by stronger 
contrasts. The "Turkish" group may date from the 
15th /16th centuries and is succeeded by works with 
Renaissance elements. Alcaraz, Letur, Guenca and 
Valencia are known as knotting centres. The tech- 
nical peculiarity of the Spanish carpets consists in the 
fact that the knot is always twisted about a warp 

(see J Ferrandis Tones Exposition dt aljombras antwuas 
tspanolas Madnd 1933 E Kuhnel Maunsiht Tippuhi 
aus Altam^ Pantheon 1930 41b E Kuhnel and L 
Belhngei, Catalog oj Spanish rugs 12th ant to 19th 
lent The Textile Museum Washington 1953) 

h Tuikestan 

The varieties of the Turkoman pioductions aie 
detei mined bv the use that is made of them espe- 
tiallv as furnishing of the tent [see kha\ma iv 
Central <\sia] Small carpets serve as floor-coverings, 

mit and design with a praver rug as tent-bands 

\anous bags to store supplies saddlebags and camel- 
omaments are also knotted Thev all have in com- 
mon a deep-red to daik-purple giound and an 
all-over geometric repeat design in blight red blue 
white and (rarelv) gieen and vellow The wav m 
which the gul, the stai -shaped to octagonal leading 
motif which has the function of a tribal sign is exe- 
cuted mav indicate the particulai nomadic tribes 
Tekke Tuikomans tomtits Cavdirs (Tchodovsi 
Ersaris and banks to whom can be linked the Baltic 
in the west and the \tghans in the south The way 
in which tiansposed lows of pnncipal and suboidi- 
nate guls ate ai ranged already existent on carpets 
to be seen on Timund miniatures and on 'Holbein 
carpets suggests a long tradition in the knotting art 
Since however any suppoit for an accurate dating 
is lacking one hesitates to date single specimens to 
the 18th centuiy (see <\ Bogolubow Tapis serus dt 


<e fan 

t parti. 

St Petersburg 1908 (new edition A \ 
Bogolyubov Carptts of Central Asia, ed JM\ 
Thompson London 1973), H Clark, Bokhaia 
Tin} oman and lfghan rugs, London 1922 \ Thachei 
Turhman rugs New ^oik 1940 U Schuimann 
Zinhal Asiatisihe Teppuhe Frankfuit 1969 Eng tr 
Cinhal Asian rugs London 1970 \ G Moshkova 
Koin narodoi sndim isu Aun.a V) 20 a Tashkent 
1970 Ger tr Du Tppuhe dn \olhn Mittilasiens 
Hamburg 1974 

3 Public Collec 

> of On. 

1 Ca 

Europe The most impoitant collections are in 
\ienna Osterreichisches Museum fur angewandte 
Kunst London \ictona and Albeit Museum Istanbul 
lurk ve Islam Eserlei Muzesi Berlin Islamisches 
Museum Staathche Museen zu Beilin (East Beilin) 
and Museum fui Islamische Kunst Staathche Museen 
Stiftung Preussischer Kultuibesitz (West Berlin) Mso 
in Amsterdam Ri]ksmuseum Florence Museo Bardim 
Hambuig Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe 
Leningrad Hermitage Lisbon Fondation Calouste 
Gulbenkian; Lyons, Musee Historique des Tissus; 
Milan, Museo Poldi Pezzoli; Munich, Residenzmuseum 
and Bayerisches Nationalmuseum; Paris, Musee des 
Arts Decoratifs. 

U.SA. The most important collections are in New 
York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, and 
Washington, The Textile Museum. Also in Boston, 
Museum of Fine Arts; Cleveland, The Cleveland 
Museum of Arts; Detroit, The Detroit Institute of 
Arts; Los Angeles, County Museum; Philadelphia, 
Philadelphia Museum of Art; St. Louis, City Art 
Museum of St. Louis. 

The most extensive bibliography is in K. Erdmann, 
Der orientalische Knupfteppich, Tubingen 1955 (several 

editions) arranged according to areas and within 
these chronologically by the year of publication 
(English tr. C.G. Ellis, Oriental carpets, London 1960, 
2nd impression, Fishguard 1976); K.A.C. Creswell, 
A bibliography of the architecture, arts and crafts of Islam 
to 1st Jan. 1960, London 1961, Oxford 1973, 1139- 
1204, alphabetically arranged by authors (Supplement, 
Jan. 1960 to Jan. 1972, Cairo 1974 (329-37)); J.D. 
Pearson, Index islamicus; R. Ettinghausen art. Kail, 
in EI' Suppl. 

Bibliography: In addition to the works men- 
tioned in the article, see Tafelwerk zur Ausstellung ori- 
entalischer Teppiche, Orientalische Teppiche, Wien, London, 
Paris 1892-1896, 3 vols.; Supplement, Altorientalische 
Teppiche, Leipzig 1908, ed. A. von Scala; F.R. 
Martin, A history of oriental carpels befoie 1800, Vienna 
1908; Die Ausstellung von Meisterwerken muhammedani- 
scher Kunst in Munchen 1910, ed. F. Sarre and F.R. 
Martin; F. Sarre and H. Trenkwald, Altorientalische 
Teppiche, i, Vienna and Leipzig 1926; ii, 1928; A 
survey of Persian a,t, London, New York 1938, ed. 
A.U. Pope (reprint 1967). 

Exhibitions and Museum publications: LArt de 
IVrient Islamique, Collection de la Fondation Calouste 
Gulbenkian, Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon 
1963; Meisterstucke onentalischei Knupjkunst, Collection 
A. Danker, Stadtisches Museum Wiesbaden, 1966; 
The Keimkian Foundation collection of rare and magnifi- 
cent oriental carpets. Special Loan Exhibition, a guide and 
catalogue, by M.S. Dimand, Metropolitan Museum 
of Art, New York 1966; Islamische Teppiche, The 
Joseph V. McMullan collection. Mew Toik, Museum 
fur Kunst-handwerk Frankfurt 1968, catalogue by 
U. Schiirmann; Alte Onent-Teppiche, Museum fur 
Kunst und Gewebe Hamburg 1970, ed. R. Hempel 
and M. Preysing; Arts de VIslam des origines a 1700, 
Orangerie des Tuileries, Paris 1971; Islamic carpets 
from the collection of Joseph V. McMullan, Hayward 
Gallery, London 1972; M.S. Dimand and Jean 
Mailey, Oriental rugs in the Metropolitan Museum of Ait, 
New York 1973. 

Private collections and handbooks: J.V. 
McMullan, Islamic carpets. New York 1965; M.H. 
Beattie, Die orientalische Teppiche in dei Sammlung 
Thyssen-Bornemisza, Castagnola 1972; P.M. Cam- 
pana, // tappeto orientate, Milan 1962; G. Cohen, // 
fascino del tappeto orientate, Milan 1968; R. Hubel, 
Ullstein Teppichbuch, Berlin, Frankfurt, Vienna 1965; 
K. Erdmann, Skbenhundert Jahre Orientteppich, Herford 
1966 (Eng. tr. M.H. Beattie and H. Herzog, Seven 
hundred years of oriental carpets, London 1970). 

(F. Spuhler) 

,. In t 

i Musl 

: West 

In the Muslim West, the term bisat, pi. busut is 
attested, notably by Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, who 
uses it to describe the revenues paid every year by 
the Aghlabids to the 'Abbasid caliphs; under the 
caliphate of al-Ma'mun, there is mention of 120 
carpets (busut). It may thus be supposed that these 
were precious objects of real artistic value and one's 
natural inclination is to think of "the carpet on 
which the sovereign and his ministers are seated" 
(Dozy, Suppl. i, 85, col. 2). Unfortunately, nothing 
is known of these carpets which were presumably 
manufactured in the large cities, al-Kayrawan and 
its satellites 'Abbasiyya or Rakkada, in particular. 
Does the fact that these products were intended for 
the highest dignitaries permit us to suppose that, as 
early as this period, there was at least one tiraz [ 
q.v.] in Ifrikiya? A workshop of this kind is attested 

at Mahdiyya in the period of the Fatimid al-Mansur 
(Diawdhar, tr. Canard, 75), and there is mention of 
the manufacture of carpets there. It would seem 
legitimate to suppose that, under the Aghlabids, there 
was the capacity for weaving luxury carpets (no 
doubt inspired by the carpets of the East) intended 
for the caliphs and for the most senior officials of 
the Muslim world. 

The term bisat is also employed by Yakut (7th/ 13th 
century), who mentions busut in the region of Tebessa 
and describes them as sumptuous, well-made and long- 
lasting. Should these carpets be seen as the ancestors 
of the lock-stitched carpets which, until recently, still 
constituted one of the principal items of tent furni- 
ture, especially in the region of Tebessa: the tribes of 
the Nememsha, the Harakta, the Mahadba and the 
Hamama? The most ancient of these products, with 
strictly geometric decoration, appear to perpetuate the 
old local traditions such are still to be found in the 
Djebel Amour, as well as in the Moroccan Middle 
and High Atlas. 

Bisat is not at the present time employed in any 
part of North Africa, where various other Arabic 
words are used to designate these long, polychrome, 
woven fabrics: ktlf or katifa, matrah, fash, farrashiyya, 
while in Morroco, Berber or Berberised words are 
also used (P. Ricard, Coipus); as for the carpets manu 
factured in the towns (al-Kayrawan, Guergour, 
Nedroma, Rabat, Mediounaj, they are called zarbiyya, 
pi. zrabi, or sadjdjada, pi. sadjdjadat. These carpets are 
strongly influenced by the carpets of Anatolia and of 
old Andalusia. 

The existence of busut carpets in Muslim Spain is 
attested by various authors, in particular at Murcia. 
These products were much valued in the Orient (al- 
Makkarl, Nafh al-tib, i, 123). Yakut speaks of the busut 
of Eiche (Alsh) (i, 350); but the expression wata' is 
preferred when describing the carpets of Chinchilla 
or of Baza, the reputation of which extended as far 
as the Orient. 

In the modern and contemporary period, the cen- 
ing in North Africa 


s follov 

ally , 

rsually by r 



Tunisia: the Hamama, the Mahadba, the Durayd, 
the Ouled bou Ghanem tribes. 

Algeria: the Nemensha, the Harakta, the Maadid, 
the Hodna tribes. See PI. XVIII. 

All these carpets are characterised by ancient, essen- 
tially geometric patterns, with compositions that vary 
little, and a colour scheme reduced to two or three 
shades, and by apparently more recent patterns inspired 
by the carpets of Anatolia, characterised by one or 
several central polygonal motifs (mibab) framed by 
orthogonal fillets. The multiplication of mihrdbi, per- 
mits the creation of carpets of large dimensions. They 
are all polychrome, red being the dominant back- 
ground colour. 

The carpets of the Djebel Amour (Algeria) have 
remained faithful to geometric decor and to ancient 
local compositions; there are only two dominant colours, 
red for the background and dark blue for the motifs 
(recently replaced by black). At the edges there are 
fringes woven with a polychrome geometric design. 
These carpets are comparable with certain Moroccan 
woven products of the Middle Atlas. See pi. XLX. 

Morocco: carpets of the High Atlas: Haouz of 
Marrakesh, Ouled bou Sbaa, Alt Ouaouzguit, etc.; 
carpets of the Middle Atlas: Zemmour, Zaian, Beni 

M'tir, Beni Mguild, Ait Youssi, Marmoucha, Ai 

rouchen, Beni Alaham, Beni Ouaram, etc. pro\ 

All these carpets manufactured among Berber trib 
are of geometric design and employ only a limited 

Tunisia: al-K.ayrawan, Tunis, and various coastal 
cities where the influence of al-Kayrawan has been 

local types with a fair degree of originality, iBizerta 

Algeria: Cuergour and Setif (at this present time in 
the process of disappearing!, Souf, Qal a of the Banu 
Rached (influenced by Andalusian products). 

Mnmcw: Rabat-Sale, Casablanca, Mediouna (also 
influenced by Andalusia;. 

All these carpets were, or still are, woven in the 
home, as a family business. 

In the contemporary period, the manufacture of 
carpets, an export product, is tending to become an 
industry, especially in the major cities such as al- 
i, Tunis,' Tlemcen, Rabat-Sale, Casablai 

and a 

so in the 
,, Tebes; 

, Cher, 

s Nabei 

'iogiaphr: Giacobetti, Les tapis et tissages du 
Djebel Amour, 1932; P. Ricard, Chi pus des tapis maw- 
cains, 4 vols. 1923-24; L. Poinssot and J. Revault, 
Tapis tumsiens, 4 vols. 1937-57; L. Golvin, Lis aits 
populaiies en Algerie, 6 vols. 19.50-6. (L. Gui.viNI 

carpet history except, perhaps, A.C. Edwards (77;? 
Persian carpet, London 1975), distinguished between the 
output of cities, villages and tribal groups, and only 

of Central Asia's pastoral nomads attracted anthro- 
pologists, making it possible to isolate and study their 


i the 

own has obfust 

and tribes in its hinterland, while Bukhara is still the 
popular label for the rugs of the Tekke Turkmen. 
Such misleading i ^ 

-seded 1: 

ssification. Similarly, confusini 
h variants in different counti 
lology, based 

i the 

modern Sanandadj the Turkish knot predon 
Consequently, although the so-called Turkish knot is 
the most commonly used in Turkey, both knots are 
found in Iran and both have been found in the same 
rug. Classification by knot only, therefore, should be 
regarded with caution. Each has different charac- 
teristics: the Turkish knot is symmetrical, the two 
tufts lying evenly on either side of the warps, and 
it is suited to a longer pile, while the Persian knot 
is asymmetrical, the tufts slanting to the left or right 
of the warps, and is favoured where clear definition 
of a complex pattern is required. Some scholars have 
now adopted the term symmetncal for the Turkish 
knot and asymmetrical for the Persian. 

Description of designs is also prone to variation 
and many names ha\e been arbitrarily coined by 
Europeans. A floor carpet can be described as fol- 
lows: first, the central field and its ornament (some 
German writers, however, use the word field to define 
the motifs), while the borders are numbered starting 
from the inner one and specifying the main, or largest, 
border and the guards or narrow bands which divide 
them. This system may be adapted to describe saddle- 
bags, tent-bags and animal trappings. 

In city workshops, fixed vertical looms make large 
pieces possible, and women blotters work from a car- 
toon under male supervision. Villagers use both ver- 
tical and horizontal looms, while among the tribes 
the latter is normal. The tribal loom (PI. XX), evolved 

xind. It i 

light, f 


is difficult to control sinc< 
rug is being made. While 
' ' ' and villages, tril 


ool v 

on warps are favoured 
tgs until recently were 

n theii 


■ being replaced 

[The primary structure of fabrics, Washington, D.C. 1966). 
In the past the words carpet and rug (and in French 
the word tapis) have been used synonymously, lead- 
ing to difficulty in the study of documentary evidence. 
Carpet is now used to define a knotted article of 
some size, say, 300 by 240 cm. and upwards, while 
a >ug, also of knotted pile, is smaller, measuring up 
to about 300 by 200 cm. Both words have been used 
to define flat-weave articles as well, and these are 
now named after their technique, for instance, kilim 
or gelim, which is tapestry-woven, and sumak, after 
sumak weft-wrapping. Only knotted pilework is dis- 

2. Technique. There are a number of knots of 
which, as noted in Section i. 1 above, the two most 
common are the Gordes or Turkish knot and the 
Senneh or Persian knot. Both are of known anti- 
quity; the Pazyryk rug, dating from the 4th to 3rd 
century B.C., was made with the Turkish knot, while 
the Basadar fragments, possibly a century older. 

... istic suppleness. 

Tribal wool is of fine quality, carefully selected and 
dyed. Vegetable dyes were retained longer by the 
tribes than by settled weavers, and a much-admired 
feature is the variations in tone, known as abrash, due 
to the dyeing of small batches of wool as required. 
Most of the dye plants like madder, weld and indigo 
are common, and it is the recipes which give colours 
their individuality. 

The technique of knotting varies. In southern Iran 
knots are tied with the fingers and cut with a knife, 
while up in the north-west the wool is pulled through 

he warps 
vhich is tl 

vith a 
of flat- 


. Hav 


ng b 


d of 

between these inse 
\efts, packing then 
PI. XXI) to hold 


ts in 

vith a 

1. The c 


ng at the 
Tribal wea 

ters wil 

put it 
use an 

as th 
old r 

e work progre 
ug as a model 


s finished 
orm the 

vith an 

th'er "e 

nd" ar 

d the 

tail. The 
le, requ 


while in city workshops the knots are roughly 
slashed and the finished carpet, looking like an 
unkempt hedge, is clipped by a specialist. Tribal 
knotting varies from the coarse, shaggy pile of 

Yiiriik rugs to the fine, velvety surface of Turkmen 
bags. Each has its own attraction, since the design 
is evolved to enhance the quality of the wool. 

3. History. The carpet from Barrow 5 at Pazyryk 
(see S.I. Rudenko, Naseleniya gornogo Altaya v Skfskoe 
Vremya, Moscow-Leningrad 1953. Eng. tr. M.W. 
Thompson, Frozen tombs of Siberia, London 1970, 298- 
304) pushed back the beginnings of carpet history 
from the 6th century A.D. to the late 3rd century 
B.C. It is, however, a sophisticated piece, both in 
technique and design, arguing a long-developed tra- 
dition. It is unlikely that it was made by the Altai 
people, and it more plausibly reflects an eclectic 
taste for exotic imports. The Pazyryk burials, how- 
ever, provide invaluable evidence of the life style of 
these Central Asian pastoral nomads, putative ances- 
tors of later tribal groups, which was notable then, 
as now, for the major part played by textiles in 
their economy and cultural heritage. With their 
wealth based on their animals, and their sources of 
conflict pasturage and water, they made seasonal 
migrations, as do the Bakhtiyari, the Kashka'i and 
Khamseh in Iran today. They produced a class of 
mounted warriors who revolutionised warfare for 
both the Romans and the Chinese, gave rise to innu- 
merable legends and bred distrust and fear among 
urban dwellers. It is likely that the women under- 
took the spinning and weaving, and even today these 
activities are considered effeminate by tribesmen with 
the memory of an elite warrior caste (PI. XX). It 
can be surmised that knotting originated among even 
earlier pastoral nomads living in a harsh winter cli- 
ilaughter thei 

■ to flee 

volved a 

warm, tufted fabric. K. Erdmann and others believed 
that knotting may have developed among Turkic 
peoples in West Turkestan, (Erdmann, Der orientali- 
se Knupfieppuhe, Tubingen 1955, Eng. tr. C.G. Ellis, 
Oriental tarpets, Fishguard 1976, 14-16) and it would 
seem likely that it arrived in Anatolia with the 
Saldjuks in the 11th century A.D., where it was 
established by the 13th century as is attested by the 
Saldjuk pieces from the mosque of 'Ala' al-Din in 
Konya (now in the Turk ve Islam Muzesi, Istanbul, 
illustr. in O. Aslanapa, Turkish art and architecture, 
London 1971). Also, Marco Polo, writing of his visit 
to Anatolia in 1271-2, says that the finest carpets 
in the world were made in Konya, Sivas and Kayseri, 
while Abu '1-Fida, quoting Ibn SaTd, who died in 
1274, says that Aksaray's carpets were exported "to 
all countries", and Ibn Battuta in the 14th century 
mentions that Turkish carpets were widely exported. 
Since many tribes surviving into modern times claim 
Turkic descent, it is no surprise to find design ele- 
ments which are traceable to Saldjuk pilework. The 
all-over geometricised repeat, found in the Konya 
pieces, is a characteristic of Turkmen floor rugs, 
while octagons, hooked medallions and eight-pointed 
stars, together with border motifs (always the 
most conservative element in rug design), like the 
angular scrolling stem, key fret and arrowhead, are 
ubiquitous in tribal rugs and village rugs from 
Turkey, the Caucasus and Iran. Some of the crea- 
tures which appear frequently on Akstafa, KashkaT 
and Khamseh rugs also have a long pedigree, for 
their distant ancestors appear in Italian paintings of 
the 13th to 15th centuries, copied from rugs imported 
to Italy from Asia Minor (for a detailed discussion 
of painting evidence see Bibl.) The marriage of the 
Virgin, painted in the early 14th century by Niccolo 
di Buonacorso, in the National Gallery, London, 

shows a carpet with repeating octagons, each en- 
closing a large-tailed bird, precursor of the fantastic 
birds knotted into 19th century rugs from south-west- 
ern Iran; while of surviving knotted examples, sim- 
ilar birds appear in one of the Konya fragments, 
and the Marby rug, of early 15th century date, now 
in the Statens Historiska Museet, Stockholm, has two 
octagons, each ( 
either side of a 
Marby Rug and some other fragments of carpets found in 
Egypl (see above section i. 2. 6. for full reft. 

Since they were subjected to continuous wear, 
very few tribal rugs of a pre-19th century date have 
survived 1 although notable exceptions are the 
Turkmen rugs in the Ethnographic Museum, 
Leningrad, unpublished in the West), making it 
impossible to write a coherent history. It can be 
inferred, however, that these ancient patterns per- 
sisted in spite of the revolutionary changes in 16th 
century Iran under royal patronage, emulated in 
Ottoman court workshops, where the influence of 
illuminators and bookbinders emphasised the centre 
of the carpet and introduced a large new repertoire 
of motifs. The village and tribal traditions seem to 
have developed independently of the cities but, 
although they were inevitably more conservative, 
there is evidence of borrowing and of organic growth; 
and 19th century rugs show considerable diversity 
in the treatment of old themes. 

The 19th century, which saw the earliest European 
documentation of the Central Asian tribes, also marked 
a watershed, for the definition of the national fron- 
tiers of Iran. Russia and Afghanistan dealt a major 
blow to pastoral nomadism, and this century has seen 
wholesale settlement. 

The ethnically most homogeneous tribal confed- 
eracy was the Turkmen, who retained their exclu- 
sivity until their territory on the Trans-Caspian 
steppes was split up in the 1880s. Modern study 
has demon-strated major shifts of influence within 
the confederacy, however, with tribes like the Salur 
and Sarik, powerful in the 17th and 18th centuiies, 
being overtaken in the 19th by the Tekke and 
becoming extinct as tribal entities (see S. Azadi, 
Tuikmenische Teppiehe, exhibition cat.. Hamburg, Eng. 
tr. 1970, Turkoman carpets, London 1975, 13-14 for 
detailed lists of tribes and ta'ifeh). 

Turkmen pilework is justly famous for its hard, 
glossy wool, excellent vegetable dyes and fine knot- 
ting, normally using the asymmetrical or Persian 
knot (but see M.H. Beattie, in The Timoman of ban 
[see Bibl.], 38-41, for exceptions), and Turkmen rugs 
are unmistakable with their ground and borders of 
the same colour, always red, but varying from 
the clear tones of Salur and Tekke to the ox-blood 
of the Sarik and aubergine of the Vomut, and hav- 
ing in the central field an all-over repeat of guls 
which, when t ' 



to the 


used it. Tekke floor rugs (PL XXII) h 
guls quartered by a lattice to enclose tritohate 
forms identified by Moskova as birds (see Azadi. 
op. lit., 20-41) and also of totemic significance, while 
the Vomut owned a number of guls including 
the kepv, based on plant forms, and the dirnak, a 
hooked diamond enclosing birds (illustr. in Azadi, 
op. cil„ and U. Schurmann, Central Asian carpet*, 
London 1969, pis. 15-25). It is known, however, 
that the Sarik and Tekke used older forms of the 
gul than those featuring in 19th century rugs, while 
secondary guls and border patterns pose complex 


s pnnr 

S U b,Ugated £ 

tube having 

possibH tun 

like bags while the victe 

ing 1mm Turkmen C luc isnn and Atshu 
absoibed and iepioduced in a chaiacten 
nei Floor iugs show octagons ind "lomu 

might lncoipoi ite tht weakei tribe s piimarv orna 
ment in its own smallei pieces Lis in iugs lie 

in addition to classic Tuikmen motits large (en 
tnl medallions lie lntioduced to bigs while floor 
iugs md piavet rugs nn\ have llonl pitteins Heated 
semi naturalisticallv and in a higher ton ll ke\ 
(illustr in Azadi >p at pis 7 ') and iu and 
Schuiminn op at pis 41 r ib) As well is flooi iugs 
the Turkmen women used to knot minv ai tides tor 
then own use including the tent b ind Miami bit 
)Up which encircled the tent httice with the knot 
ted pattern on i white plamwene ground ficing 
inwards the tngu or cnu a handsome ing with l 
crucifoim design which Kted is i tent dooi tht 
kapumk a lunged deeontion hung over the inside 
dooiwa\ and a v metv of bags irom siddle bigs 
tlwrdiin hige stonge bags coal to smillci ones 

iting it 

dies etc Thes 

storing the household equipment 

telt rooted tent an appeinnce oi tapesti\ hung 

The finest knotting was ic served toi co\eis tainaltsha 
toi the much % alued ho!ses and the lomut who 
made the widest \ inet\ oi irtiiles ind pitterns used 
to knot i set ot trippings tor the bridal camel con 
sisting ot pentigonal flank hangings mmalik (discussed 
in detail in R Pinnei and M Fianses Tuihman stud 
u i London l')7 c > tiequentK pitterned with hooked 
s oi lozenges (PI Willi and mitching knee 

e the 
when c 



; shaped covei ut bah 


■ins ha\e been influent! i 


1 the t 
tnllv li 

gioups which hue bonowed m< 
them being the Afghan and the Baluc Modern Afghar 
rugs ire knotted in the towns ot Pikistin Old ones 
howe\ei mide b\ tubes i elated to the Eisin in 
northem Afghanistan had quihties ot then own With 
1 medium high pile using the isvmmetiicil oi Peisim 
knot their centril fields show an idaptition of the 
Tekke S}il without the lattice although the squnish 
octagons aie qunteied and enclose tntoliitt stems 
ind lea\es Thc\ hive moie minoi ornament thin 
modem examples ind then eolouis which include 
blues \ellows and biowns on i led ground aie in 
1 higher ke\ Boideis include geometiicised phut 
forms ilso bonowed horn the Turkmen md ingu 
hi nbbon Commeiciil success has lesulted in the 
stand n disation of pitterns and rolouis and rugs lie 
often chemuallv wished to produce the golden 
Afghans populu in the West 

A black tented people the Biluc nomidise to md 
countn now iormmg pirts ot li m Aighamstin ind 
Pakistin The\ utilise the good but undui ible wool 
oi then sheep ind und\ed c lmel hur for w irps 
wefts ind knotting the Turkish oi s\mmetiical knot 
being moie fa\ouied to pioduce i long medium 
coarse pile Distinctive teatuies ut the ehbontelv 
beautiful ends in l \anet\ ot tl it weaves aid l hm 
ited ringe of daik coloms blues blaikish biowns 
se\ci ll reds ind white Their patterns leflect boirow 


Ct 1 

the sma 

1 praver 

us with 

1 st 



oi Lite 

in an undved camel hair 



It an 


the seve 

n Jn 

of Lui 
ligiate t 


" * r 



ountiv l 

n the Z 


ins i 

i the 

of othei 

Lurs anc 

oi Man 

m Kashka i 

nseh Tev 

of the s 




lie t 


pieces but were 

made b\ 

villagers i 

n the 


r Mahall ai 


e Edv 


,p a 

309 U pis 

3a4 64) 

The Bakhti 

ni do 



1 fl 

mque to 

but st 

11 make 

d b 

vpe o 
ck ot 




ind up tl 

e sides 



igg\ pile 

n the Tu 

kish or 


isualh pleisi 

ng whe 


n the te 

nt Favo 



stirs m 







is o 

f sciollin 

, stem v 

hile the 




• thes, 

1 have 

saddle 1 

bedding big mafia A ind stoi ige b igs whieh c 
loided on to pack inimals rukati to smill lavishlv 
dccoi ited bigs namak dan with ninow necks foi poui 
ing C olours ire rich dark reds browns ind blues 

hudh known in the West ut often bought bv the 

Khimseh ind Kashki i ind c in be seen in their tents 

The Afshais anothei tube oi Tuikic descent lie 

believed to hive been deported tiom \dhnbiv 

bv Shih Ism ill m the lnth 

anded b 

i then 


tmguish i nomid tiom a village Atsh it lug Both 
knots lie found Old tubal pieces show a toloui 
scheme of nch mid blues i cleu red vellow ind 
ivoiv ind t iv our the dnmond medilhon hvout but 
the Persnn botth is oiten used is in ill over iepeit 
known is dehath ind the chicken muishi found ill 

floul designs hive been borrowed fiom Rinnan 
c irpets Boiders which ne tinelv oigamsed ringt 
ind anguhi sciolling stem 

1 floi 


s piov 


l Iian his long been a complex r 
is nomad countn pa) txulltnu with the Zagios mom 
tains ind hill vallevs in the noith and wnmer plan 
south oi Shu iz so that the migiation loutes of 
number oi tubes hive impinged on one anothe 
The two largest tubal coniedeiacies the Kashka 
ind the Khamseh v\ere iounded toi political re- 
sons the Kishki'i dunng the 18th centurv and tr 
Khimseh in 1 8b 1 2 Ihe major ta ifihs oi 
Kishki'i are Turkic with some Luis Atshus 
Pei si ins while the Khimseh consists ot five ti 
ot Tuikic Peisnn ind Arib stock Some tr 
people howevci lie settled m v ill iges while of r 
groups like the Bolv iidi smill sections belong tc 
Kashki 1 ind the rest aie villageis with no tubil 
alkgiince Then his been wholesale bonowing ot 
pitteins md since both knots are used consequent 
difhcultv m rug cl issific ation The Kasjika 1 have i 
leputition tor the finest rugs lhen most tvpical 
composition tlnec stepped oi hooked medallions m 



the cential field is shared by the Khamseh and other 

skin but more likely a st>hsed phnt form (PI VXIII) 
This simple scheme is girmshed with detail hooked 
octagons losettes the Persnn boteh the Chinese knot 
ind flower sprigs as well is a memgene ot creatures 
like stylised peicocks poicupines gizelles goats (PI 
\\I\a, hiwks chickens ind bees powdering the 
ground with a nice sense ot spice Another type has 
lepeatmg botch all o\er the central held a la\out 
shared b\ the Afshars Main borders include the calyx 
and scrolling stems of cit\ carpets t Pl VXIII) but the 
narrow guild bands often retain older forms like the 
oblique stripe and reciprocal diamond Skilled dyeing 
for which the Shesh Boluki Reshkuli md Bullu were 
tenowned pioduced a sharp cleai led several blues 
1 rich ueimv \ellow apricot and soft dark brown 
md green skiltulh juxtiposed against ivory Rug pat- 
terns ire repeated on saddlebags ot fine workmanship 
I PI \\I\b) chickens are shown here drinking at a 
tountun Tent bigs are generally made in flat-weave 
but the Kashka'i have lavished sumptuous trippings 
on their horses including saddle covers ind horse- 
cloths to cover the animals when they are tetheied 
which have knotted patterns on a plain-weave giound 
while fringed chest and rump bands ate still made 
often embellished with blue beads against the Evil Eye 

Some attributions ot designs to specific la'ifehs have 
been made (J Allgrove in The Qashqa'i of Iran exl 
bition cit Manchestet 1976 64-95 pis 5-8 37-41 
but the ethnic complexity ot all the Fars tubes and 
the eclectic nature of their patterns are barriers 
precise classification 

The role of the tnbeswomen who have ilways been 
responsible for the textile crafts extends into other 
areas tor since their rugs are the visual mamtestat 
of tribal culture the women hive been the artists 
the tnbe and custodians of tnbil tiaditions i p 

uation artists are not a specialist class but have made 
tor their own use artefacts both functional and ot great 
beaut) bunging to mind Rudenko s comment con- 
cerning the Pazvrvk textiles on the istomshing skill 
and care lavished on the most tiifling of irbcles 
These are powerful reisons tor studying tribal knot- 

Bibliographi (in iddition to references given in 
the text and in the Bibl to Section i above) 

1 Genenl \\ von Bode and E Kuhuel 
I orderasiatischt knupfttppiche Leipzig 190! revised ed 
and tr C Grant Ellis Antique rugs from the \em 
East London 1970 W Grote-Hisenbalg Die 
Oruntteppuh stint Gtschuhtt und seine hultur Berlin 
1922 CJD May Hon to identify Ptrsian and other 
oriental rugi London 1969 H Hubel A book of tar 
pets London 1971 

2 Technique H Ling Roth Studies in primi 
tu e looms Hihfax 1950 HL Wulft Tht traditional 
crafts of Persia Cimbndge Miss 1%6 

3 Earlv carpets O \slanapi and \ Durtil 
Selfuklu halilan Istanbul 1973 

4. Carpets in paintings. J. von Lessing, 
Altorientalische Teppiche, Berlin 1877. 

5. General works on the tribes of 
Persia, Afghanistan and Central Asia (see 
also the Bibls. to Iran. ii. Demography and 
ethnography, Kashkay, Turkistan, Turkmen 
and Turks. History and ethnography). H. 
Pottinger, Travels in Belochistan and Sinde, London 
1816; A. Burnes, Travels into Bokhara, London 

1834 C Masson \arrali t of lanous journeys in 
Balochistan Afghanistan and the Punjab London 1842 
idem \arratue of carious journeys in Balochistan 
Afghanistan tht Punjab and halat London 1844 
J Wolff \arratiie of a mission to Bokhara London 
1845 \ \imberv Travels in Central Asia London 
1864 idem Das Turkmtnvolk Leipzig 1885 
F Burnaby i ride to Khiva London 1877 
E O Donovan Tht Men oasis London 1882 
AT Wilson Report on Fars Simla 191b O 
Ginod The nomadu tnbts of Persia today and Tht 
Qashqai Ink of Fars in Jnal Royal Ctntral Asian 
Sot xxxm (1946) MT Ullens de Schoc ' ' 

London 1956 GE Markov Di 
Turkmtnen lor ihrer Lbersitdlung in dit Mittelasiatischen 
Oasen im 18 und 19 Jahrhundtrt in Ethnographisch 
Arthaologische Forsthungen Berlin 1958 iv/1-2 163 
ft F Birth \omads of South Persia the Basstn 
tnbt of the Khamseh confederacy Oslo 1961 W 
Barthold A histon of the Turkmen peop/t in Four 
studies on the history of Ctntral Asia m Leiden 
1962 P Obeihng The Turku ptoplts of southern 
Iran Cleveland 1964 idem The Qashqa'i nomads 
of Fats The Hague 1974 K Jettmar Di, fiuhen 
Stepptmolker Baden Baden 19b4 tr \ E Keep 
Art of the steppes London 1964 \ Monteil Lis 
tubus di Fars it le sedentansation des nomads Pans 
19b6 E Sunderland ch Pastoialism nomadism and 
tht sonal anthropology of Iran m Camb histon of 
Iran l Cimbndge 1968 D Musden Tht 
Qashqa'i nomadu pastorahsts of Fars proi met in The 
Qashqa'i of ban exhibition cat Manchester 197b 

b Tnbil rugs AN Ponomerev Motifs in 
Turkoman ornamtnt [in Russian] in Turkmen 
oiedeme No 7-9 Ashkabad 1931 A Leix Tu, 
kestan and its textile trafts in C IB A Reueu Basle 
1941 and Basingstoke 1974 \ G Moskova 
Tribal gols m Turkoman tarfets [in Russian] m 
SE (194b) 145-62 Ger tr A Kuntschik Gals 
auf turkmemsthen Ttppithe in Archil fur I olkeikunde 
in (\ienna 1948) 24-43 MS Dimand Ptasant 
and nomad rugs exhib cat New \ork 1961 
C D Reed, Turkoman rugs exhib cat Cam- 
bridge Mass 1966 \ N Pnkulyeva Turkoman 
ttoven carpets of tht central Amu Dana alley [in 
Russian] in c SSR Academy of Sciemes Mattnal 
on tht tulturt of the peoples of Ctntral Asia and 
Kazakstan Moscow 1966 SA Milhoter 
Zenhalasiati sthe Teppuhe Hanover 1968 H 
McCov Jones Tilt Eisan and their uta ings exhib 
cat Washington DC 19b9 idem and J \\ 
Boucher Rugs of tht lomud tnbts ibid 1970 
idem Weaimgs of the tribes of Afghanistan ibid 
1972 idem ind RS Yohe Ullage and nomadu 
aeacings af Persia ibid 1971, \bbot Hall Gallery 
Kendal The Turcoman of Iran exhib cat (con 
tnbs bv P and M \ndrews MH Beattie and 
others) Kendal 1971 J Frinses Tribal rugs from 
Afghanistan and Tuikestan London 1973 \ 
de Franchis and J Housego Tribal animal 
covin from ban, exhib. cat., Tehran 1975, 
idem, Lon and Bakhtian flatweaves, exhib. 
cat., Tehran 1976; L. Beresnova, ed., The dec- 
orative and applied arts of Turkmenia, Leningrad 
1976; D. Black and C. Loveless, eds., Rugs 
of the wandering Baluchi, London 1976; J. 
Housego, Tribal rugs, London 1978. 

(j. Allgrove) 
BITUMEN [see katran]. 

2. Carpet with "dragon-phoenix" pattern, Anatolia, 14th century, Islamisches Museum, 
East Berlin, No. 74. 

k Ottoman. "Holbein" carpet, small type. Museum fur Is!. Kunst, No. 82,8! 


5. Ottoman. Lotto carpet. Museum fur Isl. Kunst, Berlin, No. 82,707. 

V i 1 73"» -4"! JHKlfHf *> 

n 'Ushak carpet. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 
i. Publ in Guidi to 1 olkction of carpets, 
i A. Museum, 1920, pi. XVI. 

7. Ottoman. Star pattern 'Ushak carpet. Metropolitan Museum of Art, N 
No. 58.63. Gift of Joseph McMullan, 1958. Pub! b> J.\ McMullan, hlam. 
No. 67. 

. Mamluk. Silk carpet, Osterreichisches Museum fur angewandte Kunst, Vienna. Publ. by 
S. Troll, Altorimtaluche Teppicke, 1951, pi. 40. 

t Bibliotheque des Arts Decoratil 

. Publ. in Arts de I'lsla 

10. Safawid. "Chelsea" carpet, V. and A. Museum, No. 589/1890. 

. Safawid. Medallion pattern carpet from north- 12. Safawid. Woven silk carpet (389 X 152 cm., 

;stcrn Persia. Museu National de Arte antiga, Lisbon. fragment). Residenzmuseum, Munich. Publ. by 

lbl. in L'Art de I'orient islamique, 1963, No. 72 K Lul nun Siebenhundert Jahrt Orienttepf i 1966 
(Collection of the Gulbenkian Foundation). pi. 1, fig. 24 (complete view). 

.. Safawid. Herat carpet, Osterreichisches Museum fiir angewandte Kunst. Publ. by Troll, op. at, No. 24. 

Safawid. Carpet with "vase" pattern, V. and A. Museum (17' 1" X 10' 10"). Publ. by A U Pope 
A .survey of Persian art, pi. 1227. 

15. Kashan. Silk carpet, Muse. 


16. Safawid. So-called "Polish" carpet, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Ace 
No. 45.106. Gift of John D. Rockefeller Jr., 1945. 

18. India. "Girdler" carpet, The Girdlers' Company, 

London. Publ. by Kendrick-Tattersall, 

Handwoven carpels, 1922, pi. 33. 


21. Carpet of the Harakta (Algeria 

22. Carpet from Guergour (Algeria 

23. Carpet of the Nememsha (Algeria). 

24. Carpet of Djebel Amour (Algeria) ( 


i. KashkaT tent with loom at Ktfasjjeh Djamakh, 1944 (Photo: Dr. O. Garrod). 


26. KashkaT woman spinning (Photo: P. Wallum; 

29. Floor rug, Tekke Turkmen (Sotheby's, London). 



'*%&•■ sW 

32. a, b. Saddle-bag faces, KashkaT (David Black Oriental Carpets). 


BIYAR al BIYAR n wells spring) modern 
Bivaidjumand a small town on the noithein edges 
ol the Gieit Dese.t the D isht i kavir ol Peisn 
The mediaeval geogi ipheis desciibe it is being 
three divs ]oume\ 1mm Bist im md 25 /ana/As 
horn Dimghin ind as falling idmimstiativelv 
within the province oi kumis \q i ] llthough in 
Simamd times [4th/10th eenturv, it seems to ha\e 
been attached to Nishipm in khuiasan It wis the 
tei minus of in onlv modenteh fiequented route Hioss 
the noitheastem tornei of the deseit to Tuishiz in 

We have m Mukaddasi s5b 7 j72 in rspc 
ciallv detailed descnption ot the town considenng 
its moderitt sue and impoitince Kins; is it did 
oil the greit highw iv connecting western Peisn 
with khuiasan this is explicable bv the tut that 
Mukaddasi s mitemil grind! ither had emulated 
theme to Jeiusalem He mentions tint Bi\ u had 
good cultivated fields ind oiehuds md gi izing 
grounds for sheep and camels the i ithtr scantv watei 
supply was caietullv conti oiled in uiigition clnnnels 
Theie wis an inner citadel appro idled thiough i 
single gatew i\ but theie were three lion gates 
m the outer w ills There wis no Fndav mosque and 
the mhibitants weie all H inafTs stionglv opposed to 
the karranuwa [q ] neveitheless Mukiddisi stites 
elseuheit I }b5) that the kirrmuwa had a Hianal all 
in Bivar He turthei stresses the building skills of (he 
Bivans above all in the medium of mud buck 
Politic allv it came within the S mi mid dominions at 

ind c 

i 298/91 


^b9/979 80 i i oin is il 
tiom the veai 42b/ 1035, the eve of the pissing of 
the provinces of khuiasan ind kumis into Sildjuk 
hands (E von Zambiui Dit \lun pia a imgen dts Islams 
_eitluh and oitluh gemdnd i Wiesbaden 1%8 83) 
i ikut Buldan ed Be nut i 517 mentions seveial 
scholais pioduced b\ Bivai amongst whom weie 
some noted HinifT ones Must iw IT \ujiat allutub 
ti Le Strange 148 refeis to the towns good ceieals 

A few Eutopean tiivellers beginning with Foistei 
tow nds the end of the 18th < entur\ began to cross 
the northern edge of the Gieit Deseit ind to piss 
through Bivar bv now known is Biv iidjummd (the 
Benjemund ot Capt C Clerk m Jnal of tlu 
Geogmphual Sue xvullbbl) 53) Theie u en m C lei k s 
time some 200 houses theie with i (rood w iter sup 
plv fiom I anaS ind gaidens and fields m the neai 
bv hills the kuhi Bivaidjunnnd copper galena ind 
marble were obt lined ct W Tom isc hek ~«; lusto 
nsihi Topogmphu ion Pimen II Dii Wtge dunh die pu 
sisihi Husk in SBU -fit Phil Hist CI evm (1885) 
bo2 3 At the piesent dav Bivirdjumind is the chef 
lieu oi the baljsh ot the same name in the shahrast in 
of Shahrud in the second list in oi Iran its popuh 
Hon is ta 2 bOO see Rizmni Faihang i djughwfna yi 
ban in 54 

Bibliography (in iddition to ieteiences given in 
the nuclei Le Strange The lands of tlu Eastern 
Cahphah %b %8 Schwarz ban un Mittibiltu 82^ 
b A. Gabnel Dunh Persuns It listen Stuttgnt 19s5 
11^ 20 idem Dit Bfoisihun^ Peisiens \ lenna 1952 
s(H H Hum Du iusbnitun^ der Safi ittsihn 
RuhUsihule ion da Anjangin bis urn 3/ 14 Jahthundert 
Wiesbiden 1974 12o ( C E Busworthi 

BIYIKLI [see mehmed p«_ha] 
BLAZON [see rank] 

BLESSING [see bar^ka] 

BOAT [see safiH 

BOLUKBASHI Rida Tevvfik modem Turkish 
orthogiaphv Riza Tevfik Bolukb\si Tuikish poet 
ind wntei (18bb 1949) He was born in Dusi 1 
Mustafa Pisha in Rumelia (Dimitiovgi id m present 
div Bulgaria iormerlv C anbrodl while his fatht r 
khodja Mehmed TewfTk Eiendi i civil serv int ind 
teicher was I aumal am theie His mothei i 
Cntassian slue girl died when Rida was eleven 
vens old His gundfathei Ahmed Durmush 
Bolukbishi was a guenlli le idei tiom Debi l in 
Albania who had (ought igunst the Greeks duung 
the using in the Morel ([Fendun] kandemir haidi 
ag^indan Ri^a Ti fik ( Riz i Tevfik from his own 
mouth ) Istmbul 1943 94 7 109) After mending 
vinous schools (including the Allnnce Isi lehte school 
ind Gahtasuiv) in Istmbul he finished m the 
nishdnu thigh school) of Gehbolu (Gallipoli) his familv 
town ind enteied the school of political science 
[\UHibi Uulhnul whence he wis howtvei expelled 
ioi political activities ind insuboidination He 

suspensions gradu ited in 1899 He woiked is gov 
emment doctoi at the Customs Office m Istanbul 
until the restoiation oi the Constitution m Jul) 1908 
when he |omed politic il lite An enthusiastic mem 
bei oi the ruling C ommittee ot Union and Progress 


elected deputv ioi Fdnnc but soon bioke with the 
CUP leadeis ind joined the opposition md bee ime 
one oi the leading figures ot the I ibei il Union [see 
HURRr,\ET M itilvf firkasi] (Relik Halid kai iv 
Mmelbib ihhnilv lb Istmbul 19b4 / assim) He taught 
philosophv at the Umversitv ot Istanbul and Tmkish 
liter ituie at the American Robert College He seived 

, Mini 

[ Educa 

)f the 
d the ti 

ura u Dm 
lomst Ottor 


1920) which sealed his 
Nationalists Student piotests loiced him to give up 
his chin in the Univcisitv (1921) ind he fled the 
countrv following the Nationalist victoiv in Anatoli 1 
(September 1922) His mine wis 1 itei included in 
the list oi the 150 undesirables [see \ uzellilikler] 
Aitei i bnet stav in Egvpt he served toi seven veais 
m the government ot imn Abd All ill (a former fel 
low deputv m the Ottoman Paihiment) m Jordan 
spent i veil m the USA and eventuallv settled in 
Pjunivvi m Lebinon wheie he lived with his wife 

live veirs attei the geneial imnestv of 19,8 He 
died m Istmbul on 31 December 1949 Although 
Rida TewfTk is known bv the nickname Fait «/ ( The 

nmnlv woiks oi eompihticm (but which gieitlv con 
tnbuted to the tc le lung of modem philosophv in 
Tuikev) his icil contiibution to Fulkish htentuie 
is is i poet In the lite 1890s a voting poet Mehmed 
Ennn liurdikul) \q ] suddc nlv ippe lied on the 

spoken luikish sv liable metie ind the use of pop 
ulu subjects He wis gieeted as a guide and inno 
v ltoi but did not have inv following as his poetrv 
wis uninspired iwkwnd in stvle ind totilK lick 
ing in music il eilect In contrast Rida TewfTk who 
stirted his eueer in the sime penod bv writing 
poems on the line oi Abd il H ikk Himid and 
IeufTk Fikiet \q ] found in the eulv 1900s the 



i regene 

of Turkish poetry; he v\ 

and ii 

as able 
mth of 

leading poets and popular mystic (dervish) poets 
without blindly imitating them, but re-creating their 
warm and lively atmosphere in a modern garb [see 


His success ushered in a new trend which was later 
moulded into a school by Diya' (Ziya) Gokalp, that 
of the Mill! edebiyyat ("National literature"). Rida 
Tewfik did not abandon the 'arid like most of his 
younger colleagues of the new school, but used it 
in parallel with the he§e. His influence on succeed- 
ing generations of poets continued in the 1920s and 
early 1930s and his style began to date only with 
the appearance of Orkhan Well (Orhan Veli) Kanik 
and Fadil Husni (Fazil Hiisnu) Daglarca, who rev- 
olutionised all concepts in Turkish poetry. 

Rida Tewfik Boliikbashi is the author of the fol- 
lowing major works: 'AM al-Hakk Hamid we mulsha^at-i 
felsejiyyesi ("A.H. and his philosophic reflections"), 
Istanbul 1329 rumi/m3; Felsefe deislen ("A course of 
philosophy"), i, Istanbul 1330 rfimf/1914; Mufassal 
Kamus-i felsefe I "A comprehensive dictionary of phi- 
losophy"), i, Istanbul 1330 rumi/ \9U; Etude sur la 
religion des Houroufis, in CI. Huart, Textes persons idat- 
ifs a la seek des Houroufis, Leiden 1909; Serabi omrum 
("Mirage of my life"), Lefkose (Nicosia) 1934, 2nd 
ed. Istanbul 1949, (contains all his poems, except 
some political satires); Omer Hayyam ve rubailerr, 
Istanbul 1945, Introd. 

Bibliography: Rushen Eshref, Diyorlarki (inter- 
views with leading writers) Istanbul 1918, 133-54 
and passim: Halide Edib, Memoirs, New York 1926, 
passim; R. Gokalp Arkin, R.T.B., hayati re siirleri-, 
Istanbul 1939; Vahyi Olmez, R.T., Istanbul 1945; 
R.C. Ulunay, R.T., siirlen re mektuplan, Istanbul n.d. 
[1943]; Hilmi Yiicebas, Butun eepheleriyle R.T., 
Istanbul 1950; Hilmi Ziya Ulken, Tiirkiye'de cagdas 
dusimce tarihi, i, Istanbul-Konya 1966, 406-24. 

(Fahjr Iz) 
BOOTY [see fay', ghanIma]. 
BORNEO, a large island (area 292,000 sq. 
miles/755,000 kirr) straddling the equator in the 
Indonesian archipelago, and mainly covered with 
tropical rain forest. The spinal range of mountains 
rises to 13,455 ft./4,100 m. in Mount Kinabalu in 
the northeastern tip of the island. Politically, the greater 
part of the island has since 1949 formed the Indonesian 
region of Kalimantan (a name which Indonesia also 
applies to the whole island); along the northern coast 
lie Sabah, the former British crown colony of British 
North Borneo and Sarawak, both of whom joined the 
Malaysian Federation in 1963, and the British- 
protected sultanate of Brunei [q.v. in Suppl.]. The 
following article deals only with the Indonesian part 
of the island; see also Borneo in Ef. 

Indonesian Kalimantan is divided into four prov- 
inces (daerah tingkat I): Kalimantan Barat (Western 
Kalimantan, 157,066 sq. km., 2,019,936 inhabitants, 
capital: Pontianak), Kalimantan Tengah (Central 
Kalimantan, 156,552 sq. km., 699,589 inhabitants, 
capital: Palangka Raya), Kalimantan Selatan (Southern 
Kalimantan, 34,611 sq. km., 1,699,105 inhabitants, 
capital: Banjarmasin), and Kalimantan Timur (Eastern 
Kalimantan. 202,619 sq. km., 733,536 inhabitants, 
capital: Samarinda). South and Central Kalimantan 
originally formed one province, until on 23 May 1957, 
the area was divided because of the opposition of the 
Dayak people against the "Malays" (Muslims) in the 

1. Earlier History. In Sambas (north-western 

antan), which had been a Buddhist cultural 
already in the 6th century A.D., a descen- 
dant of the sultan's family of Johore established a 

it the 

e of B 

(between 1514 and 1521), and Malays began to set- 
tle in the area. Chinese workers were brought to 
work in the gold mines, but in 1770 they revolted 
and formed semi-independent "republics" (kung n). 
Islam had little influence on them, and only after 
1965, when they were required to confess one of 
the acknowledged religions in Indonesia, did a few 
of them become Muslims. Sambas has remained a 
stronghold of Malay culture. The area of Lawei, an 
old Javanese colony, and Matan on the Pawan river, 
turned to Islam soon after the conversion of the sea 
ports in northern Java. Sukadana, having—like 
Sambas— experienced the influence of Buddhist Sri 
Vijaya, was islamised mainly by Malay and Arab 
traders from Palembang, which at that time (first 
half of 16th century) was under the rule of Demak. 
In 1608-9 Surabaya imposed its dominance, until 
in 1622 Sultan Agung of Mataram wiped out the 
influence of his main rival. Only in these areas of 
south-western Kalimantan Barat, did classical 
Javanese (Kawi) remain "the sultan's language", in 
Ketapang e.g. until this century, although in this 
place only a panembahan resided. The 18th century 
saw the rise of the sultanate of Pontianak, founded 
in 1771 by an Arab adventurer, Sharif 'Abd al- 
Rahman, the son of a Hadramawti and a princess 
of Matan. Pontianak always stressed its Arabic back- 
ground and claimed that its understanding of Islam 

According to tradition, Demak initiated the spread 
of Islam in southern Kalimantan, seizing the op- 
portunity for this when at the beginning of the 16th 
century a conflict occurred between two pretenders, 
Pangeran Samudra and Pangeran Tumenggung, in 
the course of which the former appealed to the help 
of Demak. This was granted, and Samudra became 
the founder of the Muslim sultanate of Banjarmasin, 
acknowledging the supremacy of Demak (1520). His 
successors ruled until 1860, when the Dutch colonial 
government abolished the sultanate after the revolt of 
Hidayat, the legal heir to Sultan Adam (d. 1857). 
Like other revolts in 19th century Indonesia, his 
movement was inspired by the idea of djihad. At pres- 
ent, the area of the former sultanate is part of the 
province of South Kalimantan, with the kabupaten of 
Hulu Sungai (east of the Barito river) as one of the 
j strongest Muslim areas on the island. In the earlier 
days of the sultanate, its ruler exercised his influence 

like Sampit, Kota Waringin, etc., which became cen- 
tres for the propagation of Islam among the neigh- 
bouring Dayak tribes; some of them, however, further 
withdrew to the interior. Although the impact of 
Javanese customs and manners was strong, the liter- 
ary language was Malay, influenced by local idioms 
and Javanese. J.J. Ras emphasises that in spite of its 
particularities, even basa Banjar (Banjarese colloquial) 
should be counted among the numerous Malay dialects 
(Hikajat Bandjar, 7-12). This explains also why the 
Banjarese Muslims and above all their 'ulama', felt a 
special obligation to present themselves as authentic 
teachers of Malay Islam after the bahasa Indonesia was 
proclaimed the offical medium of communication 
in the archipelago (1928). On the other hand, they 
distinctively separated themselves linguistically and, 
as a consequence, culturally, from the Dayak tribes, 
for whom the term "Malay" and "Muslim" became 


demit al Becoming > Muslim i= Malav I means (01 a 
3avak to loose his social relationships Onlv a few 
)avak tribes became Muslims eg tht Bakumpai a 
oimei sub-tube of the Ngaju Da\ak iDanand]a|a 
134 in consent with Mallinckiodtl 

In East Kalimantan Pasn and kutai [q t ] saw the 
lse ot colonies ot Buginese traders and ship-buildeis 
iom South Sulawesi soon aitei then homeland had 
(lti05-ll) \t cording to tiadi- 

the fust 

>i Isla 

in Pasi 

while Makass 

ulous Tuan Tunggang Paiangan wci< acme m kutai 
Like in South Sulawesi Islam in kutai seems to ha\e 
been mixed with manv animistic sui\i\als and 
remained weak thioughout the 18th tenturv The sul- 

Samannda where most oi the Buginese settled and 
the Davak aiea Then stoiv is told m the Salasila 
Kutai wntten m Malav 

2 \lndtin duibipmenh \s the sultans both in East 
and West Kalimantan dining the times oi Dutch 

internal lunsdictton Islamic law mou oi less mod- 
ified b\ the local tustomaiv ladat) law plaved a 
significant lole Couits weie tloselv attached to the 
palace -\ttei independence the Indonesian gov- 



■ of t 

i Dav 

Pontianak and Banjarmasin ha\e been caught up ' 
in Islamic model mst movements The Malav pen- | 
odical ill Imam Ismce 1*105) paitlv inspiied bv 
Rash id Ridas al Manai was distnbutcd in 
Pontianak and Sambas The Scukat Islam , the 
oldest nationalist move-ment held a congiess in 
Kalimantan in 142 5 In 1430 the traditionalist 
"Nahdlatul Llama ' established us first blanches m 
Ban]armasin and Maitapura and South Kalimantan 
lemained besides East Java a stionghold ol this 
partv until 1942 The model mst Muhammachvah 
became active in 1427 its fust bianch being opened 
in Banjaimasin Muhallighun oi piopagandists fiom 
Java and Minangkabau weie sent there, some ot 
them being ioimer ittendants of the Thawahb 
schools in West Sumatia Then piogiess seems to 
have been slow it the Muhammadivah s national 
congress m 1424 no participant trom Kalimantan 
was noted In 1435 the movement had 24 branches 

and educational woik bv building schools (limes 
and distributing pamphlets and books its activities 
reaching now the Hulu (up-nvei) areas and the 
boidei districts between West Kalimantan and 
Sarawak In Baniarmasin a gov emment-i elated 
Tnstitut \gama Islam Negen (I M N ) has been 
established wheieas m Pontianak a branch ol the 
Fukutttn Tarhnah of the I MN Jakaita C iputat is 
active \ blanch ot the same I \IN s I akullas 
I shuluddin now in Singkawang is to lie moved to 

Bibliograpln Remaiks on Islam in Kaliman- 
tan aie tound in geneial woiks on Islam in In- 
donesia [see bibhographv to indonesix \ - 
islam in Indonesia] turther BJ Boland The 
struggle of Islam in modem Indonesia i= \ el 
handelmgen tan htt Komnkli/k Instiluut tool 
Taal Land tn \ olkenkundt Vh The Hague 
1471 Dehai Noei Tin modernist Muslim mou 

mtnt in Indontsia 1900 1942 Smgapoit -Kuala 
Lumpui 1473 -Histonogiaphv \ \ Cense 
De Kiomtk tan Ban,armasm Santpoort 1428 C \ 
Mees, Dt hionuk ion hmtai Santpooit 1435 W 
Kem (ommintaar op dt Salasilah tan Koetai (= \ KI 
I The Hague 145b JJ Ras Hika/al Bandjai 

4 ■ 




The Hague 

bibhographv ) —Languages \ \ Cense and EM 
Uhlenbeck (ritual tan of studits on tht language* 
of Bointo i= Bibhogiaphical Series 2) The Hague 
1458 (Malav dialects pp 7-Hl \B Hudson 
4 nott on Silako Malaut Da\ak and Land Daiak 




Mustum J„„ 

Taal Land- en \ olkenkunde The Hague, xm 
i!417) wvi il42b) xxxvi |1433) xhv il452i M 
Malhnckiodt Het \datreiht tan Borneo Leiden 
1428 Daniel S Lev hlanm eourts in Indonesia 
Beikelev-Los Angeles-London 1472 —Islam and 
the cultuie aiound it F Lkm Tuaiann,a suns, 
gull banjak Bandjarmasm-D|akaita 1%0 (especiallv 
121 it) J Danand|a]a Kthuda/aan penduduk 
Kalimantan ttngah in Koentjaiamngrat led I 
Manusia dan Kthuda,aan Indontsia D)akaita 1471 
114-44 \B Hudson Pad)ua tpat tht Ma am an 
of Indonesian Botnto New V>ik 1472 200 Tahun 
Kota Pontianak Diterbitkan oleh Pemenntah 
Daeiah Kotamadva Pontianak, Pontianak 1471 
] F Gaiang \dat and Gtstlhihafl Eint so-jo 
ethnologist ht Inttisuthung ^ur Daisttllung des Castes 
und Kulturlehtns dtr Da,ak in Kalimantan 1= Beitrage 
zm Sudasien-Foi schung Sudasien-Institut del 
Limvcisitat Hcidelbeig 4) W lesbaden 1974 lespe- 
eiallv pp 109-281 toi a short account ot the 
development of Muslim Highei education until 
the toundation oi the I M N at Banjarmasm 
see \nahansvah Proses Lahuma /4/\ Antasan in 
Paii)i Mastarakat No 148 il \piil 1<,7 "*l ~ 
Statistics Slatistik Indontsia 1970 1971 ed bv Bno 
Pusat Statistik Djakaita 1472 

(O ' 

BRICK [see i \ 
BRUNEI a sul 

)t Kalimantan 

n the noithem c. 
, [?.]> 5 7b5 sq km 



tants The capital is Bandai Sen Beg 
1470 called Bandar Biunei or Biunei Town) with 
ta 45 000 inhabitants Its pnncipal landmaik is the 
great Mespd Omar -\h Saiiuddm built aitei Woild 
War II Since the bth eentutv \D trade lelations 
existed with China Oecasionallv tnbute uas paid 
not onlv to China but also to Buddhist Sn \i,ava 
I South Sumatia) and Maiapahit (Java) where it was 
mentioned among othei Boinean tnbutaues in ta 
1565 Tht Sha'n iMing Simaun piobablv the oldest 

of B 

i \wang 


k Bet 


if Sulu sh 

as abd 


ai The s 



of aftans 





ak Bet 

Muhammad he 

1415. His sue 
an Aiab f.o 
became the ancestor of the later sultans of Brunei. 
There seems to have existed, however, a rival 
pagan kingdom besides the Muslim sultanate, which 
gave the impression, in 1514, to the Portuguese that 
Brunei was still heathen. When Antonio Pigafetta, 
an Italian member of Magellan's expedition, visited 
Brunei in 1521, he mentioned that the sultan (Bulkiah 
I, the fifth of his dynasty) was waging heavy war- 
fare against a rival pagan kingdom in the same 
harbour. Finally, Sultan Bulkiah succeeded in safe- 
guaiding his supremacy and brought Brunei to the 
climax of its glory, ruling over most of "Borneo" 
(hence its name), the Sulu Islands and parts of 
Mindanao and Luzon. It was the Spaniards, how- 
ever, who, since 1578, from their stronghold in 
Manila, successfully began to confine Brunei's strength 
to the northern coasts of Borneo, from where,' in 
their tutn, pirates intimidated the Spanish, and other, 
fleets. During the 19th century, the territory of Brunei 
was encircled decisively. In 1841 most of Sarawak 
was ceded to Sir James Brooke. In 1888, Brunei 
became a British protectorate. Later, in 1906, the 

which concern Religious (Islamic) and Customary 
Law {ailat-\m'\. In 1959, howevei, when a new con- 
stitution was introduced — the first written one in 
Brunei's history — his juridical functions were turned 
over to the courts. Nevertheless, his internal posi- 
tion was also strengthened considerably, as a num- 
ber of rights of the former resident were transferred 
into his 'hands. Brunei became "an internally self- 

and himself, Azahari, as Prime Minister. With British 
help, however, the revolt was soon suppressed, Azahari 
stayed in exile abroad, but the strong opposition of 
Indonesia and the Philippines against the formation of 
Malaysia, which probably inspired Azahari's polio,, now 
came into the open. Finally, the sultan in July 1963 
decided that Brunei should not join Malaysia, officially 
because of his dispute with Sarawak about the Limbang 
valley which nearly divides his territory into two 
enclaves; but problems about the distribution of the 
profit of Brunei's rich oil fields (exploited since 1929 
by the British Shell Company) may also have affected 

Since 1974, the question of Brunei's independence 
has become acute again. Sultan Sir Hassanal Bulkiah, 



Only security and foreign affairs were still handled 
by the British, who from now on were represented 
by a High Commisionary. 

New perspecthes for Brunei's future opened when 
in Mav 1961, Tengku Abdul Rahman as the Prime 
Minister of the Malayan Federation, forwarded the 
plan for a new federation, Malaysia, which was to 
include, besides the Malayan Federation, Singapore, 
Sarawak, British North Borneo (now Sabah), and 
Brunei. At the beginning. Sultan Sir Omar Ali 
Saifuddin's attitude was a positive one, in the hope 
that he would be able to join the collegium of the nine 
Malayan sultans who were to elect the Yang Diper- 
tuan Agung from among themselves as the nominal 
Head of State for a period of five years. In a memo- 
randum, prepared b> the Malaysia Consultative 
Committee in February 1962, it was further stated 
that Islam was to be the official religion in the 
Federation (Gullick, 64), another matter favourably 
received by Brunei with its outspoken Malay tradi- 
tion, contrasting to the other North Bornean territo- 
ries where Islam is followed only by minorities and 
where the Malays were not acknowledged as burrn- 
putera (indigenous). 

But the sultan met with opposition from the "Party 
Ra'yat" (People's Parrs'), led by Shaikh A.M. Azahari, 
which had gained 22 out of 23 possible seats when the 
Legislative Council of Brunei was elected in October 
1962. Azahari himself had not run for a seat, and there 
is some doubt whether he is a Brunei citizen (Brown, 
127); he is known to have fought against the Dutch in 
the Indonesian Independence War. On 6 December 
1962, his followers staged a revolt, somewhat untime- 
ly, because Azahari at that time happened to be in 
Manila. His aim was to form a Negara Kalimantan 
Utara ("State of North Borneo"), including Sarawak, 
Brunei and Sabah, with the sultan as nominal ruler 

opposed by I 


1967, : 


opts for a more demo- 
etely independent Brunei (now 
without Sarawak and Sabah), with the sultan as the 
mere symbolic head of state. Azahari, still in exile, 
sees the future of Brunei based on a Tmila ("Three 
Pillars", obviously in distinction to Malaysia's and 
Indonesia's Pancasila or "Five Pillars") of (a) the Islamic 
Religion, (b) Nationalism, and (cl Democracy. The 
national colours he proposes are still those of the for- 
mer "State of North Borneo", sc. red and white (like 
Singapore and Indonesia), with a green triangle sym- 
bolising Islam. 

Bibliography: J.M. Gullick, Malaysia and its neigh- 
bours', London"l967; D.G.E. Hall, A History of South- 
East Asia, New York 1968; D.E. Brown, Brunei: 

Monogiaph of the Brunei Museum Journal, ii/2! 
Brunei 1970 (with extensive bibliography). 

ABU v 


(BOBASTRO), also spelt, Bab.sii.t.r. and, frequently from the 
5th/llth century, Bash.t.r. or Bush.t.r., a moun- 

of 'Ulnar b. Hafsun [q.v.], leader of Andalusian'resist- 

ininly i 

>uth of Cordov 

o the Urrurj 

267/880-1 until his death in 305/917, ; 
his sons until 315/928. The piecise location of 
Bobastio, often confused (as in El- i, 1250) with Bar- 
bastro (Barbashturu) in Huesca piovince, has proved 
a thorny problem. Erroneously identified by Dozy with 
Castillon, neai Teba (Malaga province), it was believed 
by Simonet to be situated 6 km. east of Ardales in 
the Mesas of Yillaverde (Malaga province). His view 
pievailed, and in the 1920s it was identified with a 
site excavated above the Hoyo de Chorro near the 
railway running from Cordova to Malaga via Bobadilla. 
This identification was accepted by Levi-Provencal 
[Hist. Esp. mm. i, 303 n. 1), and it lemains accept- 
able to some. It has, however, been challenged by 
J. Vallve Bermejo, who, aftei meticulous examina- 
tion of all available evidence, some of it new, has 
cogently aigued that the facts of the Bobastro cam- 
paigns as reported by oui souices point to a site 
much furthei to the south-east. This site, he sub- 
mits, is to be sought not far from the present Cortijo 
de Auta in the Sierra del Rey, north of Riogordo 
(Malaga province) and the name Bobastro to be seen 
in a toponym refolded in a 15th-centuiy source, viz. 
Postuero, otherwise Corral del Encina (Repartimiento 
de Comares). The origin of the name— which sur- 
vives in one form or another elsewhere in Spain — 
is very likely Iberian. 

During the anti-Umayyad lebellion, Bobastro 
was fiequently the scene of military activity, and 


cessor <Abd Allah tnec 
Subsequent attempts 
(280/894) and Aban 1241/904 and 

316/928 was Bobastro finallv subdued aitei a decade 
of slow but sure pohcv pursued bv 'Abd il-Rahman 
III So tai as ue can glean Bobastio theieafter 
lemamed an important Umay>ad garrison until it fell 
to the Berbers who defeated Muh mimad lis troops 
on the banks of the Guadiaro in 400/1010 loi the 
veais 1039 and 1047 we have passing references to 
Bobastro undei the Hammudid partv kings of 
Malaga and in 1147 we find it sheltenng al-Mmdis 
brotheis aftei a rising m Seville against the Almohads 
ho had ]ust occupied the titv Bv the 7th/ 13th cen- 

r il-Mimdhir died in 

(J40S XX 

1 1 3 Goldzihei 

Lt Inn de I 

In 278/891 his sut- 


al 15 fl) 

Anothei suggeste 

d oiigm is t 

the place but failed 



name of the pla 

let and godd 

his sons Mutamf 
id 294/907) to attnn 
o nothing Not until 


us Bidukht 

Kwo-Un ^^ 

& Hoffman 


ii>e aus ! 

nsihai iklai per 

iulu> Martv 

y Maknzi 
al anbna' 

hhitat 1324/1 

90b 1 8 T 
29— both 

t appears 
n lit. ratui 
South Ai 
ropei nar 

\ et the name 
abic became 

jsed theie 
mimne epi 

the fori 

V aph 

Ml the n 

tamed ,n J 

alhe Beimc|o Dt \m o sobn Bobastro 

in 41 indalu 

\\\ (19b5) 139-74 \pait from a 

studv of the 

boundaries of Ray>a loughlv Malaga 

piovince) th 

s monograph provides a good index 

of place-nam 

es ( J D Latham) 


aitificial tahsmanu wold formed 

elements of the 

Other groups of letters from that sc 
but not see geneiallv used e g 
togcthei ^lj g* jjk. Fiom some also 
squares are built up as a foui-fold on ^. 


eg Star, 


tompaiativelv minor pait but aftei it was taken up 
bv al-Ghazah and ( ited in his Munkidh nun al dalal 
led Cano 1303/1886, 4b 50 tr \\ Montgomery 
Watt Tht Jaitli and praam oj al Olta^ah I ondon 
'953 77 74-80) as an inexplicable but ceitain 

fat and was confused with the loot £ju lL.4 m 
484 sub C jb ) Othei standing in Arabic it does not 
hive Furthei when Buduh is associated with a par- 
ticular planet it is with Saturn [~uhal) and its metal 
is lead (Zaikaui Mqfatih 170) not coppei as \ enus 
would lequue Haidlv woithv ol mention is \ on 
Hammer s fancv that Buduh is one of the names of 
Allah I J4 1830 72) though it mav have a Turkish 
basis (and see too de Sacv below ) and the dei nation 
he suggests oi the ston told bv Michel Sabbagh to 
de Sacv [Chitst arab, m 3b4 ft) that it was the 
name of a pious mei chant whose packages and let- 
though that mav well be a 
ion In magical books there 
cases even ol persomfving the word le g la 
in al Path al tahmam bv Hadjdj Sa'dun 21) 
the populu mind Buduh has become a Djtnni 
'c seemed bv wiitmg his name 
imbeis 1/4 Sci 4 mi 521 ff 
(olloqmal Epptian 3b Doutte 
with hanum as though a name 
Ippn Eppt 387) The uses of 
nious to invoke both good and 
Doutte \op lit] against men- 
st puns in the stomach (229) 

sallv know 

)f difficu 

is the three fold talisman 
seal or table of al-Ghazih \al nakf al Utah 
al dxadnal al muthallath li I Oha all) and fma 
has become the foundation and staiting point 
the v\hole Science of Letteis ['dm al huiuf I 
Ghazah is said to have developed the foimula une 
divine inspiration ilham) from the combinations 

isnnns and it is inscribed a 
Ls (like habikadj) as a piesei 
aldfahl Tunis 1290 But b 



\I\ and \LII of the Km 'an and which bv them- 
selves are also used as talismans iReinaud \lonununh 
mumlmans n 23b) Foi the piocess see the Ua/utih 
alghayb ted Cano 1327/1909 170 ft) of Ahmad 
Musa al-Zarkawi a tontempotarv Egvplian magi- 
cian and on the sub]ect in generil the sixth and 
seventh Risalas in that volume Otheis trace the 
foimula back to Adam fiom whom it passed down 
to al-Ghazah (cf the al 'Inaya al rabbanna 44 
and al Avar al tabbanna lb of \usuf Muhammad 
al-Hindi an eailv 20th centuiv Lgvptian wnter 
on magic) In all this al-Ghazah s established rep- 
utation as a custodian of mvsticil knowledge and 
especiallv of the book al Djafr evidentlv plaved a 

25b \\ Alliens Studun 
da iraht, in hi 

W-ll E Wiede 

al Bun, 

i hi 


,a^lun Quadwten 
n |141Ki 94-7 G Beigstrasser ~u de; 
Quadiahn m hi xm (1923) 227-55 
n Tht dtaphernunt oj itubu talisman* n 
(1937i 100 ft \\ Pax Da ma^ih 
Sput>d da Spratht in Foisthune,ai urn 
\ni (1937) 380 Carra de \aux in 

dl IhlstoiH dlS 


s i il948) 20b- 

her ~u> Dtutun 

' des 

nia^iuhen Qiiadratt 


I in 

ZD\I(, cm (19 

H Hermehnk, habisthe magisihe Qimdratts mil 25 
Zellen, in Sudlioff s irtlm fur Gesihuhtt der Medizw 
xlm (1959), 351-4 (DB Macdonald*) 

BUFFALO [see djamus in Suppl] 
BUGHAT [see marid] 

BUK'A means etv mologicallv 'a patch of giound 
maiked out fiom adjoining land bv a difTeience in 
coloui etc ' 01 'a low-lving legion with stagnant 
water (see Lane, si) the latter sense is obviouslv 
at the base of the plmal Bika' [qi] to designate the 
(onginalh) marshv vallev between the Lebanon and 
\nti-Lebanon langes in Svna and doubtless at that 
of the name al-Bukas'a for a settlement near the 
Lake of Hims [q i] (see Le Strange Palestim under 
tht Modems, 352) Fiom these senses it acqunes the 
broader one of "piovince region tract of land' as 
in the classical Arabic geographers (for Mukaddasi 
31 tr Miquel 70 buk'a is a simple svnonvm for 
mtmdi') and this seems to ha\e been the farthest 
development of the teim m the Muslim West (see 
Dozv, Supplement l 103b, who registeis this latter 


, in the 

lal a 


Islamic world, buk'a acquned apparenth duimg the 
Saldjuk period the sense of 'dervish convent', 

pious, educational or chantable purposes" 
The transition heie in sense clearlv anses from the 
Kur'amc phrase al buk'a al mubaraka (XXVIII 30), 
traditionallv interpreted as 'the blessed hollow", 
the place where God spoke to Moses fiom the 
burning bush From Saldjuk times onwards buk'a 
appears in epigiaphic phiaseologv Thus an inscrip- 
tion of Yaghi-basan b Ghazi b Damshmand (537- 
60/ 1142-65) fiom Niksar and dated 552/1157-8 
describes the constiuction of a buk'a mubaraka, piob- 
ablv to be interpreted as a dervish convent (see 
M Van Berchem, Epigraphu dts Dtim\hmtndidts, in 
~A, \\Mi [1912], 87 = Opera minom Geneva 1978, 
u, 703 with further refeiences to CM. l Egyptt 

459, ; 

( Mint 

> 24) 

wise used in the Svro-Palestiman region from 
Avvubid times onwaids, eg in 595/1198 to 
describe at Jerusalem a school imaklab) onginalh 
endowed bv Saladin and Van Beichem noted that 
in this same cm, a Djami' al-Nisa' ad]acent to the 
Haram was still called al-Buk'a al-Bavda' perhaps 
horn its white tough-cast walls (CM, u Syne du 
Sud Jerusalem \ilh i/2, 110, 112 no 39, n/1, 130, 
no 17b) Some thiee-and-a-hall centuries later, we 
find the Ottoman Sultan Sulevman I described on 

maynua I buk'a al akdasma \ibid i/iTlil no 45) 
In these instances, there still appears to be an 
ambivalence of meaning with the double sense of 
the land on which the building stood and that of 
the building itself, one intended foi icligious or 
chantable uses 

Nevertheless, in the Turco-Iraman world the 
connection of the term buk'a with dervish convents 
and with mausolea, especially those of Sufi 

440/967 104% Wukliehkeit und Legendt, Tehran-Liege 
1976, 305, n 75, 310 and n 115) B O'kane has 
gathered together instances of buildings described 

uallv 1 


in legion (after the Danishmandid instance, 
see above for the penods of the Rum Saldjuks and 
the Sd/iJi) and from the Iianian one (8th-<W14th- 
15th centuries extending as far eastwards as the 
Tfrnund Shah-i Zinda in Samaikand) and has noted 
that the term seemed eventuallv found more favour 
in those legions than in the Arab one, see his 
Taybad Turbat i Jam and Timund taultmg in Iran 
Jnal of tht Bull ' ' " " ' 


i the a 

Bibliography give 

(CE Bosworth) 
BUKRAT Hippocrates the most famous phvsi- 
cian of antiquitv was born ta 460 B C on the 
island of Cos, and died ta 375 in Lanssa iThessah 
He sprang fiom the Asclepiads, an old native familv 
of phvsicians where the name Hippociates occurred 
repeatedlv \lreadv in antiquitv he was considered 
an exceptional and model phvsician This piestige 
was due to Galen [see djalInus] in the first place 
who brought to its culmination the 'Hippocrates- 
revival" which had started in the 2nd centurv AD 
and thus determined the image of Hippocrates foi 
the whole period to come, in Islam as in Europe, 
Hippocrates became the svmbol of 'the Hue phvsi- 
cian It is the moie astonishing that hardlv am of 
the mam wntings transmitted under his name can 
be traced back to him with full certaintv Dependent 
' " ' jf this "Coipus 


. but i 

,t bO 

•r theii 

architectural form and plan, would always be felt as 
"blessed places" in the Kur'anic sense. In the 
biography of the SufT Shaykh Abu SaTd al-Mayhani, 
the Astat al-tau.hld of Muhammad b. al-Munawwar 
(wntten in the last quarter of the 6th/12th century), 
buk'a, in one place buk'a-i az khayr, is synonymous 
with khdnakah [q i ] in the sense of "dervish convent" 
(ed Dhabrh Allah Saft, Tehran 1332/1953, 44, 
146, 331, ct. F. Meiei, Abu Sa'ld-i Abu l-Hayr [357- 

To the Arabs Hippocrates was well 
his name appears as Bukrat, with suppression ol 
the Greek ending like in Sukrat (Socratesi and 
Dimukiat (Demokntos) and also as Ibukrat and 
Abukrat The forms Ibukiatfs, Abukiatls, etc are 
older Svnac influence is still present in Hifukratis 

Theie is no lack ol biogiaphical information about 
Bukrat among the Arabs, the longest section is found 
mlbn AbrUsavbi'a 'Vyun al anba' i 24-33 Bukrat s 
teachers aie mentioned here (24 11 lb-17) his father 
Iiaklldis (Heiacleidesj and his giandfather Bukiat 
besides his lather, the ancient souices name also oth- 
eis like Herodicos ol Selvmbna (Paulv-Wissowa-Kroll 
Rial Entyklopadxe dir dass illeHummisstmihaft, viu 1912 
978 f) He is said to have lived up to the age of 
95 The Arab biographeis, to be suie, often present 
misleading information e g Ibn Abi VJsavbi'a lop at 
l 24, 11 22-i) savs that Bukiat was tiained on 
Rhodes Cnidos and Cos while Ibn al-Kitti (Hukama' 
ed Lippert 90 at the end to 91 1) makes him stav 
for a while in Firuha d e Bepota = \leppo in the 
text identified with Hims see also Barhebraeus 
Ta'nkh Mukhtasai al dtmal, ed Cheikho 85) and 
Damascus, both pieces of information perhaps mean 
no more than that Bukrat travelled far and wide, 
as was already known in antiquity. On the other 
hand, one may assume that the Arabs retained scat- 
tered biographical data which are not found else- 
where. They were also right in stating that the Corpus 
Hippocratium does not go back to one single author 
and that there have been several physicians of this 
name: the mathematician Thabit b. Kurra names 
four Bakdrita or Bukratun ("Hippocraticians", one 
might say), the first of whom (in fact the second) 
would have been the famous Bukrat (Ibn al-Nadim, 
Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 293 f.; Ibn al-Kiftl, op. at, 100). 

The \nbs ilso kntw about the unconfiimed si 
ment of Gilen ictording to which Hippoci 
declined a lunitive otter ot \rtaxeixes I to c 
to the Peisian court (P Bachmann in \4J\C P 
Hist Kl 1%5 20 f 


f the 

allcgedh w is the tirst to found a hos 
pital llbn \bi Usivbi'a i 27 II I 2) Evidentlv 
the Hippocratir oith wis also known to the 
Muslims nituiallv in i somewhat diffeient form 
it can be found in Ibn Abi Usavbi'a i 25 t ind 
has been tunshted bv F Rosenthil Das Fortleben 
del hitike mi Islam Zunch 1965 250-2 But Buki a 
wis ldmired not onlv as the gieat phvsicim but 
ilso as the mastei ot ilchemv istiologv ind m igic 
(M Ullminn Du \atu, mid Cthtimuisstnsehafltn mi 
Islam Leiden Gologne 1472 155 288 t 389) is, 
such he give his name to the h indbook ot 
Hellenistic migic which has become 1 imous and 
notorious undei the n ime Puatm (distorted horn 
Bikiatis Hippoci ites ) 

cannon of Hippocntic writings coincides with the 
Greek one We would piobabK have more ittu 
rite inform ition it hid come down to us G Jen s 
work now lost tltpi tcov yvncncov kou voGcov 
[jijioKpaxoui, CTuyypanuaTCov which existed in Ishik 
b Hunavns translation as kitab ft kutub Bubal al 
mhiha ia ghaxr al sahiha (G Beigstusser Hunain ibn 
Ishaq ube, du svisthen mid arabisehen Calm I bout un 
gin in 4AU xvn/2 Leipzig 142} no 104) \\t 

ous size The fust to be mentioned is the valuible 
survev of the tollowing 10 woiks ,a 259/972 com- 
piled b\ the historian al i a'kubi iTa'nkh ed 
Houtsmi i 107 29 A al Fits id Acpopiauoi A al 
Buldan ia I nmah ia lahina Ikpt a£pcov u8cctcov 
xoTicov A \Ia al ska'ir rkpi imcavnc, A TaUimal 
al man/a npoyvcoatiKov A al Djanm tl^pi yovn^ flepi 

flEpi cpuaios avGpcojiou A al Chidha Ikpi tpocpni, 
A al isabi rkpt £p5oita8cov A htdja al msa 
iruvaiKEta cf however M Ullmann "un sfiatan 
tikt kommmtare ^u del hippokratisthtn Sthnji Di mm 
bis mulubnbus in Utduin lustonsilus Journal xn 
[1977] 245-b2) A Abiejhimna EjuSnuiai This text 
has a specific \ Jut in so far as i a'kubi has added 
more or less detiiled indices to six ot these titles 
so that then identification tan bt issured thiout,h 
comparison with texts that hate been preseited 
(cf M khmioth ibn du his ug, aits jieelu 
sehen Scknftstellan bti al Ja'aubi in ~DMC xl [1886] 
189 20 5) 

■\nother canon of 10 works ill commented upon 
b\ Gilen is given b\ Ibn al-Nadim Fihrisl 288 
who also names the tianslatois Thev partlv coin 
cide with those given above but instead of A \la 
al sha'ir A al Djamn A al Chidha A al isabi' ind 
A 4ud}a' al mm' we find here A al'Ahd Opko s 
A al Amrad al hadda ITepi Statini, o^ecov A al Kan 
nepi cryucoY A al Akhlat Ilepi %\>yi&v ind A 
hatatnun (read hattatn\un\ Keel inxpEtov 
Birhebiaeus {Duual ed C heikho 35l nimes 9 
Hippocratital works ill of which appeir in both 
of the inventoiies given above while there is idded 
the A Shig^ad^ al ra's IlEpi tcov ev KEcpaXn xpcotia 

the manusci 

lpts as 

well is 

in the lists of titles it 

cinnot alwi 

\s be 


ed with certaintt who 

weie the \ 

of the woiks In am 

tise Huni\ 

n b Ishak and 

his school weie it the 

head But 

entoiv of tianslitions 

trom Hippc 

crates s 


diawn up b\ Huna\n 

is the 

his translations from 

G liens wn 

extiemeh fiequcnth 

quoted b\ 

the \i 

lb phv 

icnns The following 

woiks of the -\iabi 

s have been published 

so lai 1 A 

// Thi 

Aphorisms of Hippoe rates 

transited u 

to \ri 

bic bv Honain Ben Ishik ed 

] Tvtle, C 

A Takdimat al ma'nfa 

ed M Klar 


xl (188b) 204 l 1 , 3 

A Tadbir a 


al hadda 

Hippoe rates legimtn in 

mull disease 

s ed 

and ti 

MC L\ons [habit 

Ttihnual and Seitnti 

fit Texts 

il Cambndge 1 9hb 

4 Kahuhm 

n Hipp 

In the Surge,) ed ind 

ti In L\on 

s ubid 

in) C 

ambndge 1968 5 A 

Habal 'ala 

aba! Hippoaah 

On suptifottatwn ed 

ind ti JN 

M itto 

rk \ibid 

in) Cambridge l')b8 

(ct Ullman 

n Du 

Iberliefeiung da hip 



De sup 

Relatione in Sudhof) 

behu Km 



b A Tabi at al insan 


n the na 

an ed and ti Mittock 

ind Lvons 

v) Cm 

bridge 1968 7 K j 

/ ami ad al 



alts on endemu disease 

and pla 

«s> ed 

and ti Mittock ind 

L\ons ahid 

\| Cir 

196') 8 A Ji I Uhlal 

Hippouahs de humor 

bus ed 

and ti Mittock lihid 

\il Cambridge 197 

9 A 

di alimtnto 


ind tr 

MaTtock ubid vi) 

C imbridge 


A a 

idimna Hippotrates on 

tmbnos tOn 

the span 

tht Mature of the thld\ 

ed ind trai 

si MC 


and J N Mattock {ibid 

, be joined the 

ind woiks of Hippoe 

together bv M Ullmann Du Mtdi in im Islam 
Leiden C ologne 1970 25-35 and F Sezgin G4S 
in Leiden 1970 23 47 Further importint are 
M Stcmschneidei Die mab I herself 

i 298 3 

The b 

Ibn \bi Usai 
\iound 30 of them 

most detuled c 

H Diels Du Hi. 
pait Hippobates lend Caltnos in Abh P, 
Phil -Hist Kl (1905) \bh in G Ben 
Hunmn ibn Ishal tend seme St huh Sp,ath 
era^tsihithtluhe Intasuchun^tn „h den t 
Hippokratts und Calm Lbeis-eKungtn Leiden 
H Rittei and R Ualzei habistht I btrstt^u 
gritthistha h It in Stambuler Bibhothtktn in S 
U It Phil -Hist Kl (1934) xxvi -Gene 


consideied luthentic h 

L Leclc 


His to 

i medetu 

1 6 Handbm h 

dtr Gtse 

uhte del \Iedui 

Th Pusihma 

1.1 hg v 

in M Neuburge 


undj. Pagel, i, Jena 1902, 196-268; P. Diepgen, 
Geschichte der Medizin, i, Berlin 1949, 77-94. 
(A. Dietrich) 

AL-BULAYTI [see AL-BALATI, in Suppl.]. 

BULBUL SHAH, SUji saint of mediaeval 
India. Bulbul Shah, whose ieal name was Sayvid 
Sharaf al-Dm, was a Musawi Sayyid and a disciple 
of Shah Ni'mat Allah Farsi, belonging to the 
Suhrawardiyya order. He entered the Valley of 
Kashmir in the reign of Radja Suhadeva (1301-20) 
from Turkistan with 1,000 fugitives, fleeing before the 
Mongol invasion. Rincana, a Ladakhi prince, who 
seized power from Suhadeva, possessed an inquisitive 
and a restless mind and was dissatisfied with both 
Buddhism, his own religion, and Hinduism, the 
religion of his subjects. Having come into contact 
with Bulbul Shah, and learning from him about Islam, 
he was so much impressed by its teachings which, 
unlike those of Buddhism and Hinduism, were sim- 
ple and free from caste, priesthood and ceremonies, 
that he became a Muslim and adopted the name of 
Sadr al-Din on the advice of the saint. The next 
person to embrace Islam was Rawancandra, Rin- 
cana's brother-in-law; and according to one tradition 
Bulbul Shah was able to conveit nearly 10,000 peo- 
ple to his faith. 

Rincana built for Bulbul Shah a khanakah [q.v] on 
the bank of the river Jehlam and endowed it with a 
number of villages, from the income of which a lan- 
gar (free kitchen) was opened. Bulbul Langar has dis- 
appeared, but a quaiter of Srinagar, bearing the name 
of the hospice still exists. Rincana also built near the 
hospice a mosque, the fust evei to have been built 
in Kashmir. It was destioyed by fire, and a smaller 
mosque was built in its place. Bulbul Shah died in 
728/1327 and was buried near it. 

Bibliography: Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under 
the Sultans, Calcutta 1959; R.K. Parmu, History 
oj Muslim rule in Kashmir, Delhi 1969; Mufti 
Muhammad Shah Sa'adat, Bulbul Shah Sahib (Urdu), 
Lahore 1360/1941; Hadjdjr Mu'In al-Din Miskin, 
Ta'nkh-i Kabli, Amiitsar 1322/1904. 


l Has 

al-BUNI, Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad 
al-Kurashi al-SCfi Muhyi 'l-Din (variants Taki 
al-Din, Shihab al-Din), Arab author who wrote 
around forty works on magic. Hardly anything is 
known about his life; the date of his death (622/1225) 
was found by the present writer only in HadjdjT 
Khalifa [Kashf al-zunun, passim, cf. Kahhala, Mu%am 
al-mu'alhjin, ii, 26; Bagdath Ismail Pasa, Hadiyvat al- 
'anfin, i, 90 f). H